Sanjha Morcha

Return Chinese donations to PM Cares: Capt to Modi govt

Return Chinese donations to PM Cares: Capt to Modi govt

Capt Amarinder Singh, Chief Minister, Punjab

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, June 29

For reopening corridor

  • Even as Pakistan opened its side of the Kartarpur corridor after three months, Capt said he was in favour of its reopening but with strict social distancing norms for pilgrims in the wake of the pandemic.

No reshuffle on cards

  • Dismissing reports of a Cabinet reshuffle, the CM said the government had a bigger task at hand of fighting the pandemic. On Navjot Sidhu’s role in the Congress ahead of the 2022 Assembly polls, he said it was for party high commandto decide.

Punjab Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh today called upon the Narendra Modi-led BJP government to return donations received in the PM Cares Fund from Chinese companies or firms with Chinese stake.

Calling for a firm stand against Beijing’s nefarious designs to grab Indian territory in eastern Ladakh, the CM at a press conference said the People’s Liberation Army had intruded into the Indian territory and erected a tent in the Galwan valley on the Indian side of the Line of Actual Control, resulting in the death of 20 Indian soldiers following a clash.

With this, Capt Amarinder sought to refute PM’s statement at a recent all-party meeting that China had not occupied any Indian territory.

Questioning donations by Chinese firms at a time when the hostile neighbour was involved in aggression at the border, Capt Amarinder said: “In such a situation, I urge the Prime Minister to return every single Chinese penny.” He named some of the Chinese companies that had contributed to the PM Cares Fund.

The CM said the Punjab Government was reviewing possible Chinese stake in mobile firm Lava. The state government has tied up with the company to supply 1.6 lakh smartphones to girls studying in government senior secondary schools in the first phase of ‘Captain Smart Connect Scheme’.


A Tale Of Two Lines At The Core Of India-China Border Dispute by Manish Tewari

On the history of MacDonald and McMahon lines hangs an interesting tale of statecraft, intrigue, diplomatique, and pure skullduggery, writes Manish Tewari.

Why I Love <i>Outlook</i>A Tale Of Two Lines At The Core Of India-China Border Dispute

An Indian Army banner post seen on the road to Pangong Tso Lake.
Getty Images

At the core of the Sino-Indian border dispute is a tale of two lines, both disputed for over a century now. In the Northern Sector, it is called the MacDonald Line while in the Eastern Sector it is called the McMahon Line. While India recognised these lines as the successor state of the British Empire, the Chinese have always disavowed them.

On the history of these lines hangs an interesting tale of statecraft, intrigue, diplomatique, and pure skullduggery.

In the early 1890s, the Indo-Russian frontier till the Little Pamir was delineated to the satisfaction of both the British and the Tsarist Empires. However, the Russian, Chinese and British Domains also converged in the Greater Pamir’s where there was considerable fuzziness, if not an overlap of claims. As the great game was on in full swing, the British were always circumspect of Russian intent.

Also Read | Pangong Tso Lake: Why It’s A Sore Finger In Relationship Between India And China

The clashing claims of the British-protected state of Hunza and Chinese Empire to the Taghdumbash and the Raskam Valley created the possibility of a Russian intervention. To surmount this uncertainty, the British Government proposed to the Chinese a solution to this imbroglio through a demarcation of the whole Sino-Kashmir border. This pitch was penned in 1899 by C. M. MacDonald and addressed to His Highness Prince Ch’ing and the Ministers of the Tsungli Yamen. It has a substantial bearing on the standoff with the Chinese on the Northern borders even today. The operative part of the proposal was as follows:

“…In the year 1891 the Indian Government had occasion to repress by force of arms certain rebellious conduct on the part of the ruler of the state of Kanjut [Hunza], a tributary of Cashmere. The Chinese Government then laid claim to the allegiance of Kanjut by virtue of a tribute of one and a half ounces of gold dust paid by its ruler each year to the Governor of the New Dominion (Chinese Turkestan) who gave in return some pieces of silk. It appears that the boundaries of the state of Kanjut with China have never been clearly defined. The Kanjutis claim an extensive tract of land in the Tagdumbash Pamir extending as far North as Tashkurgan and they also claim the district known as Raskam to the South of Sarikol. The rights of Kanjut over part of the Tagdumbash Pamir were admitted by the Taotai of Kashgar in a letter to the Mir of Hunza dated February 1896, and last year the question of the Raskam district was the subject of negotiations between Kanjut and the officials of the New Dominion in which the latter admitted that some of the Raskam land should be given to the Kanjutis.

It is now proposed by the Indian Government, that for the sake of avoiding any dispute or uncertainty in the future, a clear understanding should come to the Chinese Government as to the frontier between the two States.”

Also Read: Chinese Tension Haunts Ladakh Even As Valley Remains On The Boil

The line proposed by the Indian Government is briefly as follows.

