Sanjha Morcha

Army funds crunch dulls OROP shine

NEW DELHI: In the defence sector, the Modi government has held up its end of the bargain in some areas but its efforts have fallen short of expectations in others during the last four years.

AJAY AGGARWAL/HT ARCHIVE■ Prime Minister Narendra Modi greets then President Pranab Mukherjee at the swearing­in ceremony in New Delhi.The government has delivered on a raft of bold promises such as the implementation of the one-rank, one-pension (OROP) scheme, initiating military reforms, dealing with cross-border terrorism with an iron fist, and prioritising the modernisation of the armed forces. However, budgetary constraints have slowed down its efforts to scale up the military’s capabilities although India still remains the world’s largest importer of weapons. Meanwhile, several Make in India projects are on the drawing board as a key policy that is supposed to serve as the template for cooperation between Indian and foreign firms to build high-tech weapons is yet to be finalised.

The government deserves credit for implementation of the OROP scheme in 2015 though some issues are still being resolved. Nearly three million ex-servicemen and widows have benefitted from the scheme.

On the modernisation front, the main projects concluded were a $8.7 billion deal for 36 Rafales, a $3.1-billion order for 22 Boeing AH-64E Apache Longbow attack helicopters and 15 Chinook heavy-lift choppers, a $2 billion deal for advanced surface-to-air missile systems from Israel, a $750-million deal for 145 ultra-light howitzers (M777) from the US, and a $720-million contract for 100 K9 VAJRA-T artillery guns.

The government inked a $100-million contract with an Indian firm this year for supplying 1.86 lakh bulletproof jackets to the army, a key battlefield requirement that should have been fulfilled years ago.

Projects that haven’t taken off as the Strategic Partnership model is still being finetuned include local production of next generation submarines, fighter planes, and helicopters.

The military is facing a funds crunch and it will be a challenge for the government to make sure adequate resources are available.

The army, for instance, is facing a shortage of ₹12,296 crore under the capital expenditure head.

India not only carried out surgical strikes in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir in 2016 but also claimed political ownership of the targeted operations.

The strikes demonstrated India’s hardened military resolve to the world.

In 2016, the government signed the longpending logistics exchange memorandum of agreement (LEMOA) with the US.

It sets down the guidelines for the armed forces of India and the US to share each other’s assets and facilities for repairs, maintenance, supplies and training on an equalvalue exchange basis.

The government brought out its Defence Production Policy-2018 in March, visualising India as one of the top five countries in the aerospace and defence sectors in the coming years, with defence goods and services accounting for a turnover of ₹1.7 lakh crore by 2025.

Another goal is to clock exports worth ₹35,000 crore by 2025.

“While a lot has happened during the last four years, a lot more needs to be done,” said Lieutenant General Subrata Saha (retd), director general, Society of Indian Defence Manufacturers, and Principal Adviser, CII.

“The Defence Procurement Policy-2016 is quite forward looking and its provisions seek to boost indigenisation. A new Defence Production Policy is in the works and has set clear and precise goals,” he said. “It is vital to have mechanisms in place to monitor what progress is being made on different fronts.”


100 years later, voices from WWI

Seventy-one recordings of Punjabi prisoners of war, held at the Half Moon Camp in Germany, are yearning to reach their loved ones

