Monthly Archives: August 2018

The logic of this strategy is simple — tire the Chinese out because it is difficult to sustain an indefinite large-scale deployment in this difficult terrain with extreme weather in winter. However, the danger is that if the Chinese come to sense India’s strategy, they may raise the ante and attempt to seize Daulat Beg Oldi Sector and areas to the north-east and east of Pangong Tso.

Also read: India has to plan for a hot war where friends are few. US-China cold war won’t help it

Coercive military pressure

This strategy can only succeed by maintaining coercive military pressure, and not without “exerting any military pressure” as spelt out by the de facto official spokesperson quoted in a recent report in The Indian Express. I am sure this relatively junior government/military official has let his imagination run wild. This is almost signalling defeat and accepting fait accompli. I sincerely hope that this is not the view of the Narendra Modi government and the military hierarchy.

As per The Indian Express report on the situation at LAC, a government official was quoted as saying, “New Delhi has decided to stick to its strategy of ‘incremental change despite slow progress’ while pressing for the end-goal, the restoration of status quo ante as of April. It has also ruled out application of any kind of military pressure against China as an option, so as to avoid any inadvertent escalation.”

ALso read: India has two options with stubborn China. The better one involves taking the battle to them

The disturbing silence

It is unusual and disturbing that an anonymous “government official” is holding forth on national security strategy in a casual manner while the Prime Minister, Defence Minister, National Security Advisor, Chief of Defence Staff and the service chiefs remain silent. The only charitable explanation could be that these statements are part of strategic deception. But if that is the intent, such statements must be made formally at the Defence Minister/NSA/CDS level.

At the Friday meeting of the Working Mechanism for Consultation & Coordination on India-China Border Affairs, both sides agreed to hold further talks at the level of Corps Commander. Status quo continues to prevail at Depsang and north of Pangong Tso with no progress on disengagement. At Hot Springs and Gogra, the disengagement is not as per the agreement reached during earlier talks. It is only in the Galwan Valley that the troops have disengaged and a buffer zone of 4 km has been created.

On Tuesday, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Wang Wenbin highlighted the four rounds of Corps Commander-level talks and three meetings under the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on China-India Border Affairs. Wenbin said, “As border troops have disengaged in most localities, the situation on the ground is deescalating and the temperature is coming down.” The statement indicates that China does not visualise any further disengagement.

Also read: Galwan lesson for Indian soldiers: Don’t wait for orders, just assume them

Strategic and tactical significance of areas of intrusion

The terrain of Eastern Ladakh is unique. Up to Leh and 150 km to the east, the terrain is extremely rugged with narrow valleys and surrounding hill ranges, varying in height from 15,000 to 23,000 feet. This topography also prevails up to 130 km north of Pangong Tso along the Shyok River up to Depsang plains and east of this line for 60-80 km. Beyond these areas is the extension of the Tibetan plateau. The valleys become broader, the base height rises to 14,000-15,000 feet, and surrounding hill ranges are a mix of rugged and relatively gradual terrain. The latter terrain is only 2,000-3,000 feet higher than the valleys and after reconnaissance, it can be negotiated by tracked and high-mobility vehicles.

Since peace prevailed along the LAC, it was not defended like the Line of Control (LoC), but only policed by the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP). The main defences of 3 Infantry Division were based on the Ladakh Range and Pangong Range in the Indus Valley and Chushul bowl, respectively. The DBO Sector being a plateau, the defences are based on relatively higher features. The Galwan Valley was only policed by the ITBP.

The main defences are based on the sound principle of dominating heights and convergence of avenues of approach. This left a forward zone of 10-80 km to the east, which was policed by the ITBP and kept under surveillance.

In the event of a war, this area was to be dominated by selective defensive/delaying positions and mechanised forces. While the bases of the formations are well to the rear, sufficient force was maintained near main defences for preemptive tasks on and across the LAC, particularly in areas of differing perceptions. However, we failed to exercise this option.

The LAC was based on the positions held by the rival forces at the time of the 1993 agreement. China’s 7 November 1959 assertion (also known as 1960 claim line) north of Pangong Tso and in Depsang Plains was further west of the LAC by 10 and 20 km, respectively. The alignment of the 1959 claim line had been carefully planned by the Chinese. It is tactical in nature. It allows the PLA to cut off our forward deployment in all sectors and completely isolate all sectors from each other, particularly DBO Sector.