“…It may be seen by reference to the map of the Russo-Chinese frontier brought by the late Minister Hung Chiin from St. Petersburg and in possession of the Yamen. Commencing on the Little Pamir from the Peak at which the Anglo- Russian Boundary Commission of 1895 ended their work, it runs South-East crossing the Karachikar Stream at Mintaka Aghazi; thence proceeding in the same direction it joins at the Karchenai Pass the crest of the main ridge of the Mustagh Range. It follows this to the South passing by the Kunjerab Pass and continuing Southwards to the peak just north of the Shimshal Pass. At this point the boundary leaves the crest and follows a spur running east approximately parallel to the road from the Shimshal to the Hunza post at Darwaza. The line turning South through the Darwaza post, crosses the road from the Shimshal Pass at that point and then ascends the nearest high spur and regains the main crests which the boundary will again follow, passing the Mustagh Gusherbrun and Saltoro Passes by the Karakoram. From the Karakoram Pass the crests of the range run east for about half a degree (100 li) and then turn South to a little below the thirty-fifth (35th) parallel of North Latitude. Rounding then what in our maps is shown as

the source of the Karakash, the line of hills to be followed runs Northeast to a point east of Kizil Jilga and from there in a South-easterly direction follows the Lak Tsung Range until that meets the spur running South from the Kunlun Range, which has hitherto been shown on our maps as the Eastern boundary of Ladakh. This is a little east of 800 East-longitude”.

The Chinese never ever replied to the letter. Their lack of response was deemed by the British as acceptance of their proposal by implication—a concept recognised by international customary law. Thus, the MacDonald line squarely puts not only the Galwan valley and other current flashpoints but also large tracts of Aksai Chin squarely in the Indian Territory.

Also Read: Chinese Chakkar: Is India Loath To Stand Up To China?

 In the eastern Sector, the tale unfolded as follows: in 1913, the British convened a tripartite conference in Shimla with the Tibetans and Chinese. The objective of this conclave was to formalise the de-facto independence that Tibet acquired in 1912, consequent to the overthrow of the Manchu dynasty and the resultant chaos in China.

Tibet was to be maintained as a buffer state between India and China. The Simla Conference collapsed. China would not agree to a draft proposal drawn up by the British that proposed the partition of Tibet in inner and outer regions. It was identical to what the Russians had extracted from China with regard to Mongolia. After initialing the draft, the Chinese representative baulked and refused to sign it.

However, the British were successful at Shimla in getting from the newly independent state of Tibet a settlement on a new boundary alignment that advanced the contours of British territory in Eastern India from a line along the foot of the hills to the crest line of the Assam Himalayas, some sixty odd miles to the north. This new configuration not only put a wide swathe of tribal no-man’s land within India, but also incorporated a salient of Tibetan territory adjacent to Bhutan that ran right down to the plains called the Tawang Tract.

The Anglo-Tibetan negotiations were led on the British side by Charles Bell, a political officer in Sikkim. It resulted in an exchange of letters, dated 24th & 25th March 1914, in which both sides agreed to this new boundary that  ran along the crest-line of the Assam Himalayas, and thus incorporating the Twang Tract into British India. The boundary was not described in the letters, but was referred to on a map, on two sheets that were sealed and exchanged with the letters. This came to be known as the McMahon Line.

The British attempted to obtain Chinese approval of this new but still undisclosed agreement with the Tibetans. On the map, on which the proposed zonal division of Tibet had been drawn, the boundary of “Inner” Tibet and China was shown in red; that line curved round to its southern extension to show what would have been the boundary between Tibet and India – and in that sector it followed the alignment which McMahon had agreed with the Tibetans.

However, Sir Henry McMahon’s diplomacy could only achieve a Chinese initial on the map, not a full-fledged ratification. However, between 1913 and 1962, before the Chinese tried to change the status-quo by force after the illegal annexation of Tibet in 1950-51, the McMahon line, all through the First and Second World Wars and even after that, was recognised as the border between India and China.  Recognition through usage and convention are valid concepts in customary international law.

(Manish Tewari is a lawyer, MP, and former Information & Broadcasting Minister. Views are personal)


The Men Who Saved Ladakh ByLt Gen NS Brar

The land is so barren and the passes so high that only the best of friends or fiercest enemies would want to visit us. – A Ladhaki saying

Ladakh, the crown on India’s map, was the transit route of trading caravans to and from Central Asia with Leh as the communication and barter hub. The three valleys formed by the Indus, Zanskar and Shyok rivers provided the natural ro ..

Read more at:
http://www.indiandefencereview.com/spotlights/the-men-who-saved-ladakh/

Galwan Valley: China to use martial art trainers after India border clash

Media captionRos Atkins takes a close look at what happened on the India-China border

China has said it is moving 20 martial art trainers to the Tibetan plateau to train its forces.

No official reason for the decision has been given, but it comes after at least 20 Indian troops were killed in clashes with Chinese border forces.

Under an agreement dating back to 1996, neither side carries guns or explosives in the area.

China has not released any information about its casualties, while India says 76 of its soldiers were injured.

News of the army’s new martial arts trainers was reported by official Chinese news outlets on 20 June, according to Hong Kong media.