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Sarika Sharma

Ten years ago, voice of Mal Singh, a prisoner of war from the First World War, came to India. Held captive at the Half Moon Camp in Germany, the man was batting for hope, remembering the good times in India — the butter he would eat and the milk he would drink…. He was desperate to return home, but doubted if he ever would.As the voice reached Punjab 100 years after it was recorded at the Camp as an experiment, Mal Singh was traced to Moga after The Tribune highlighted it in a story. We got to know that he had made it back home after all, lived life fully, perhaps had the milk and butter he so longed for too, and died in the 1970s. His voice had been among the thousands of voice recordings at the Humboldt University’s Sound Archive, Lautarchiv, Berlin. Now, 70 more recordings of soldiers from what was the then Punjab have reached home, waiting to tell how they lived as prisoners in a war that they fought to earn a better living for their families. These soldiers were from 15th Ludhiana Sikhs, 47th Sikhs and 4th Gurkha Rifles, among others.The archive has now shared the voices with Col Perminder Singh Randhawa (retd) to understand these recordings from Indian point of view. Jochen Hennig, Central Collection Commissioner at the Humboldt-University, shared these voices as part of the commemoration of 100 years of the war. The ‘access’ has been given to all those who can understand their forefather-soldiers’ languages.The Indian soldiers, fighting the war under the British Army, were taken captive by the Germans at the Western Front. Around this time, Thomas Edison had come out with his latest invention, the wax-cylinder phonograph and the recording experiments were carried out on these soldiers. German scientists, who were awed by their “exotic”, “turban wearing” prisoners, were employing them in various experiments. Royal Prussian Phonographic Commission, founded in 1915, was one of them. The recordings were done under this project.Among the voices is a recording of Bela Singh, a soldier from Amritsar. In almost verse form, he speaks of how they came to the city of Marseille and were ordered to set out for the war, how they fought and how they were captured.There is a recording of Baryam Singh from Ludhiana. He says that when someone decides to do something with all his heart, he does it well. As if reading from a paper where he pauses to decipher the words (which may or may not have been written by him), he says he loves Hindustan because it is his land. He says no lure can buy him. His recording is peppered with the word ji, a word that denotes respect.Sepoy Sunder Singh begins his recording with Ek Onkar, a central tenet of Sikh religious ethos. Apparently referring to a copy of Guru Granth Sahib, which they seem to have been given in confinement, he expresses happiness that the Guru has blessed his ilk. He says that the only one thing that could bring him as much happiness would be a peace treaty. He adds that the Sikhs consider the Guru Granth Sahib a holy book and revere it more than anything else. It appears that the Guru Granth Sahib was not accompanied by Rumala Sahib, which hurt the sentiments of Sikhs in the camp. So while he begins by praising the Germans for providing them Guru Granth Sahib, he later says that if it is disrespected, a true Sikh will take his own life then and there. These are a handful of stories; there are around 70 more that are desperate to reach their loved ones in Punjab.Colonel Randhawa says the Germans kept the voices safe with them for a year, digitised these and have now decided to send these back to where the PoWs came from to understand their context. “Why did Mal Singh say what he said? What did it mean? They don’t have an answer? They want us to find out an answer? We must remember that this could have been their last testimony,” he says. For Colonel Randhawa, who has been translating and analysing these voices, these soldiers are like whistleblowers, who shared what went on in the camps, often in a veiled way. Mal Singh’s recording could well be reflective of the quality of food there.He rues the government has not taken any initiative to bring these voices to India and find out what happened to these soldiers. “Is the government ignoring the First World War story under pressure from Britain and others? Or are they scared of skeletons in the cupboards coming to the fore. These were not British soldiers; these were Indian soldiers. We fought the war, won it, won Victoria Crosses too, but what was happening behind the scenes, let that also be known,” he says. While Mal Singh’s voice was able to reach his family in Moga, Colonel Randhawa feels that voice of the other soldiers should reach their loved ones, some of whom might be in Pakistan today. Also, he says that there is no information on whether these soldiers returned home or not. He feels that while we are still commemorating the FirstWorld War, “Let us at least hear what they had to say. Let us see what lessons we can draw for the youth. These voices have been ‘seized’ for a hundred years. It is time we heard them now.”

The recording project

Founded in 1915, Royal Prussian Phonographic Commission was set up to record languages spoken by the PoWs. Around 30 scientists were involved in this project. With experts from the field of linguistics, musicology and anthropology, the commission recorded the different languages spoken by these PoWs. Under linguist Wilhelm Doegen, 1,650 recordings were made. In an article in 2011, Prof Britta Lange wrote that these scientists, mainly professors at Berlin University, asked the prisoners about their traditional songs and texts. For this reason, many of the gramophone recordings…. “contain legends, fairytales, fables, religious texts and chants from individual ethnic groups. Texts freely formulated by the prisoners themselves, describing their personal situation in the German prisoner of war camp, revealing details of their biographies or the force of war-time circumstance that brought them to Germany are more rare.”

Not lost

The Germans were meticulous in documentation. Along with each recording is a transcript of the script in Punjabi and in English. There is a page on biodata of the PoW in question in both English and German. It lists out details like name, birthplace, regiment, religion, languages known and date of recording.


Gen Rawat felicitates disabled soldiers

Gen Rawat felicitates disabled soldiers

General Bipin Rawat honours a disabled soldier in Lansdown on Tuesday. Tribune photo

Tribune News Service

Dehradun, May 1

General Bipin Rawat visited the Garhwal Rifles Regimental Centre at the Lansdown in Pauri Garhwal district. He paid homage to the martyrs of the Garhwal Rifles Regimental War Memorial and also laid foundation stone of a new administrative block of the centre and the new accommodation at Kotdwar.Felicitating disabled soldiers at a ceremony which was in consonance with army’s series of outreach programmes as part of ‘The Year for Disabled Soldiers’, hereiterated the Army’s commitment to work for the welfare of disabled soldiers. He also handed over cheques for Rs 50,000 each to the disabled soldier.Earlier, it was virtual homecoming for Army Chief, who, along with his wife Madhulika Rawat, visited his native Sain village in Pauri Garhwal district. General, whose visit to his native village was kept confidential, took the villagers by surprise, who turned up in large numbers to greet him.In his interaction with villagers, Rawat expressed his willingness to later settle down in his native village. 


Indo-Nepal joint military exercise at Pithoragarh

Tribune News Service

Dehradun, May 25

The 13-day Indo Nepal joint military exercise is set to begin in Pithoragarh district of Uttarakhand from May 30.Suryakiran-13, as the exercise has been named, will be see the participation by as many as 300 Army personnel from both India and Nepal. Anti-terror operations will also be part of the exercise that will conclude on June 12. The exercise will also lay focus on preparedness to meet disaster management challenges.Besides, the exercise helps in ensuring better understanding between the two armies apart from developing an expertise in jungle warfare and counter-terrorism operations, particularly in the mountainous terrains. The exercise also provides the two armies a platform to exchange experiences, ideas and skills.India and Nepal that share borders and are culturally linked have been conducting joint military exercises for long.


