Japan believes that China has used this pandemic as a blank cheque to act as an aggressor while the world battles Covid-19. It expressed its displeasure over China’s recent moves in Galwan Valley and Hong Kong’s new security law.

The US deployment comes after Beijing’s People’s Liberation Army Navy conducted military drills in the contested waters, provoking a sharp reaction from neighbouring states and Washington.

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Naypyitaw (Myanmar), July 3, 2020: The confrontation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) between India and China is the result of Beijing wanting to punish New Delhi for rejecting the multinational infrastructure programme — Belt and Road Initiative — and has nothing to do with the border dispute between the two countries, according to a veteran Swedish journalist.

In an interview to The Irrawaddy, Bertil Lintner said that China is taking advantage of the coronavirus pandemic, flexing its muscles in the Indo-Pacific region with a new security law in Hong Kong, Chinese fighter jets entering Taiwan’s airspace, the ramming of Vietnamese and Philippine fishing boats in the disputed South China Sea, a month-long standoff between a Malaysian oil exploration vessel and a Chinese survey ship in the same waters, and an open confrontation with the Indians along the LAC.

“First of all, the confrontation along the LAC between India and China has nothing to do with the border as such, if it should be on this or that barren rock in an uninhabited area,” he said.

“It is a question of strategic rivalries between Asia’s two giants and, more specifically, China’s wanting to punish India for rejecting its multinational infrastructure programme, the BRI, and show the neighbours who rule the roost in the region,” he added.

China wants to become the world’s leading superpower, and those aggressive postures and the more “benign” BRI are part of that long-term strategy, he said.

Tensions have been escalating along the LAC since May. The Chinese and Indian troops had engaged in a number of confrontations along the LAC.

The border tensions between India and China heightened after 20 Indian soldiers lost their lives in a violent face-off in Galwan Valley on June 15-16 after an attempt by the Chinese troops to unilaterally change the status quo during the de-escalation. Indian intercepts revealed that the Chinese side suffered 43 casualties including dead and seriously injured in the face-off.

When asked about Myanmar China Economic Corridor (MCEC), Litner said that the passage holds more importance to China because it can help Beijing in controlling the insurgents in Myanmar as well as playing a role in domestic politics.

“CPEC is also located in westernmost China, far from the country’s industrial centres. Therefore, the Myanmar-China Economic Corridor is far more important to China. There, they can control the insurgents as well as playing a role in domestic politics. The Ruili-Muse border crossing is much closer to China’s industrial centres and major cities than CPEC,” Litner said.

On the importance of the ASEAN grouping at the time when China is flexing its muscles in the region, the journalist is of the view that the group has no common policies and there is actually minimal cooperation between its member states.

This divergence of political systems and views makes it impossible for ASEAN to agree on its most fundamental principle — consensus, he said.

NEW DELHI:Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived in Leh on Friday morning to review the situation 18 days after a violent faceoff in Galwan Valley in eastern Ladakh with the Chinese forces, in which 20 Indian soldiers lost their lives.

Modi reached one of the forward locations in Nimu and has interacted with personnel of the Army, Air Force and ITBP, sources said. Located at 11, 000 feet, this is among the tough terrains, surrounded by the Zanskar range and on the banks of the Indus.

The Galwan clash occurred at the south bank of the river, which flows in an east-west direction before its confluence with Shayok river on June 15.

The Chinese side has not yet revealed the number of casualties on its side.

It was the first casualties faced by the Indian Army in a clash with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army since 1975 when an Indian patrol was ambushed by Chinese troops in Arunachal Pradesh.

A knee jerk disruption in trade ties will hurt Indian businesses, especially at a time when the economy is beginning to re-adjust to the new normal of Covid-19.