State broadcaster CCTV said 20 fighters from the Enbo Fight Club would be based in the Tibetan capital, Lhasa, although Chinese media had not confirmed they would be training troops on the border with India.

China and India – both nuclear powers – have exchanged blame over responsibility for the fighting in the Galwan river valley in Ladakhon on 15 June.

The area, with its harsh climate and high-altitude terrain, is close to Aksai Chin, a disputed area claimed by India but controlled by China.

Kashmir map
Presentational white space

The deaths during the fighting were the first fatalities in clashes between the two sides in almost half a century.

However, long-standing tensions between India and China over the Line of Actual Control (LAC), the poorly demarcated border between the two nuclear-armed powers, had risen again in the weeks leading up to the incident.


Opinion | Political, Military Leadership Must Display A Firm Spine

Opinion | Political, Military Leadership Must Display A Firm Spine

The 1962 Sino-Indian war

It whirled and it spun and then…. And then time stood still. Have you, in a manner of speaking, ever gone through a whirlwind, a tornado? A tornado of feelings that drives you into a vortex of uncontrollable spins? I have only seen a tsunami hit the shores of Thailand in pictures and held my breath in disbelief and terror. Time must have stood still for all those who were swept away by the unforgiving force of nature.

Time, similarly, stood still for me on November 24, 1962. My father, Lt Col Brahmanand Avasthy, commanding officer of 4 Rajput, was leading a part of his battalion back to base after the ceasefire in the Sino-Indian war was announced. The Chinese, devious as always, laid an ambush and massacred the column of approximately 200 men. The Indians fought bravely, to the last man and the last round. Hand-to-hand fighting followed and, grossly outnumbered, they lay down their lives. Their bravery in battle has gone down in the annals of military history. The Chinese dug a common grave and threw the bodies there. They gave my father the dignity of rolling him in a blanket and put a mess tin with an inscription: “Commanding Officer. He fought like a TIGER”. From his pocket was found a blood-soaked letter to my mother. Most of his letters written to us arrived home months after he died, with his sparse material objects…uniforms, the last civvies he wore and his medals. He had kept letters written by us in his pocket. Maybe his last thoughts were of his wife and his two little girls. Who knows? But I do know that as a soldier he must have wanted to achieve victory for his nation till his last desperate breath.

ALSO READ: Why India Feels Cornered Than Never Before By A Hostile Neighbourhood

The local Lamas of a nearby monastery were witness to the battle. Another witness, a young villager then, still lives there. He tells us stories of the valiant fight my father and his unit put up against the Chinese, who lay in ambush. Till today, there is an annual fair held at the site. People come and pray to the “TIGER” of La Gyala Gompa, Morshing village, Arunachal Pradesh, as he began to be called.

After the hysteria dies down, the fallen are forgotten, their families consigned to lives of loneliness and struggle.

Later, the army built a memorial at the spot and I could visit it, in the far reaches of Arunachal Pradesh, along with my husband, Lt Gen Milan Naidu, PVSM, AVSM, YSM, then vice-chief of the Indian Army. No doubt, the memory of my father makes us proud daughters. But children like us want an answer to the question: Why?

I must make it clear that amidst this cacophony of varying views, some provocative, some middle-line, some openly aggressive, I speak just as a wife, mother or a godmother. I do not speak for the thousands of those in uniform who I feel are also my family-members. They are promised to this country, for war or peace. But I and thousands of mothers, daughters and sisters like me will agree that all we want is the safety of our men. If a drop of their blood spills, it kills something inside us. There are perhaps no answers to the question: What will we gain by war. If war is inevitable, the forces should be made capable of victory, like in 1971. The soldiers are ready for everything in war or peace, but their hands should be fortified by powers that be. Their sacrifice should not go in vain.

ALSO READ: Sweet, Bitter and Tepid: A Look At India’s Relationship With Neighbours

Maybe I will get a lot of flak from armchair patriots. But has anyone given a thought to the families of the Pulwama casualties after a month of their deaths? After the initial hysteria dies down, all those men are forgotten. The women and children are forgotten and consigned to the lives of loneliness and struggle. This is a bitter truth. Every other day, our boys die in various sectors. Does anyone even try to reach out to their families? A bit of cluck-clucking on social media, and their job is done. My mother was looked after by the army and our friends; not the government. It pains me to say this, but it is the truth. Every country fights for their country’s sovereignty. I proudly subscribe to that, but I don’t condone sacrifices in vain.

Lt Col Brahmanand Avasthy, commanding officer of 4 Rajput, with his wife

I do hear and read on social media and from some heartless politicians that soldiers are paid to die. I throw the gauntlet to all here. Take what you want, but go and stay a few months on Bana Post on Siachen Glacier and protect India. The soldiers who do their duty uncomplainingly need a united heart of this country that beats for them.