Rising crude prices a challenge by SK Khosla

This unusual rise makes retail prices of petroleum products in India the highest in South Asia. A permanent solution to this problem lies in the inclusion of auto fuels under the GST.

Rising crude prices a challenge

Rising Price: A petrol pump employee adjusts the price board at a fuel station. PTI

SK Khosla

Secretary, Chetna Manch Chandigarh

For the last over 10 days, there has been an unabated rise in the prices of petrol and diesel across the nation and Chandigarh is not the exception. On May 21, the prices of petrol and diesel were Rs 73.93 and Rs 64.86 per litre, respectively.Although the average basket of oil prices that India imports rose by $3 barrel, the NDA government had not raised the prices at the pump since April 24, thanks to the electoral compulsions ahead of the Karnataka Assembly elections. Just after two days of elections, the government started raising the petrol and diesel prices. The price of the petroleum products has the a cascading effect on the common man.For instance, the sagging spot rubber market bounced back dramatically this week from Rs 120 per kg to Rs 127 per kg and similar is the fate of a large number of other products. Briefly, the following factors are pushing up crude oil prices:

  • US sanctions on Iran
  • Political crisis in Venezuela
  • Instability in Libya and Iraq
  • Imminent public offering of Saudi Arabia-owned oil company Aramco
  • Lower supply from US shale oil basins
  • Increasing growth in demand from emerging markets.

Fortunately for India, its oil imports from Iran will not be affected by the US sanctions against the West Asian country.Besides, taxes are around 100 per cent of the “base price” and both the Union and the state governments have calculatedly kept petroleum products outside the GST purview and treat the two auto fuels as  milch cow. This unusual rise which makes retail prices of petroleum products in India the highest in South Asia is principally on account of the tremendous hike in mopping up revenues by the Union government through excise duties. The higher crude prices would not impact the Centre’s fiscal deficit much; it could have implications for the current account deficit and inflationary trend of economy in the country.In the last four years, from April 1, 2014, the excise duty on petrol has gone up from Rs 9.48 per litre to Rs 19.48 per litre as of now. This amounts to a hike of 105 per cent and 47.4 per cent of the retail price is going to the tax revenue collection. Similarly, the excise duty on diesel which was Rs 3.56 per litre on April 1, 2014 has now gone up to Rs 15.33 per litre. This again amounts to an increase of 330 per cent, while 38.09 per cent of the retail price is going to tax. Local levies on fuels vary from state to state.The following could be the solution and help reduce the oil prices:1 Permanent solution to this problem, however, lies in the inclusion of auto fuels under the GST. This move will unify cap taxes on petrol and diesel at a maximum of 28 per cent. However, this may not be possible, considering the BJP is in power in about 20 states. When it was the main national Opposition, the BJP made much of high fuel prices.2 Instead of mopping benefits of low oil prices to achieve fiscal deficit targets, the government should create a price stabilisation fund to protect consumers from the highly volatile international oil market.3 Rising oil prices and the strengthening of dollar are a cause of serious concern although India’s foreign exchange reserves are still at a healthy $417 billion. 4 It also affects the current account of the government in another way. When oil prices fell, it increased the duties on fuel and used the revenue from this to strengthen its own finances, keeping the fiscal deficit under control. The government has an internal target for oil prices above which it may cut excise duties on petrol and diesel to ease the burden on consumers. 5 At the same time, the states can also play their part by reducing their VAT on fuel. With excise duty, states get 42 per cent of collections through devolution. 6 Apart from all this, the government can take measures like rationing petroleum products, cut in consumption in government vehicles which are ruthlessly using this gold liquid to cut demand for crude. Also, public transport needs to be strengthened.On the one hand, people are being burdened with excise duty raised from time to time and on the other hand, the Union government willingly allows lakhs of crores of rupees as tax waivers to top corporates of the country. Still, the government is reluctant to slash the prices, but unless swift action is taken to address the situation, economics of growth will head towards a speed-breaker which may be a serious challenge before the nation.