China’s mishandling of the coronavirus pandemic in its initial stages, resulting in global health crisis and the resultant economic distress had already generated a backlash worldwide against the Chinese Communist Party. Demands for a complete boycott of Chinese products that have risen in India from time to time in the past have only become stronger in recent months. Even before Indian and Chinese militaries started squaring off across the LAC, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was suggesting that the biggest lesson from the Covid-19 pandemic was the need to become self-reliant though New Delhi had been underlining that this call for Atmanirbhar Bharat was in no way a call for protectionism and was certainly not directed towards any other country including China. However, there has been a concerted attempt by India to reduce reliance on Chinese imports as well as investments in recent months. And after the border crisis erupted, it has been quite clear that all gloves are off and India will be considering all possible options on the table, including seriously limiting trade and commercial ties with China.

Also read: Will give a befitting reply if anyone casts an evil eye on India: Ravi Shankar Prasad

In the last few days, Indian railways has terminated a Rs 470 crore contract to a Chinese firm for signaling works in UP that had been given to a Chinese firm and Bharat Sanchar Nigam (BSNL) and Mahanagar Telephone Nigam (MTNL) have been asked by the government not to use Chinese equipment for the upgradation of their 4G facilities. India has also gone ahead and banned 59 Chinese apps, including the popular TikTok, ShareIt and UC Browser, terming them “prejudicial to sovereignty, integrity and national security.”

New Delhi is reportedly making a list of alterative suppliers of critical components which India can’t manufacture and can be used as substitutes for Chinese imports. The Confederation of All India Traders (CAIT) is calling for reducing imports from China to $13 billion by December 2021 from $70 billion in 2018-19. With China’s share in Indian’s total imports being around 11.8% and Indian exports to China barely 3%, India’s trade deficit with China has been a persistent problem. On the investment front, Chinese investment has been growing with around $4 billion investment in Indian start-up sector since 2015.

A knee jerk disruption in trade ties will likely hurt Indian businesses and the Indian poor the most, especially at a time when the economy is beginning to re-adjust to the new normal of Covid-19. Even as India is trying its best to emerge as a global investment destination and global supply chains gets re-jigged, it will be some time before the sheer scale of China can be expected to be matched. New Delhi has been right to focus on developing its own manufacturing capacities but it is not going to happen in the short to medium term. It’s a long term sensible goal for Indian policy-makers to pursue but it won’t change the operational realities in the short term. A blanket ban on Chinese imports will not only derail the nascent recovery post Covid-19 but will also challenge Indian aspirations to emerge as a manufacturer of finished goods. It is precisely because of this that transport and MSME minister, Nitin Gadkari, is urging for a quick release of Chinese imports held up at Indian ports as this would severely impact Indian businesses.

There is also the issue of India as a responsible global player. As a nation that has often argued that playing by the rules of the WTO is essential of global economic stability, any arbitrary trade behaviour on its part will jeopardise its diplomatic campaign to target China as the great disrupter. New Delhi, of course, can’t be prevented from cutting off economic ties with China if and when hostilities between the two escalate but that is likely to be a measure of last resort.

Also read: India can’t afford to be defensive against China like it has been with Pakistan on terror

In the short to medium term, therefore, a complete economic break with China is neither desirable nor necessary. Instead, New Delhi should use the threat of an escalated trade and economic conflict as a lever to continue to keep China on tenterhooks. In a relationship which is devoid of substantive leverage, every possible measure should be exploited with due consideration. Just as military confrontation has a logic of its own when it comes to escalation, an economic confrontation should not be presented as a fait accompli but as another step in a ladder which New Delhi should seem ready to climb.

There is no doubt that India has to reduce its economic dependence on China in the long term, but in the short to medium term a more sectoral walling off from China should be used to signal India’s seriousness of intent. With its recent actions, China has clearly signalled that it doesn’t value its economic ties with India. New Delhi’s response should not be driven by the immediacy of emotion but by the long term need of building its own economic sinews so that it can manage to sit at the core of the post-Covid-19 global economic order.

Professor Harsh V Pant is Director, Studies and Head of the Strategic Studies Programme at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. Views are personal.

The article was first published on the Observer Research Foundation Website.