ALSO READ: Pangong Tso Lake: Why It’s A Sore Finger In Relationship Between India And China

Post 1962, people playing tambola would say, “6 and 2—62, Chinese aggression”. For me, it was not only an invasion, it was the annihilation of my life, the life of my mother and that of my little kid sister, who was all of 5. A few days ago, I saw the picture of Col Santosh Babu’s young son salute his father’s lifeless body, draped in the tricolor, and memories flooded my mind’s eye. China remains the perpetrator and young children are still thrown into trauma. Their fathers will always stay in their veins, alive in the tales of valour. But what is going to happen to those lonely days, those nights filled with fear? This feeling of cold dread grips my heart when I see video grabs of the Galwan battle casualties–young Satnam Singh, newly-married Sepoy Ankur, Havildar Palani’s bodies arriving home to weeping, wailing mothers, wives and sisters. I see myself standing, a little lost child, not really understanding what is going on. “Where is my dad? This can’t be my dad who I sent to war, waving and smiling, telling me that next month he shall be back and buy me my new frock and the doll I wanted so much!” My little child’s eyes watch as army officers, state government representatives all descend on the villages and homes of these warriors. ‘Wow, isn’t that army truck looking lovely with flowers?’ Such is how children caught in the moment think. They do not have any idea of what lies ahead. They know nothing about white clothes their mothers will be made to wear; maybe cut her hair, as mine had done; or the smiles and joy that had forever been burnt in those flames that I see now, mercilessly licking away at their dad’s remains.

I never saw my dad again. We never saw his body. I never saw any of these uniformed people or the sympathising hordes at our doorstep. Yes, it is a now a long-forgotten debacle. Nothing was what it is like today. We live in a replaced generation to whom only Kargil smells of war.

ALSO READ: Chinese Tension Haunts Ladakh Even As Valley Remains On The Boil

On a mess tin they kept with my father’s body, the Chinese wrote: ‘Commanding Officer. He fought like a TIGER’.

While I am deeply grateful that mothers, wives, sisters and children now are well cared for and looked after, I often find myself wonder what wrong we did. Did my mother make a mistake in marrying a soldier who was being led by the nose by faulty political promises and the policies of Nehru, Krishna Menon and B.M. Kaul? My father went to battle in cotton shirts and tarpaulin boots. He fought on frozen heights, under-clothed, underfed and under provided for. Today, I am glad to see our boys are well-kitted to withstand cold and are adequately looked after. If, god forbid, they fall in battle, their families are well provided for. It was not so when I was a child. I do have faint recollections of growing up wearing only 2 dresses and torn shoes, as the government of  the word ‘widows’ for them. Those were times when men joined the army for ‘izzat and namak’ and to serve their nation. As a continuing tradition from the Raj, the profession of soldiering had an innate grace, pride and meaning attached to it. It was not a meal ticket. But India was just finding its feet and there were no policies or budgetary provisions for calamities like the Sino-Indian war. That is my reading. Today we do have a policy for the ‘veer naris’, their children and veterans. I feel contented that at least they will not have to beg for their meals, like we did.

I married a soldier and saw the life of a defence services wife from very close quarters. I experienced the chaos and the fear yet again during the ’71, ’87 and ’99 conflicts. I was afraid of sitting on black trunks again on some roadside kerb, in some cantonment, not knowing where to go or how to get the next meal for my kids. I had seen my mother go through all of this. One day saw my mother, me and my sister sitting on black trunks in the pouring rain, having been ousted from homes of relatives. A generous man, passing by, took us home and I still remember Mr and Mrs Khanna in my prayers. They were strangers, but perhaps god had some plan in mind. In those days, post the 1962 war, the army was small and there was nothing called a ‘field area’ or family accommodation, or any accommodation to speak of. One lived in relics of the British Raj. We lived in soldiers’ barracks in Mhow and cantonments were not at all well-equipped. The three of us were persona non grata to the government of India. If it had not been for the Indian army, friends of my father and my father’s regiment, the Rajput Regiment, who took care of our small material needs, we would not have been better off than, metaphorically speaking, the torn survivors of the Holocaust.

ALSO READ: Opinion | To Push Back China’s Growing Belt And Road Initiative Will Be India’s Main Challenge

My father fought and died under-clothed and underfed. I’m glad to see our boys are adequately looked after.

Since my mother was educated, she got a job and brought us up with as much dignity and grace she could manage. Money was scarce; I remember once living in a room of an under-construction building generously offered by the contractor. It had no doors or windows. He gave us door planks to sleep on. We put some bricks, placed the doors on it and slept on it. Mercifully, such is not the case anymore and I am happy for it. The ladies are looked after from day one. Pensions are adequate and children, too, are looked after. This having been said, by no means can lives of our men be given away cheaply.

Yet, why is there war at all? Armchair strategists keep teaching everyone on social platforms as to how to fight the war. There is frenzied rhetoric and media buildup on how, where and why the blood of our boys, my godsons, must be spilt. People whip themselves into a frenzy, ably assisted by the media and misguided missiles of the political and military fraternity. Most of them have either no knowledge of the ground situation because they are politicians and not strategists; the rest are long retired and are way behind times regarding actual ground situations. I ask them, when you were able, in uniform and in power, why did you not do something to repair situation? There are only a handful of people who give their considered opinion, derived from knowledge and good sense.