Kargil war ammo mostly passed via Zojila

Kargil war ammo mostly passed via Zojila

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, May 19

In May 1999, the Indian Army had a war to fight — to evict Pakistani Army troops occupying several peaks on the Indian side of the Line of Control in Mushkoh, Drass, Kargil and Batalik — all located east of the Zojila on the Indian side of the Line of Control (LoC).The Kargil conflict ensued in the summer of 1999. The Army needed to move machines and ammunition across Zojila, an 11,500-ft-high mountain pass through which meanders an important road link between Kashmir and Kargil-Ladakh. The pass, located some 130 km east of Srinagar, is closed for six months. It normally opens in May-end after an engineering effort by snow-cutters.Former Army Chief General VP Malik (retd), in his book ‘Kargil: From surprise to victory’, describes the importance of Zojila: “More than 19,000 tonne of ammunition was moved, mostly across Zojila.” To put it in perspective, a truck can carry 8-10 tonne of ammo. It was done in summer, but in winter, the pass is under 20 ft of snow.Prime Minister Modi on Saturday laid a plaque to begin work on the 14-km-long Zojila tunnel at a cost of Rs 6,800 crore. It promises to provide all-weather connectivity between Srinagar-Kargil and Leh. It will cut down the time taken to cross the Zojila from the present three-and-a-half hours to just 15 minutes.Zojila’s military importance was first felt in 1948 during the first India-Pak war. Code-named Operation Bison, it was a defining tank battle to evict the Pakistan Army, which had moved in from Skardu-Drass axis to capture Zojila in February 1948.Stuart Tanks of the 7 Cavalry led the charge along with the infantry following closely to clear the vital mountain pass. It was finally re-captured in November 1948. Any hesitation to tackle Zojila at this juncture would have resulted in the loss of Leh and Ladakh.Without tunnels, the summer months are crucial as the road is used for stocking up food items, LPG cylinders, medicines, clothing, shoes etc, besides the Army’s own movement and the road-opening teams.During the winters, Army equipment and men can only be moved on board the daily flights of IL-76 from Chandigarh and in case of a war-like scenario, the air effort was the only option. COST Rs 6,800 CRORE


VITAL PASS AT 11,500 FEET

  • Zojila links Kashmir with Kargil-Ladakh
  • 130 km east of Srinagar
  • 6 months closed during winter and opens in May-end after an engineering effort by snow-cutters

THE TUNNEL

Length: 14 km

Target: All-weather connectivity between Srinagar-Kargil and Leh Relief: Will bypass Zojila and travel time will come down from 3.5 hours to 15 minutes


How Can The Political Class Begin To Redeem Itself? by Major General Mrinal Suman

The political class has come to be identified with everything immoral and decadent. Some suggestions on how it can begin to redeem itself.

 It is commonly said that cinema is a true reflection of popular thinking of society at large and villains have been an integral part of the Indian cinema since the beginning, However, their characterisation has been undergoing changes to conform to changing public perception. The iconic K N Singh lent a certain degree of sophistication to villainy, Ajit added wry humour and Amrish Puri some distinct mannerisms. But today, villainy seems to have become the exclusive domain of political leaders.

Nowadays, the moment a character in khadi and white cap appears on the screen, the audience recognises him as the chief villain. Worse, he is often shown occupying the coveted chair of home minister. He patronises criminal gangs, has corrupt police officers in tow and has no inhibitions in selling the country for money. He supports widows’ homes overtly but demands women covertly. He divides people by instigating religious riots. In short, he is depicted as the most unscrupulous and devious specimen of humanity. Interestingly, no political leader has ever contested such a projection.

One is reminded of two cartoons that appeared in the press in the wake of the terrorist attack on Parliament in 2001. One showed a terrorist dissuading another one from entering the main hall of Parliament to lob grenades, saying, “No, no, don’t kill Indian politicians. That will be a pro-India act.” Another cartoon showed Indian citizens rueing that the Pakistani terrorists had let India down, “They would have earned our gratitude by ridding us of a few politicians.”

In India, politics has come to be identified with everything immoral and decadent. It is often said that people get the leadership they deserve. But do Indians have a choice? When they go out to vote, the whole exercise gets reduced very often to voting for the lesser devil.

The Rot Starts at the Bottom

A municipal corporator is the fountainhead of corruption and catalyst of every single ill that afflicts India. His sole aim is to amass as much wealth in as short a period as possible. Even one tenure as corporator is good enough to cater for the next three generations.

A corporator encourages encroachment on government land to create vote banks. Proliferation of slums in all cities can be attributed to his political facilitation and protection. He takes money from illegal shops and vendors to save them from eviction. In some cities, corporators do not let the municipality supply piped water to certain areas so that water tankers owned by them remain gainfully employed. No development work can be carried out in a ward unless the contractor obliges the corporator.

As corporators control local vote banks, they are wooed by all political parties, both at the state and the central levels. An unholy quid pro quo nexus thus develops — the political party provides protection to the corporator for his illegal activities and, in return, the corporator delivers vital votes to the party.

Disregard for National Interest

Facilitation of illegal immigrants from Bangladesh has been the gravest anti-national mischief in independent India. As a result, immense damage has been done to the demography of Assam, with 30 Islamist groups thriving in the area. Worse, some political leaders assail those who demand a check on the ongoing influx.

To Indian politicians, vote bank politics preclude letting countrymen stay united. They generate innovative issues to divide the people to keep them embroiled in petty discords and internal dissensions. During the last elections in Gujarat, the poison of divisive politics was perfidiously injected into the social fabric. With consummate skill, parochial leadership was nurtured to generate dissensions amongst Patidars, scheduled castes and tribes and other backward classes, thereby dividing society for electoral gains.