The preemptive intrusions and concentration of troops at Depsang, Galwan river, Hot Springs-Gogra-Kongka La and north of Pangong Tso places India at a disadvantage in a war. The DBO Sector is likely to be completely isolated by an offensive in Galwan River valley and the bottleneck area at Burtse. Hot Springs-Gogra-Kongka La area can be cut off at Phobrang by an offensive from Finger 4 and Ane La. This places us at the risk of losing our entire territory east and north-east of Pangong Tso along with the DBO Sector. Also, our major riposte options get restricted to Chushul Sector,Indus River Valley Sector and Chumar Sector.

Also read: Modi has chosen discretion on China because India’s real failure is in defence capabilities

Recommended operational strategy

The strategy should be to strive for status quo ante with or without buffer zones with an indefinite “face-off” while simultaneously remaining poised with “fortress defence” of the areas likely to be isolated and attacked, and by maintaining a potent counter-offensive capability.

In execution, it implies fortifying the DBO-Galwan Sector, Hot Springs-Gogra-Kongka La-Tsogtsalu Sector and Marsimik La-Ane La-Phobrang- Fingers 1-3 Sector with overwhelming resources that must have an inbuilt tactical counter-offensive capability. The defences and habitat should be of a permanent nature. These sectors should be prepared to fight even when isolated. Main defences on Ladakh and Pangong Ranges must continue to be manned. Our reserves must be arrayed for an operational-level counter-offensive in Chushul/Indus River Valley/Chumar Sectors.

India’s armed forces have the capability to execute the above strategy, which, apart from tiring the PLA out, caters to its escalation while maintaining a responsive or self-initiated capability for an operational-level offensive. It would be prudent to formally inform the nation about the essentials of our strategy rather than let unnamed officials run riot with their imagination.

Lt Gen H S Panag PVSM, AVSM (R) served in the Indian Army for 40 years. He was GOC in C Northern Command and Central Command. Post-retirement, he was Member of Armed Forces Tribunal. Views are personal.

The new rules have been issued by the Army to certain formations as part of its new policy on the use of social media platforms and mobile phones, to control the leakage of critical operational information.

The fresh advisory comes after the Army banned 89 social media applications, including Facebook and Instagram, for its personnel. It also issued strict guidelines for the use of social media and smartphones, which stated that they would be monitored by way of surprise checks, and that strict action would be taken against violators under the provisions of the Indian Penal Code, Official Secrets Act, Army Act and IT Act.

As first reported by ThePrint, the Army had said Facebook accounts of all personnel should be deleted, not just deactivated, by 1 June, and that people using Facebook or other banned sites after 15 July will be reported.

Army sources, however, said the communication regarding the new rules could be from a regional command for the formations under it.

Also read: Indian Army asking officers to stay away from Facebook a knee-jerk, ineffective diktat

The new rules

According to the new advisory, a senior Army officer said, formations have also been asked to include this parameter when they vet unit citations and individual awards.

The decision is said to have been taken due to earlier incidents when crucial operational information, even from forward bases, made its way to social media.

“Most such videos are unregulated and can give out critical and confidential operational information to enemy agencies. The strict guidelines have been promulgated to check this,” the Army officer said.

The new rules state that formations and units will select a person who will be responsible for all photos and videos for operational events, and will be maintaining a record of all such footage.

Multiple other sources confirmed that the new advisory states that photographs or videos will not be recorded on smartphones, and only designated cameras will be used.

The advisory also mandates that all such pictures or videos should not be shared on social media or transferred to one another via messaging services, and only footage that has been officially approved would be released in public.

“We have been told that in case any video footage or other crucial operational information gets leaked, even unknowingly, into the public domain, a Court of Inquiry would be ordered against those responsible and the defaulter would be subjected to stringent action,” the officer quoted above said.

ThePrint has reached Army spokesperson Colonel Aman Anand through a text message for an official comment. This report will be updated when he responds.

‘Troops will act to protect honour of the unit’

The move has got mixed responses from within the service.

Officers said it is a good step because a lot of critical information often gets leaked, which may be detrimental to the operational requirements.

“Everyone will be conscious of his responsibility to uphold the izzat (honour) of the unit,” the senior officer quoted above said.

A second officer ThePrint spoke to, however, said holding a unit responsible for the act of one individual who may not even be part of the unit but may be in the area needs a rethink.

Earlier moves

The Indian armed forces, particularly amid the stand-off with China at the Line of Actual Control in Ladakh, have been exercising stringent caution on allowing personnel to use social media.

The Army periodically conducts cyber security exercises to assess its operational preparedness in the cyber security domain, one of which started in April this year.