ALSO READ: Opinion | The Crude Reality: India, China Should Unite To Throttle The OPEC Cartel

To people like me, who have seen too much bloodshed and too much pain, we hate the thought of war. I am a patriot and I love my country. I will give my life, too, for my country if the right reasons arise.  All I ask is for the protection of the backs of our soldiers. I ask the nation to unite and care for the morale of our soldiers. I ask for material, financial and moral support for our soldiers and families and I ask for the political and military leadership to display a firm spine…so that families like mine have better stories to tell. Is it asking for too much?

 


The writing is on the wall: Pakistan’s Imran Khan govt is on the edge of collapse

File image of Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan | Photo: ANI via Reuters

File image of Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan | Photo: ANI via Reuters
Pakistan’s government led by Prime Minister Imran Khan seems to be on the edge of collapse. Internal divisions in Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf, or PTI, have become so intense that it is no longer possible to keep them under wraps. Senior government ministers are openly accusing their cabinet colleagues of backstabbing, conspiracy and breach of trust. Within the government, there are multiple fault lines, which are likely to increase by the day. This leaves the PTI government structurally vulnerable to being pushed around by the more professional and organised institution – the Pakistan Army, which has become significantly more assertive.

According to media reports, at a crucial cabinet meeting recently, PM Imran Khan had to intervene  to stop ministers from hurling allegations against one another. The immediate reason for the cabinet meeting, in which Khan advised his ministers not to discuss the party’s internal issues in open forums, was an explosive interview given by Federal Minister for Science and Technology, Fawad Chaudhry.  

Fawad, in his interview to Voice of America (VOA), had discussed internal differences within the PTI and accused senior leaders of conspiring to remove each other; and that senior leader Jahangir Tareen hatched plans to get federal minister Asad Umar removed from the cabinet while the latter was behind the removal of Tareen from the key position of general secretary of the party, also known as the real powerhouse of the PTI.

Underlining the Pakistani people’s high “expectation from PTI and Imran Khan”, Fawad said the national government had failed miserably to make the system more professional and autonomous through systematic reforms. He argued that “the public had not elected us or the prime minister to fix nuts and bolts but to reform the system”.

Fawad was echoing the disappointment felt by most Pakistanis, who, having voted Khan’s party into power, have been holding their breath, in desperate anticipation that the transformative moment in their nation’s destiny would come soon. According to a survey, “The percentage of Pakistanis who believe that the current PTI government’s performance up to this point in its tenure is worse than that of the previous government has increased from 35 per cent in December 2018 to 59 per cent in February 2020.”

This public airing of differences by those in the government has its reputational dimension; the consequences of irreconcilable internal rift within the PTI are far more perilous because the stakes are higher in a government dependent on support from smaller coalition partners. With PM Imran Khan struggling to bring a semblance of unity among his party colleagues, it is only a matter of time before his government is brought down under the unbearable weight of the army’s relentless psychological warfare as well as its own inherent contradictions.


Also read: Cynthia Ritchie, American writer in Pakistan who accused PPP leaders of rape, assault


Deserting allies

The PTI government has also been highly inept in dealing with the Covid-19 health emergency. This has resulted in a steep decline in public trust in the government’s capacity to rule effectively. Things have come to such a pass that Imran Khan’s allies in the government are deserting him, with many joining the opposition camp.

Accusing the PTI of not keeping its promises, the chief of the Balochistan National Party (BNP-M), Sardar Akhtar Mengal, has left the government. His party has four seats in the National Assembly. Expressing his annoyance over insufficient funds for development projects in Balochistan, Mengal regretted the diminishing role of the National Assembly in policy-making, and said, “The parliament has become the speakers’ corner in Hyde Park (in London) where the members vent their frustration through their speeches but nobody is listening to them seriously.” Mengal has since met with the chief of the Jamiat Ulema-i-Islam (JUI-F), Maulana Fazlur Rehman, and is believed to be planning to topple the Imran Khan government.

Now, other coalition partners such as Muttahida Qaumi Movement Pakistan (MQM-P), Pakistan Muslim League-Quaid (PML-Q), Grand Democratic Alliance (GDA), and Balochistan Awami Party (BAP), on whose support the government depends for its majority in the National Assembly, are likely to step up their bargaining power vis-à-vis the PTI. The government will be under additional pressure to keep these small allies happy at all costs. As argued by a Pakistani analyst: “Do not be surprised if you see the allies becoming a bit more vocal in their grievances, a bit more aggressive in their dealings and a bit more demanding in their requirements. They may do all this because they can see the larger political canvas groaning under the weight of PTI government’s problems.”

The lack of internal cohesion and trust within the PTI has created deep fractures in the government’s ability to manage, as reflected in the marginalisation of trusted advisers of PM Khan. Most important among them is Tareen, who was a political heavyweight deciding tickets for the 2018 parliamentary election. His removal has left Imran Khan without someone who can manage the complex game of political alliances in a fragile government.