Recently, a renowned advocate and a former law minister told a TV channel that shouting slogans for the destruction of the country is not debarred in the Constitution. Some political leaders extended their support to a delinquent student leader who seeks destruction of India. Comparing him with Bhagat Singh was by far the most perfidious act. Perhaps India is the only country that has the ignominious track record of producing home ministers who revelled in presenting Pakistan with anti-India ammunition. Similarly, alleging that the Batla House encounter in 2008 edia ecstatic. It keeps mocking India to date.

Some of our leaders display compassion for the stone-pelters of Kashmir who abet terrorism but never shed a tear for the hapless soldiers and policemen braving them. There seems to be no level too low for India’s politicians to stoop to.

Disdain for legislative bodies

India spends hundreds of crores of rupees annually to sustain central and state legislative bodies, the so-called “temples of democracy”. All political parties are guilty of lowering the image of these institutions. It is disgusting to see members storming the well of the house, displaying placards, shouting slogans and howling to prevent the house from transacting any business. And they have the brazenness to call such behaviour as their democratic right to oppose the government.

We elect leaders and give them tenure to fulfil the promises made to us and not to waste money from the national exchequer. But it is rare today to hear a member deliver a well-researched and articulated speech. Most of the time, the houses witness shouting and slanging bouts.

Attendance is woefully low. Most members spend time in the canteens rather than attend the sessions. Many members utilise the comfort of the house to get their forty winks as the droning and monotonous proceedings put them to sleep. It is revolting to watch leaders chewing tobacco in the house and even speaking with their mouths full with zarda. A vociferous opposition leader can hardly be understood with his mouth painted red with betel-nut. This is the example they are setting for younger generations.

Penchant for Unbecoming Behaviour

When Congress Member of Parliament Shashi Tharoor declares, “it’s safer to be a cow than a Muslim in India today,” he puts the whole country to shame. The world media flashes such headlines with sinister pleasure. India’s image takes a terrible beating. Hamid Ansari’s last interview as the vice-president was certainly malicious. After having enjoyed all the perks and privileges of office for 10 years (three years under the present government), his conscience troubled him only on the last day in office. His assertion that India’s Muslims are living with a “feeling of unease” and “a sense of insecurity is creeping in among them” was malevolent in intent and designed to damage India’s secular image.

We have witnessed our legislators misbehaving on aircraft, in trains, at toll barriers and other public places. Their arrogance and demand for special treatment are obnoxious. The images of a legislator sprinkling petrol in a government office and threatening to burn it down shocked the country. Thrashing of a senior bureaucrat for not acceding to the unreasonable demands of ruling legislators shows the depths to which the political narrative has sunk in India.

As politics has acquired the traits of a family business, the conduct of their progeny is equally disgraceful. Uncouth, foul-mouthed and ill-mannered school drop-outs are commanding wealth worth hundreds of crores of rupees through sheer muscle power and political patronage. Does it surprise anyone that not a single progeny of the current crop of political leaders has excelled in any scientific or academic pursuit?

Obsession with Personal Security

Unfortunately, the importance of a leader has come to be judged by the number of security men surrounding him. Hence, there is a competition to obtain the highest category of security. Over 60 per cent of the NSG (National Security Guard) commando strength is deployed on personal security duties. It is a loathsome sight to see goons masquerading as mass leaders surrounded by elite security personnel. In an interesting case, an absconding criminal was made a minister; the police that had been hunting for him earlier was tasked to provide security to him.

In an Indian state, the leader of one political party apprehends a threat from another party and demands government protection, while the leader of the second party seeks similar security fearing attack by the first party. Both leaders are provided state security. Most barefacedly, they join hands for electoral gains. Worse, most escorts are treated as personal attendants and asked to run errands. Threat to personal security is a facade to get a retinue at the state’s cost. There cannot be a bigger misuse of taxpayers’ money.

Similarly, provision of security to retired dignitaries should be purely threat-based and not as a matter of entitlement. Why should every retired president, prime minister, chief minister or other high-ranking appointment be provided elaborate state security as a matter of routine? Who would ever want to harm Manmohan Singh, Pranab Mukherjee and Pratibha Patil?

In any case, leaders who are paranoid about personal safety should avoid public life and shun politics. They should be ready to face threats as the common citizens do. People find it offensive when stopped for long periods by rude policemen to make way for the cavalcade of some egotistical leader. Thank god, an end has been put to the culture of flaunting red lights.

Undue Privileges

Members of the Indian legislatures are perhaps the most pampered lot. Interestingly, they are the only ones who have the powers to grant pay hikes and pensions to themselves. Such an arrangement makes a mockery of the principle of avoiding conflict of interest. All inter-party differences disappear when the issue of protecting their right to decide the entitlement and quantum of pension faces a challenge.

It takes a minimum of 20 years of service for a government employee to earn a pension. Our MPs become eligible for life-long monthly pension of Rs 20,000 even if they serve for just a day. However, those who serve for more than five years are entitled an additional sum of Rs 1,500 for every year in excess of five years. On the demise of an ex-MP, his spouse or dependent receives a family pension for life. State legislatures can never be found lagging behind in such pillage of the public money. Recently, the Tamil Nadu assembly hiked the salary of its members from Rs 55,000 to Rs 1.05 lakh per month and pension from Rs 12,000 to Rs 20,000.