Earlier this year, the Navy, after a ‘spy ring’ was busted last year, banned and restricted 85 applications, including Facebook, Instagram, WeChat, Viber, Tumblr, Reddit and Truecaller.

The Indian Air Force has recently advised its personnel to withdraw themselves from WhatsApp groups by the end of July, leading IAF officers to leave those with their course-mates and others within the service.

The Army’s ban on social media was challenged by an officer in the Delhi High Court, which is still hearing the matter.

Also read: Why Indian Army is cautious of China during Ladakh disengagement

The IAF seriously considered the Hammer as part of the Rafale weapons package, but eventually elected to go with the cheaper Israeli SPICE system to serve as the Rafale’s principal tactical standoff weapon, a decision driven entirely by cost. Time was not a factor when that choice was made, and the Air Force planned to integrate, test, and certify the Rafale-SPICE combination in-country, significantly cheaper than getting the French to do it.

Now faced with an emergent situation in the North, just as the new ‘silver bullet’ of the fighter fleet arrives in-country, the luxury of a leisurely integration programme cannot be afforded. The only system equivalent to the SPICE (better in some respects) already integrated and ready to use with the Rafale is the Hammer, forcing the IAF’s hand. Even so, a case can certainly be made that the SPICE and Hammer are sufficiently different in propulsion, guidance and effects that both could be used alongside each other moving forward. The biggest problem with the Hammer story is that it highlights the kind of penny pinching that constrains comprehensive capability accretion, even in mammoth multi-billion dollar deals. If not for the China situation, the Rafales would have arrived without a tactical standoff strike weapon.

Also read: Rafale will help air warriors safeguard our skies with mighty superiority, says Amit Shah

But the Hammer is only the latest and most high profile case in a frenzy of ‘emergency procurements’ kicked off by the Ladakh crisis. This buying spree has once again laid bare the abysmal performance of India’s defence acquisition system. The word ‘system’ is itself a misnomer, because if the Defence Ministry’s byzantine procedures and processes are not systematic at all, they are a system designed to deny outcomes. Far from enabling the men and women in uniform to do their jobs, defence procurements keep them hanging, withholding everything from fighter jets to simple helmets.

Embarrassingly, these emergency acquisitions are being passed off as a virtue, spun as a way to get the armed forces what they need without red tape. They are not. Unshackling defence preparedness from a moribund process should be the norm, not celebrated as an exceptional achievement every time a military crisis exposes yawning gaps in readiness and capability.

Not only that, the timing and scale of this round of emergency buys, projected to cross a billion dollars, also gives the lie to the idea of ‘Atma Nirbhar Bharat’ at least as far as defence industry is concerned. That the OFBs have been found wanting, with years of serial under-performance, has finally prompted some action in the form of a move toward corporatisation, but even if this happens in the face of stiff opposition to reform that has become emblematic of Indian PSU culture, it will not solve any problems in the near- to medium-term.

Meanwhile, there is little incentive for the private sector to enter this space and deal with a Ministry that builds attack helicopters without missiles, commissions ships without towed sonars, fails to procure air-defence missiles for twenty years, and cannot execute a government-to-government deal with one of India’s oldest defence partners. Even without the structural issues in defence procurement, the simple fact is that Indian procurements, whether emergency buys or the routine perennially delayed kind, are generally not the high-value, multi-year contracts that can sustain and provide long term visibility to a fledgling private sector defence enterprise. Economies of scale can only be achieved through standardization and large orders, and here the military must also bear some responsibility for the menagerie of systems in service.

Also read: As Rafale lands, IAF veteran recalls ‘quiet’ 1985 induction of another French warhorse

A ray of hope is the recently announced 74% FDI in defence manufacturing, but only if the government is proactive about energizing the sector and attracting investment. The government – and not armed forces or MoD, which cannot guarantee order volumes – should aggressively court suppliers of standardized munitions and consumables to set up shop in India to service global markets. Some NATO standard ammunition is used in such vast quantities, that western air forces have actually faced shortages during operations. From small arms, to tanks, artillery and fighter jets – if India can become a manufacturing and export hub for just a handful of munitions types, that will solve a lot of problems for the services’ access to cheap and effective ordnance. Obviously, this calculation gets significantly more complicated as one moves up the value chain to sub-systems and full-up platforms, but the underlying logic applies even there. If these low-hanging fruit cannot be plucked, it begs the question – why bother with relaxing FDI limits at all?