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The Indian side is preparing itself for the possible long term deployment in the Galwan valley and other areas where the Chinese have deployed heavily along the LAC.

The Chinese side seems to have come prepared for the deployment as their troops deployed in the Galwan river valley bed are wearing water-proof clothes which allows them to step in the icy water there. “There is a need felt for specialised clothing for deployment alongside the river with ice-cold water as the water flow has increased in the river with the rise in temperature,” sources told ANI.

The Chinese side which has made camps all along the Galwan river valley up to near the Indian Patrolling Point 14 has come with specialised clothing where the lower portion of the combat dress is made up of waterproof material which allows them to step into the water, the sources said.

The Galwan river after originating from Aksai Chin passes through the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and merged with the Shyok river near Indian PP-14.

Earlier also while patrolling the area from KM-120 post to the PP-14, Indian security men had to step inside the river water which would wet their shoes, they said.
Sources said the special clothing with Chinese could have helped them in avoiding a higher number of hypothermia casualties during the Galwan valley clash on June 15 with Indian soldiers.

The Indian side is also preparing itself for the possible long term deployment in the Galwan valley and other areas where the Chinese have deployed heavily along the LAC.

All along the LAC from the Ladakh sector to Arunachal Pradesh, the Chinese Army has done heavy deployments and not showing any signs of thinning down despite holding talks at multiple levels with the Indian agencies.

The Chinese buildup had started around May 4 almost two months ago when they marched along the LAC to multiple points including the Finger area, Galwan valley, DBO sector, PP-15, Hot Springs and Ghoghra.

The Chinese have also been fortifying their positions and troops’ strength in areas where they have come and it is being perceived that they are using the time in talks for building up further.

Also read: Shut up and put up — What Chinese companies in India should do as Galwan crisis continues

In the battle of Bum La and Nuranag of 1962, the regiment played a crucial role in the fight against the Chinese. The regiment also participated in World War I and II.

It was 100 years ago on 29 June that four oldest artillery batteries in British India — 22 (Derajat) Mountain Battery (Frontier Force), 5 (Bombay) Mountain Battery, 4 (Hazara) Mountain Battery (Frontier Force) and 7 (Bengal) Mountain Battery — were grouped to raise the artillery regiment as part of the then British Indian Army at Peshawar in present day Pakistan.

The regiment was initially named 8 Pack Artillery Brigade, but later renamed as 22 Mountain Regiment. The number 22 was taken from 22 (Derajat) Mountain Battery.

Lieutenant Colonel Alan Gordon Haig was designated as the first commandant, Army sources said, explaining the history of the regiment.

While the regiment has participated in World War I and World War II, besides others, one war that stands out, in which it took part, is the 1962 one with China.

“In 1962 war, the accurate fire by the regiment in battle of Bum La, defeated numerous Chinese attacks in support of 1 Sikh,” an Army officer said, adding that the men of the regiment engaged the enemy accurately in battle of Nuranag, including close-range direct engagements of enemy along with 4 Garhwal Rifles.

This is regarded as one of the fiercest defensive actions in the 1962 war.

“The regiment also fought hand to hand combat in the battle of Bomdi La against the belligerents. Twenty gallant men of the regiment, including three officers, were killed in action in this war,” the officer said.

Also read: 61 Cavalry isn’t just a ceremonial Army regiment, it played key role in Pakistan standoff too

Participation in 1965 and 1971 wars

In the 1965 war, the famous battle of ‘Ichhogoil Canal’ was fought under the leadership of Major General Mohinder Singh, Military Cross, first Indian Commandant of the regiment. He was awarded with Maha Vir Chakra during the 1965 operations.

During the 1971 war, the fire power of the regiment proved decisive in numerous battles, including the battle of Madhumati river and raid of Dhopakali. The war in Eastern Theatre commenced with the salvo fired by 7 (Bengal) Mountain Battery, as part of the regiment, the sources said.

In the period after 1971, the regiment has effectively conducted numerous counter-insurgency and counter-terrorist operations in Northeast, and Jammu and Kashmir.