One has heard of food subsidy for the deprived and the underprivileged sections of society. To subsidise food for the richest and the most privileged elite is an affront to basic human values. Under considerable public criticism, the Parliament House canteen recently hiked the rates of the dishes. Even after the price increase, a plate of dal costs Rs 5, roti Rs 2 and tea Rs 3.

Many unscrupulous characters rent out their allotted government houses to make a quick buck. Many leaders decline to vacate their accommodation after their entitlement gets over and have to be forcibly evicted. Another common stratagem is to hold on to the accommodation in the guise of a memorial for the departed leader. One odd room is used to house the household memorabilia of the deceased leader while the rest of the bungalow is merrily used by the extended family.

Way to Redemption

Understandably, no one joins politics for public service. It has become the most lucrative profession. In no other profession can so much be amassed in so short a time. Hence, all sensible and far-sighted parents want their children (especially if they are good for nothing else) to join politics. Parties are functioning as family fiefdoms to further the prospects of the progeny.

Political leaders believe in the ends and not the means. Only power matters. They bank on short public memory to remain in business. However, many optimists feel that all is not lost. They want to build strong public and media pressure, hoping that some sensitive leaders may get persuaded to introspect.

To start with, a moral code of conduct for politicians should be evolved jointly by all political parties. Leaders must be asked to behave in public in a befitting manner. They should demand no immunity for their unbecoming conduct. They must stop demanding special privileges and identify themselves with the common man. Any political leader who does not vacate the allotted government accommodation or misuses it should be publically named and shamed. Provision of security should be purely threat-based and not as a matter of perk/entitlement. It is for leaders of stature to set an example by voluntarily renouncing excessive security.

To ensure orderly functioning of the legislative bodies, it is essential that the unruly elements be prevented from entering the well of the house to disrupt proceedings. For that, why not erect a five-feet-high glass barricade around the well? It will segregate the chair and the secretariat from the rest of the house. There should also be a facility to switch off the microphones of the rowdy members. They can cry themselves hoarse while the house can transact its business. Many will consider the above suggestions to be too drastic; but then, extraordinary problems need radical solutions.

Most of us are sceptical about the likelihood of a change of heart amongst the political leaders; their track record hardly inspires confidence. However, one is hopeful that some elements of our political elite would certainly be feeling uncomfortable with the current standing of the political class. They must be yearning to redeem their credibility. Howsoever small their number may be, they can certainly initiate a movement to cleanse the system.

To end on an optimistic note, let us look at two encouraging developments. They provide a ray of hope. One, MP Varun Gandhi questioned the parliamentarians’ powers to increase their own salaries and recommended that economically advantaged MPs should forego their remuneration for the remainder of the current Lok Sabha. Two, MP Manoj Tiwari proposed deducting the salaries of MPs for their failure to engage in any constructive work and wanted the fair practice of no-work-no-pay to be followed. Even if a small segment gets spurred to introspect, the country may witness a change for the better.*****


US sanctions on Iran threaten vital India-Afghanistan Chabahar project

US sanctions on Iran threaten vital India-Afghanistan Chabahar project

The Indian-backed Chabahar port complex in Iran is being developed as part of a new transportation corridor for land-locked Afghanistan. AFP file

Washington/Kabul, May 20

US President Donald Trump’s decision to pull out of the Iran nuclear accord and re-impose sanctions on Tehran threatens to derail a project to help build Afghanistan’s economy, endangering a key goal of the US strategy to end America’s longest war.

The Indian-backed Chabahar port complex in Iran is being developed as part of a new transportation corridor for land-locked Afghanistan that could potentially open the way for millions of dollars in trade and cut its dependence on Pakistan, its sometimes-hostile neighbor.

Building Afghanistan’s economy would also slash Kabul’s dependence on foreign aid and put a major dent in the illicit opium trade, the Taliban’s main revenue source.

But Trump’s decision to re-impose sanctions on Iran and penalize financial institutions for doing business with Tehran is clouding Chabahar’s viability as banks, nervous they could be hit with crippling penalties, pull back from financing.

“President Trump’s decision has brought us back to the drawing board and we will have to renegotiate terms and conditions on using Chabahar,” a senior Indian diplomat said.

“It is a route that can change the way India-Iran-Afghanistan do business, but for now everything is in a state of uncertainty.” The White House did not respond to requests for comment.

Launched in 2016, the joint Iran-India-Afghanistan Chabahar project already was facing holdups. It has yet to see significant traffic apart from some containers of donated wheat from India, and the first shipments of Afghan dried fruit to India are not expected before July.

At least three contracts to build infrastructure at the port now have been delayed, with two Chinese companies and a Finnish group left hanging while bankers seek clarity from Washington before approving guarantees, a person close to the project said.

In addition, Afghan traders, who were hoping for an alternative to Pakistan’s port of Karachi, now find themselves cut off from funding and forced to rely on the traditional hawala money transfer system, which is insufficient on its own to transform an economy. Hawala is a trust-based system commonly used in Afghanistan that involves the movement of funds between agents in different countries.