For the military, this is all academic. Crises and the inevitable emergency buys that follow are a godsend – the armed forces are able to solve longstanding shortages, address emergent capability gaps, and operationalise weapon systems after years of delay, all possible by short-circuiting the vaunted defence acquisition ‘system.’ The arbiters of this system, however, need to seriously introspect if they are ever to answer the question of why the system works best when it is bypassed.

Angad Singh is a Project Coordinator with ORF’s Strategic Studies Programme. Views are personal.

The article was first appeared on the Observer Research Foundation website.

Air Marshal Anil Chopra (Retd) and his colleagues spent six months in France before they brought home India’s first seven Mirage 2000 fighter jets.

The Mirage 2000 fighter jets, also made by Rafale manufacture Dassault Aviation, remain among the IAF fleet’s most versatile members to date. Thirty-five years ago, Air Marshal Chopra (Retd) was among the IAF fighter pilots who brought the first batch of the jets — seven in number — to their base in Gwalior.

Speaking to ThePrint Wednesday, when the first batch of Rafale jets touched down at the Ambala air base, Chopra recalled that the Mirage 2000 came into India amid a very different atmosphere.

“There was hardly any media then. Today the excitement is at least 200 times because it is also a media welcome. Most people were not even aware of the Mirages, which were a very new aircraft,” he said.

Chopra and his fellow fighter pilots spent six months in France, training, before they flew back the planes.

“There was a lot of excitement in homecoming, to be flying the aircraft back to the country after six months, but it was a quiet affair with few dignitaries and the traditional water cannon salute,” he said.

Among the dignitaries who attended the event was the late Madhavrao Scindia, who represented the Guna Lok Sabha seat (part of the Gwalior division), added Chopra, saying some other senior IAF officers came to the base over the subsequent few days.

Also Read: Mirage 2000: Why India used these fighter jets for its strike on Pakistan

A long journey

The Mirage 2000 took its first flight in 1978 and was inducted into the French Air Force in 1984. In 1982, India placed an order of 36 single-seater and four twin-seater Mirage 2000 jets, with another 10 ordered in 2004.

In 2011, a contract was signed to upgrade the existing Mirage 2000 jets to Mirage 2000-5 Mk to keep them in service until 2030.

Over the past three decades, the Mirages have played a critical role in multiple major operations, including the Kargil conflict and the 2019 Balakot air strikes.

While the Rafales have taken just over two days to reach India, with a display of mid-air refuelling enroute and a stopover at the Al Dhafra air base in the UAE, it was a much longer journey home for the Mirages.

In the absence of mid-air refuelling, the Mirages made four stops on the way, Chopra said.

“Also, there were time zone changes, so we were losing a few hours of the day. We halted at four places — Athens, Cairo, Doha and the Jamnagar air base in Gujarat — before reaching the Gwalior air base,” he added.

However, he said, the tailwinds did provide some advantage in terms of saving of time and fuel. Flying a single-engine aircraft over the entire Mediterranean Sea and the Arabian Sea was a daunting task, he added.

“There were seven Mirages and we flew them back in two formations,” he said, adding that he was flying in the first formation.

While the Rafales are expected to be operationally integrated in the quickest time possible on account of the security situation at the Line of Actual Control in Ladakh, it wasn’t the same for the Mirages.

“It took a few months as the weapons were yet to come,” said Chopra. “Unlike the Rafales, it was a new aircraft. So, while the pilots and the aircraft were ready, the weapons were still to arrive.”

Also Read: Rafale jets just the latest — Indo-French fighter aircraft love affair dates back to 1953

Five aircraft and seven pilots land after 8,500-km journey from Merignac in France, welcomed at Ambala with traditional water salute.

This is the first batch of 36 Rafale fighters ordered by India from Dassault Aviation, in a process that was first initiated in 2001.

The five aircraft and seven pilots, including 17th Squadron ‘Golden Arrows’ Commanding Officer Group Captain Harkirat Singh, were welcomed by Air Chief Marshal R.K.S. Bhadauria, who flew into the Ambala base from the national capital earlier Wednesday.

The pilots will now undergo the mandatory Covid-19 test, sources told ThePrint.

The sources said there was no ‘pooja’ held this time, unlike when Defence Minister Rajnath Singh had accepted delivery of the aircraft in France in October last year.

The five Rafales landed one after the other, as several other jets remained airborne to welcome and shoot pictures and videos of the new additions to the Indian Air Force.