Also read: Army plans to expand roles for elite special and airborne forces known for surgical strikes

The S-400 is capable of destroying incoming hostile aircraft, missiles and even drones within a range of up to 400 km. It has a tracking capability of nearly 600 km.

New Delhi: India’s S-400 Triumf air defence system is currently in production in Russia and will undergo a series of trials before its arrival in the country by the end of 2021.

Sources said amid tensions with China at the Line of Actual Control in Ladakh, Russia will supply certain kinds of missiles and bombs for the Indian Air Force and the Army as part of emergency procurement.

Sources also said during the recent visit of Defence Minister Rajnath Singh to Russia, a review of all defence contracts signed and those in pipeline was done.

Diplomatic sources said India has sought emergency delivery of quite a few items.

They said India is aware that according to the contract, the delivery of the S-400 system would begin within 24 months from the payment of the first tranche of the $5.2-billion dollar deal.

Sources said even though the contract for the system, which will be India’s air defence umbrella and the main pillar of the Indian Air Force’s defence grid, was signed in October 2018, the payment took time because both countries had to find a way around the US sanctions against Russia.

Initially, it was expected that the first of the five S-400 systems will start coming in by the end of 2020. Following this, the rest of the four systems will be supplied over a period of four years.

“The production process involves a lot of computing and coding, which is very specific to the requirements of a particular customer. There are series of tests that are conducted, which are also followed up by training. The production can’t be simply sped up,” a source said.

Also read: Covid-19 pandemic won’t affect S-400 deliveries: Indian Ambassador in Russia

According to govt figures, April, May and June (as of 25th) have seen 387, 382 and 302 ceasefire violations, respectively — a three-fold rise since 2018.

New Delhi: India is keeping a close watch on Pakistan’s military activities as a massive rise in ceasefire violations has been witnessed at the Line of Control (LoC) this summer, even as a standoff continues between India and China at the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

According to available government data, the months of April, May and June (as of 25th) have seen 387, 382 and 302 ceasefire violations, respectively, this year. In the year-ago period, the respective numbers were 234, 221 and 181.

Compared to 2018, the violations are up nearly three-fold, with the corresponding figures at 176, 104 and 19, respectively.

The full-year ceasefire violation count was 3,168 in 2019 and 1,629 in 2018. In just six months this year, the LoC has already seen 2,215 violations.

Army sources told ThePrint that security forces on the LoC are active and the areas there have been under strict surveillance.

“The counter infiltration grid has been effective and infiltrations (which peak during summer months) have reduced substantially. Also, the terrorists are running out of weapons. The OGW (over ground worker) network has been compromised,” an Army source said, adding that the summer strategy has been effective.

“The LoC remains the priority area,” the source added, given that troops deployed in the Valley continue to remain there and the build-up on the LAC has been from the other reserve formations.

Also read: India, China repeat calls for phased de-escalation in 3rd round of corps commander talks

Summer strategy

The summer strategy involves redeployment of troops who are already present in Jammu and Kashmir, explained the Army sources.

Along the LoC, there are four divisions but they have got enhanced strength this summer with additional battalions and brigades. In addition, there are five Rashtriya Rifles divisions and reserve formations, which are deployed in the hinterland of J&K.

“Due to the terrain and heavy snow in winters, certain troops pull back from some posts and occupy the lower heights during winter and are staged forward on the LoC as the snow melts,” a second Army source said.

“Infiltration is difficult during the winters in the areas north of Pir Panjal, while in the Rajouri-Nowshera belt, there is an all-season scope for infiltration. In summers, the troop moves to the higher reaches in areas north of Pir Panjal, to dominate the routes of infiltration and effectively patrol the LoC,” added the source.

Data shows 47 terrorists have been killed in J&K until 29 June, while 18 and 28 terrorists were killed in May and April.

Also read: 118 militants, 11 of them Pakistanis, killed in 6 months, 48% dip in recruitment: J&K Police