“We know our correspondent banks would not let us pay for imports coming through that port,” said a senior executive at one major Afghan lender.

Chabahar is among a number of projects of transport and energy networks projects designed to boost Afghanistan’s trade and lay the foundations for a mining industry capable of exploiting its billions of dollars in untapped mineral reserves.

Bypassing the border with Pakistan, which last year was closed for some 50 days over various disputes, Chabahar is seen as a way for Afghanistan to consolidate its relationships with India and other regional powers.

“The only way to get India more involved” in Afghanistan’s economic development “is through Chabahar,” said Barnett Rubin, an expert with New York University’s Center for International Cooperation and a former adviser to the State Department and the United Nations. “Our Iran policy is headed for a train wreck with our Afghanistan policy.”

Foreign aid

Some 17 years after the US-led invasion to oust the Taliban from power, Afghanistan remains one of the world’s poorest countries, highly dependent on foreign aid.

Apart from illegal opium exports estimated at some $2 billion by the International Monetary Fund, its main products are dried and fresh fruits, and carpets, none of which amount to more than a fraction of the value of the drugs trade.

Initially Afghanistan would export agricultural produce – such as pomegranates and grapes – through Chabahar, utilizing a section of a road India paid for and then an extension to the Iranian border that New Delhi built, experts said.

Eventually, those exports could expand to mineral resources, something Trump has expressed an interest in gaining for US firms. For India, this would mean using a planned railroad to Chabahar to export iron ore from two tracts at the Hajigak iron mine in central Afghanistan that it won the rights to exploit, the experts said.

“The economic piece is really important to get a glimmer of hope for Afghanistan to move beyond a land-locked, poppy-based economy. We are now shooting that in the head,” said Thomas Lynch, a National Defense University expert and a former US Army officer who advised the chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff on South Asia policy.

“There is no other legitimate and reliable way to do that.

You can’t do it by air, you can’t do it through Pakistan because they just extort for everything they do,” said Lynch. “The lifeline runs through Chabahar.”

In addition, by hindering the development of Chabahar, the United States will leave Afghanistan dependent on Pakistan, historically its main trade partner and outlet to the world.

That would undermine another Trump goal of pressuring Islamabad to shutter Afghan insurgent sanctuaries on its side of the border and force the militants into peace talks.

Afghan officials have lobbied hard for exemptions to the sanctions for Afghan companies operating though Chabahar without success and are waiting for clarity from Washington.

“Now the uncertainty is that we don’t know what’s going to happen with Chabahar,” said Atiqullah Nusrat, Chief Executive of the Afghanistan Chamber of Commerce and Industry. “We haven’t heard anything so we have to wait and see what happens.” Reuters


A war without end by Hasan Suroor

A war without end

WAR WITHOUT END: The search for a political solution is being held hostage to rivalries and divergent interests.

Hasan Suroor

The Syrian civil war is in its seventh year with half a million people dead, an estimated 11 million (roughly half the pre-war population) displaced, and more than 75 per cent of the country’s economy destroyed. Syria is no longer even one country; and, given the myriad foreign interests involved, nor is it just “Syria’s war” any more. President Bashar al-Assad is still standing but is a much diminished figure, and locked in a grim battle for survival. It’s a catastrophe at every level – political, diplomatic, and humanitarian.And as for the future, even knowledgeable pundits admit they have no idea. For all the apparent flurry of “peace” initiatives, there’s no real movement towards a political settlement.”There’s no peace process going on, and I don’t see any endpoint. We’re in for a state of permanent uncertainty,” says Scott Lucas, Professor of International Politics at the University of Birmingham.

So, what’s going on?