The Rafales were escorted by two Sukhoi Su-30 MKI fighters as they entered Indian airspace from Jamnagar in Gujarat, circumventing Pakistani airspace while flying down from the UAE, where they had halted for over 24 hours at the French air base.

According to an IAF statement, the first stage of the flight covered a distance of 5,800 km in seven and a half hours. A French Air Force tanker provided dedicated air-to-air refuelling support during the flight.

The second stage of the flight, covering over 2,700 km, was carried out with air-to-air refuelling by an IAF tanker, the statement read.

Also read: Balakot, Kargil, 1971 — Rafale base at Ambala steeped in history, military significance   

Rajnath’s warning

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh took to Twitter and said: “The birds have landed safely in Ambala. The touch down of Rafale combat aircrafts (sic) in India marks the beginning of a new era in our military history. These multirole aircrafts will revolutionise the capabilities of the IAF.”

The minister said the Rafales were purchased when they fully met the operational requirements of the IAF, and also warned those who threatened India’s territorial integrity.

“The baseless allegations against this procurement have already been answered and settled. I would like to add, if it is anyone who should be worried about or critical about this new capability of the Indian Air Force, it should be those who want to threaten our territorial integrity,” he said.

For more details on the Rafale aircraft and its capabilities, read this article published earlier in the day.

Also read: Rafale jets just the latest — Indo-French fighter aircraft love affair dates back to 1953

In a series of tweets, Shah also said the Modi government is committed to building on India’s defence capabilities and added that the world class fighter jets will prove to be a “game changer”.

“Rafale touchdown is a historic day for our vigorous @IAF_MCC and a proud moment for India! These are the world’s most powerful machines capable to thwart any challenge in the sky. I am sure Rafale will help our Air warriors to safeguard our skies with its mighty superiority,” he said.

The home minister said the induction of the next generation aircraft is a true testimony of the prime minister’s resolve to make India a powerful and secure nation.

Shah also thanked Modi for providing this “unprecedented strength” to the IAF.

“From speed to weapon capabilities, Rafale is way ahead! I am sure these world class fighter jets will prove to be a game changer. Congratulations to PM @narendramodi ji, DM @rajnathsingh ji, Indian Air Force and the entire country on this momentous day. #RafaleInIndia,” he said.

Five French-manufactured Rafale multi-role combat jets touched down at the IAF station Ambala on Wednesday.

The Modi government had inked a Rs 59,000-crore deal in 2016 to procure 36 Rafale jets from aerospace major Dassault Aviation.

The fleet, comprising three single-seater and two twin-seater aircraft, are being inducted into the IAF as part of its Ambala-based No 17 Squadron, also known as the ‘Golden Arrows’.

Also read: Balakot, Kargil, 1971 — Rafale base at Ambala steeped in history, military significance 

Archit Watts

Tribune News Service

Gidderbaha/Muktsar, July 29

Residents of Muktsar district had a reason to cheer today as one of the five Rafale fighter jets, which landed today in Ambala, was flown by Squadron Leader Ranjit Singh Sidhu, who belongs to Gidderbaha town here.

Ranjit studied till Class XII at Malwa School in Gidderbaha. His teachers remember him as an all-rounder. “Ranjit was good in both studies and sports. Besides, he had leadership qualities as well. I interacted with him yesterday when he was in the UAE. I congratulated him for getting an opportunity to bring the fighter jet to our country. It is indeed a big achievement as the whole nation was glued to television screens to see the landing of fighter jets. We feel with his success, many others will get inspiration to join the armed forces,” said Jasbir Singh Brar, vice-principal, Malwa School, Gidderbaha.

He said, “Ranjit did his Class XII in 1999 and got inspiration to join the Indian Air Force from the then principal Venu Gopal, a retired squadron leader himself. Ranjit cleared his NDA exam in 2000. Whenever he comes to Gidderbaha, he never forgets to visit the school. Ranjit’s father Gurmeet Singh has retired from the Revenue Department. His parents now reside in Gidderbaha, but they have gone to Canada to the meet their daughter, who is married there.”

Notably, Malwa School is run by a trust formed by former Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal’s family. The former CM himself is the chairman of the trust. Ranjit’s uncle Gurdarshan Singh said, “Ranjit had earlier gone to bring the Sukhoi jet. Now, he went to France to bring the Rafale. His love for the Air Force started when he was studying in Class X.”

Meanwhile, Harvinder Singh, a resident of Gidderbaha, said, “It is a proud moment for Gidderbaha town and Muktsar district. Everyone is wishing for the bright future of Ranjit, who has already achieved a lot.”