Besides domestic governance problems, the undeniable realities of corruption, cover-ups, abuse of power, and all the macroeconomic indicators trending downwards, Pakistan currently faces multiple challenges on security and foreign policy fronts such as Afghan peace process, military tensions with India, and American pressure to shift the focus away from China.


Also read: Why the 18th Amendment has become a cause for irritation for the Pakistani Army


Giving more power to military 

Since there is a clear division of labour between the government and the army, the latter is the de-facto decision-maker on security and foreign policy issues. But the PTI government’s failings on domestic governance, including on Covid-19, have led to many key civilian positions being infested with people from military backgrounds.

Previous civilian governments in Pakistan often tried to resist the army’s dominance in domestic policy-making, but the PTI government has made no such attempt. Consequently, military interference or hold over routine aspects of governance such as airlines, finance, railways, and media has gradually increased.

For instance, the state-owned Pakistan International Airlines (PIA) is headed by Air Marshal Arshad Malik, who was appointed as CEO in October 2018. Malik’s management of the PIA has recently come under scrutiny following a fatal plane crash in Karachi in May. Similarly, Lt Gen. Asim Bajwa, a former Pakistani military spokesman, was appointed in April as the new special communication adviser to the PM. He is also heading the Chinese-sponsored Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) in Pakistan, under the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). These appointments are in sync with the broader trajectory of the collapse of institutional autonomy in the civilian sphere of governance under the PTI government.


Also read: Army tightens grip on Pakistan again as Imran Khan’s popularity wanes


Don’t forget the past

There is increasing speculation of Pakistan’s military establishment being extremely unhappy with the manner in which the national government is being run. The army has always desired an increased role in managing politics in Pakistan, but it doesn’t mean that a civilian government’s inefficiency, incompetence and venality should be used as an excuse to garner more power for itself. That is a logically absurd and tactically irresponsible proposition.

While the present seems bleak, the future does not augur well for change either. It is true that barring a few exceptions, political leaders in Pakistan often turn to the army, behind the curtain, to resolve their differences rather than work things out through the democratic process of dialogue.

But it is equally true that the rule of law cannot effectively survive without civilian supremacy. And unfortunately, Pakistan has already paid a huge price for extra-constitutional interventions by the army. History’s lessons must not be forgotten by generals in Rawalpindi.

Vinay Kaura is assistant professor, Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, Jaipur. Views are personal.


Three cold wars involving China are dragging India into conflicts it is not ready for

Representational image | Soham Sen | ThePrint
Three ‘cold wars’ involving India and China have been underway for some time. And each shows how much the world has changed since the ‘original’ Cold War between the US and the USSR, and how distinct in their worldviews and approaches India and China are from the superpowers of an earlier era. These cold wars are also now picking up pace.

The first cold war is a direct one. Mutual trust has never been a strong suit of the India-China relationship but the ongoing Chinese transgressions in Ladakh along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) indicate a significant breakdown of long-standing bilateral agreements and can be considered a tipping point. For the foreseeable future, the LAC face-offs involving violent physical altercations and possibly casualties will become the norm. And yet, these are unlikely to escalate into full-fledged conflict even as both sides criticise each other more openly in bilateral and multilateral conversations.

What also separates the India-China cold war from its predecessor between the superpowers is the deep and growing economic linkages between the two sides. Another feature is the distinct asymmetry in the military and economic equations in China’s favour. But while calls in India for selectively boycotting Chinese goods are unlikely to work, the Narendra Modi government can still prevent further Chinese ingress in the form of capital and technologies. Given its own political economy, this might be more of a concern for China, than the LAC factor itself. Asymmetry, thus, does not necessarily mean lack of leverage for India, and avenues for negotiations and compromises will exist in the relationship.


Also read: India learnt the wrong lesson from 1962 China war. Modi govt must be more open


The US factor

A second cold war that India might consider itself a part of is the one developing between China and the US. This one also distinguishes itself from the older version due to the fact that economic ties between the two adversaries are so wide and deep that opportunities for deal-making and compromises will continue to exist. But this cold war is turning ideological and confrontational simply because, for the Communist Party of China, American democracy – or democracy, in general – is seen as a threat to its legitimacy and hold on power at home.

With increasing consensus across partisan divides in both the US and India that China is a long-term challenger, there are also compelling reasons for them to work together. Such a partnership, however, cannot be sustainable without some common principles of agreement beyond mere security interests. Democracy is the easiest such principle at hand. Even though neither India nor the US is a model democracy or even very good at promoting it abroad, in the Chinese worldview, any India-US partnership is an ideological attack and will, therefore, sharpen its attack against both.

Given India’s independent political trajectory and economic weight in global affairs, this incipient cold war should be seen as having not just two principal adversaries but at least two major players — if not three, including the European Union — working together to both engage with China as well as contain its bad behaviour. Also, in this second form of a cold war, other countries, including Russia, will not remain passive actors but seek to play one camp against the other.