To be sure, two high-profile parallel peace processes are underway – a UN-led process in Geneva, which has now been going on for six years with little to show for it, and another sponsored by Russia in tandem with Iran and Turkey. Dubbed the “Sochi initiative” after the Russian city where it was agreed, it, too, has UN backing, but like the Geneva process it has made little headway. The deadlock both at Geneva and Sochi has less to do with real issues at stake and more with divisions among Syrian opposition groups, mostly proxies for various international powers with competing agendas. Their relationship with each other is constantly fluctuating depending on the line from their international patrons; which then has a knock-on effect on the peace process. The search for a political solution is being held hostage to their rivalries and divergent interests.The other big factor for the stalemate is that the regime and the Opposition have contradictory expectations from any negotiations. And this is compounded by mutual suspicion and distrust. So, a process acceptable to one side becomes automatically unacceptable to the other. While Assad is suspicious of the Geneva process because it visualises a short transition period after which he may have to go, opposition groups are opposed to Sochi because it sidesteps the issue of Assad’s future.The opposition faction that’s proving to be particularly difficult is the UN-recognised Syrian Negotiation Committee (SNC). It’s refusing even to sit down for talks unless the removal of Assad is on the agenda. Its hardline stance on a “political transition minus Assad” as a precondition for participation is causing frustration as much among Assad’s allies as it is in western capitals, and especially at the UN. Its special envoy Staffan de Mistura, who is involved with both the Geneva and Sochi processes, has expressed concern that the SNC’s inflexibility is hindering an inclusive political settlement and has publicly chided it for boycotting the Sochi conference calling it a pro-Assad show intended to “supplant” the Geneva talks.Moves are afoot to go ahead with the decision taken in Sochi to set up a cross-party commission to draft a new constitution for a “democratic” Syria despite opposition from the SNC and its allies. De Mistura is trying to woo them with the assurance that that the 50-member commission would represent all shades of opinion, and not be confined only to those who attended Sochi. The SNC too would be invited to nominate its representatives, but nobody would have a veto on its composition. In other words, everyone will get fair representation but no faction, however big and irrespective of whose proxies they might be, would be allowed to derail the process. De Mistura has sought to allay opposition fears that it’s intended to “subvert” Geneva talks by holding out the promise of eventually merging the two processes. But so far he has failed to achieve a breakthrough.Five months since the Sochi conference, the deadlock continues while the situation on the ground is steadily worsening with Israel jumping into the fray ostensibly to counter Iran. Prof Scott likened De Mistura to a man “wandering in a desert” and hoping that something will turn up. The fact, he says, is that the UN itself is deeply divided and being pulled in different directions with few takers for De Mistura’s enthusiasm in New York. And that reflects the wider divisions within the international community over dealing with the Syrian crisis.Meanwhile, strange as it might sound, the fact is that if today anyone can claim some sort of a victory it is Assad, given the dire predictions of his imminent political demise at the start of the war. There was a moment when the conventional wisdom held that it was all over for him and it was only a matter of time before he was toppled. But he has defied all odds and managed to survive thanks largely to Russia’s game-changing military intervention and help from Iran and its regional proxies.Not only is his regime intact, he has been able to wrest back a lot of the territory he had lost to rebel groups and the Islamic State. Set against this, however, is the stark reality that he’s left clinging to a heavily truncated country, effectively partitioned into three geographical entities, only one of which is controlled by him. So, there’s a lot of work to do, for which continuing Russian backing remains critical. But Moscow is under growing pressure not only from the West but also from its regional Sunni friends who it cannot afford to alienate without risking its long-term strategic stakes in the Arab world. At home, too, Vladimir Putin is facing protests over the high financial and human cost of its military involvement in Syria at a time of deepening economic crisis as western sanctions start to bite. There’s also wariness about a long-drawn-out commitment that could see it bogged down as happened in Afghanistan.Last December, Putin announced a partial withdrawal of his forces saying declaring the mission had been mostly accomplished but he also made clear that Russia would continue to retain enough firepower as long as it was needed. Privately, however, he’s said to have conveyed to Assad that he should not expect him to hold his hand forever. The flip side of an abrupt withdrawal is that in the absence of a credible peace process it risks creating a vacuum which is likely to be exploited by extremists.Whatever the outcome eventually, Syria will go down as one of the biggest failures of international diplomacy in arguably the world’s most volatile region.The writer is a London-based commentator.


Military purchases worth ₹6k cr soon

NEW DELHI: The defence acquisition council (DAC) on Monday set the ball rolling for buying military hardware worth ₹6,900 crore, including thermal imaging night sights for rocket launchers and equipment that will enhance the capabilities of the air force’s Sukhoi-30 warplanes, a ministry spokesperson said.

The council, headed by defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman, approved the purchase of the hardware through the indigenous route to boost India’s capabilities to locally produce weapons and systems.

“The thermal imaging sight for 84mm rocket launchers will be used by troops in operations to facilitate accurate and continuous engagement of moving and static enemy targets and destruction of bunkers during hours of complete darkness,” the spokesperson said.

The slow pace of acquisition has hurt India’s military capabilities. The government inked a $100-million contract for 1.86 lakh bullet proof jackets for the army, a decade after the force moved the case. Financial constraints, cumbersome procedures and unrealistic qualitative requirements set by the armed forces are among the key factors that hinder modernisation, said a senior official who did not wish to be named. “Forget the bigger purchases, the system is such that we take a decade to equip soldiers with new assault rifles and bullet proof vests,” he said.

Ammunition is also a problem area. The army told a parliamentary panel in March that it was short of ₹6,380 crore to build ammunition stocks necessary for war for 10 days. The panel was also told that even as China and Pakistan were modernising their militaries at a lightning-fast pace, a looming financial crisis was crippling India’s combat capabilities.

The equipment cleared for purchase on Monday is significant as it will enable the army to “detect and recognise” enemy tanks and soldiers.

The DAC also approved a project for the design and development of Long Range Dual Band Infrared Imaging Search and Track System (IRST) for SU-30 MKI fighters.

Experts said Sitharaman’s predecessors in the ministry had also cleared the decks for weapon purchases worth lakhs of crores but not many of those clearances translated into deals.

“The projects that have been given a go-ahead are at the acceptance of necessity stage (the first step toward making procurement under the Defence Procurement Procedure). The real test would be to see how many of these cases end up as contracts …” said military affairs expert Air Vice Marshal Kapil Kak (retd).