Also read: India must believe threat of war is real, even if Chinese build-up is coercive diplomacy

India’s neighbours

This brings us to the third cold war involving China that India faces, namely the one with its smaller neighbours in South Asia. In recent years, not only has China solidified its ties with Pakistan, it has leveraged its economic influence with India’s other neighbours in a way that each has, on several occasions, been able to actively oppose New Delhi’s interests. Consider the fact that with the exception of Bhutan, every other country in South Asia is a participant in China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).

Thus, this is a cold war in which India lacks significant allies in its own immediate geography. New Delhi’s hitherto asymmetric advantages have begun to work against it because of its inability over decades to build up either economic integration with its neighbours or any substantial degree of political or ideological identification with them.

In these three forms of India-China cold wars, New Delhi’s task is cut out – how to expand room for manoeuvre and achieve its interests without increasing bilateral tensions, and how not to get dragged into conflicts it is not ready for. The Indian economy certainly needs to get cranking but so also do the grey cells in South Block.

Jabin T. Jacob is Associate Professor, Department of International Relations and Governance Studies, Shiv Nadar University, Uttar Pradesh. Views are personal.


Kargil hero Col Wangchuk says need strong political will to strengthen India’s borders

Maha Vir Chakra recipient Colonel (retd) Sonam Wangchuk, who fought the Kargil War in 1999, also says Army should prioritise deploying local Ladakhis in LAC region.

Colonel (retd) Sonam Wangchuk in Leh | Photo: Sajid Ali | ThePrint

Colonel (retd) Sonam Wangchuk in Leh | Photo: Sajid Ali | ThePrint

Leh (Ladakh): Kargil War hero and Maha Vir Chakra recipient Colonel (retd) Sonam Wangchuk said India cannot slacken its vigil along its borders, and that the time is ripe for a strong political will to protect the borders against the combined might of China and Pakistan.

“This is an unprecedented situation between India and China, one not seen since 1962. We need strong political will to keep all channels open, engage on all fronts to ensure a solution is found,” he said.

Wangchuk was speaking to ThePrint in an exclusive interview less than a fortnight after 20 Indian soldiers were killed in action at the Galwan Valley in Eastern Ladakh in the most dangerous flare-up between India and China in over four decades.

Asked about the contradictory versions coming from the government and the Army about the 15 June clash, Wangchuk said one cannot deny that there has been an incursion.

While PM Modi had said that there’s been no incursion in Indian territory, Lt Gen Harinder Singh who led talks with the Chinese said that PLA soldiers need to move out of Indian territory.

“The Army is apolitical. They will only do what the government of the day asks them to do. You cannot deny that there has been Chinese build-up at Pangong Lake and Galwan Valley,” said Wangchuk. “Fortunately, the forces are insulated from what the government is saying and commanders ensure their morale remains high to focus on the task at hand.”

Colonel Wangchuk is well known for his exploits in the Kargil War. Then a Major, he was tasked with recapturing the Chorbat La pass from Pakistan in June 1999. Wangchuk’s team, called the Snow Tigers of the Ladakh Scouts regiment, not only got back material proof of Pakistani presence at Chorbat La, along the LoC, but also held onto that pass for 14 days.

The documentary Lion of Ladakh details his team’s action. He was later awarded the Maha Vir Chakra, India’s second highest gallantry award, for his exemplary courage that set the tone for India’s victory against Pakistan in Kargil.

‘Cannot slacken our vigil at any point’

Wangchuk said the need of the hour is to understand the strategies of both Pakistan and China. “Especially because they are joining hands, our security concerns automatically increase,” he stressed. “We need to modernise our equipment, training to strengthen our forces. We cannot slacken our vigil on the borders at any point.”

To build our strength at the border, Wangchuk said, the focus should be on taking up local concerns. “We need strong political will to strengthen border security. Give locals in border areas a voice and develop these places,” he said. “Our border villages are not developed and they are facing the brunt of the Chinese. They are being bullied by the Chinese, their land is being taken away and no one is listening to them. We need a mechanism to take direct local concerns to the highest levels of the government to stop such incursions.”

Wangchuk said it is also important to prioritise local Ladakhis in order to strengthen the Army in border areas along the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

“Ladakhis know this terrain, they grow up and live in the mountains. Soldiers from the plains take time to acclimatise,” he said. “Similarly, when Ladakhis are sent to places like Rajasthan, they also take time to adjust. To strengthen vigil at the LAC we need more Ladakhis in the forces deployed here.”


Also read: Crossed Shyok river barefoot with ice cutting our feet: 1962 war veteran recalls Galwan


 


China has now recruited mixed martial arts fighters into its army in Tibet: State broadcaster

Representational image of China's People's Liberation Army | Photo: Flickr

Representational image of China’s People’s Liberation Army | Photo: Flickr
New Delhi: China has recruited a squad of mixed martial arts (MMA) fighters into its border militia ranks, months into its escalated stand-off with India, and nearly two weeks after the hand-to-hand clash in Galwan Valley that left 20 Indian soldiers dead.

Twenty MMA fighters from the Enbo Fight Club in the country’s Sichuan province have been enlisted to form the ‘Plateau Resistance Tibetan Mastiffs’, to be based in Lhasa, according to Chinese state broadcaster CCTV.

The Enbo Fight Club has produced some of the country’s finest MMA fighters, who go on to compete in international tournaments such as the American UFC (Ultimate Fighting Championship).

The primary objective of the ‘Tibetan Mastiffs’ would be to help border patrol troops and special forces in hand-to-hand combat training. However, it isn’t clear yet if the ‘Tibetan Mastiffs’ would be deployed on the borders with India, even though according to some reports, China reinforced its troops near the Indian border with the martial arts fighters as well as mountain climbers shortly before the Galwan clash.

“If the country needs us, the Enbo Fight Club will wholeheartedly complete more challenging tasks. As for whether [our fighters] took part in the conflict a few days ago, don’t ask me, I didn’t ask,” an owner of the club was quoted as saying.

Wang Haijiang, a lieutenant general of the People’s Liberation Army, reportedly said the Enbo Fight Club recruits would “greatly raise the organisation and mobilisation strength of troops”, as well as their “rapid response and support ability”.


Also read: India will win both the battles, Covid-19 and the one against China: Amit Shah


India-China stand-off

India and China have been involved in a border standoff at the Line of Actual Control (LAC) since early May, which escalated into a hand-to-hand combat in Galwan Valley on the night of 15 June. The Chinese allegedly used crude weapons, resulting in the first deaths at the LAC in 45 years.

Multiple Indian soldiers were also taken captive by the Chinese side, but were released last week following talks between the two sides.

India and China have been in talks regularly since then, at the military and diplomatic levels, where de-escalation is being discussed.


Also read: China’s attempts to change status quo can have ripples, says India’s ambassador to China


China is trying to ‘bully’ India against building road in Pangong area

Representational image of China's People's Liberation Army | Photo: Justin Chin | Bloomberg

Representational image of China’s People’s Liberation Army | Photo: Justin Chin | Bloomberg
New Delhi: The Chinese move to position itself between Finger 4 and Finger 8 of the Pangong Lake, a total of 8 km inside India’s Line of Actual Control (LAC), is bullying tactics to stop India’s road construction activity, sources in the defence and security establishment said.

While a road from Finger 2 to Finger 4 is something that has been in the works for long, a fresh attempt was being made by India, sources told ThePrint.

“To travel from Finger 3 to Finger 4, the Indians have to do so by foot through a narrow track. An attempt was being made to build a proper track to Finger 4 which was being objected to by the Chinese,” a source said.


Also read: Chinese game plan in Galwan — push Indian patrols 4 km behind LAC


Military standpoints at Pangong lake fingers

The Chinese had managed to build a motorable track from its Sirijap Post, captured in the 1962 War which is beyond Finger 8, till Finger 5 when the Indian presence had thinned down in 1999 as troops were moved to fight the Kargil battle, which needed acclimated soldiers.

The Chinese track was further extended to Finger 4. This allowed the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) to patrol only till this point by vehicles, though China lays claim to the area till Finger 2, sources said.

So instead, they used boats to go beyond Finger 4 to claim their territory, just like the Indians did till Finger 8 to establish claim over the territory.

Asked about the strategic implications of Chinese sitting at Finger 4, a source said the Indian assessment is that “the Chinese move is tactical and land grabbing. There is no strategic heft for the Chinese by sitting at Finger 4. This is nothing but bullying”.

Sources said the Chinese are attempting to change the status quo of the LAC.

“As per the established practice, Chinese used to patrol till Finger 4 and Indians patrolled till Finger 8. However, over the last few years, the Chinese had started to stop Indians midway near Finger 5. They could observe the Indian movement from their Sirijap Post and they used to come down to stop them,” the source said.


Also read: Stand-off with China in Ladakh is India’s worst border tension since Kargil in 1999


India’s response

Indian troops had also started opposing Chinese patrol ahead of Finger 4.

ThePrint had earlier reported that Indian troops had used an alternate route to reach Finger 8 just before the winter set in, taking the Chinese by surprise.

A recent undated video had come out, which showed Indians stopping the patrol team of China. Sources who have served in the Pangong area said the topography and presence of Chinese vehicles suggested it is between Finger 4 and Finger 5.

The sources also said physical clashes had become quite regular in the Pangong area between the two sides in the recent past.

A clash is supposed to have taken place in early May as Indians stopped the Chinese from patrolling. This clash could have preceded the 5 May clash in which scores of Indian soldiers were injured along with the Chinese, sources suggested.

Following the clash, the Chinese came in with large numbers and have positioned themselves in areas till Finger 4. Over time, since the 5 May clash, the Chinese have built a number of structures between Finger 4 and 5 to base its soldiers and equipment.

The situation in Pangong continues to be a major challenge as the Chinese have not shown any inclination to de-escalate or disengage here, sources said.

“Chinese argument is that they built the road in 1999 and hence it is their area. This is against the established norms at the local level where the LAC is Finger 8,” a source said.


Also read: Ladakh incursions a blatant attempt by China to change status quo, says LAC veteran