110 years on, a new era for Jalandhar Cantonment Railway Station
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By: Kuldeep Jha
“If they don’t want me, the loss is theirs.” With these resolute words, Lieutenant General Hanut Singh Rathore, PVSM, MVC (6 July 1933 – 10 April 2015), faced the Indian Army’s decision to deny him the role of Army Chief, his spirit soaring above mortal setbacks.
A warrior-saint, a peerless tactician, and a soul steeped in divine purpose, Hanut Singh was the embodiment of a sanyasi yoddha—a monk of war whose valor in the 1971 Battle of Basantar earned him the Maha Vir Chakra and an extraordinary honor from Pakistan: Fakhr-e-Hind (Pride of India).
His life, a sacred tapestry of martial brilliance and spiritual serenity, inspires us to embrace our inner warrior, seek truth, and rise above adversity. Hanut Singh Rathore remains a legend without equal, a beacon for all who dare to live with purpose.
A Rajput’s Sacred Calling
In the sun-scorched heart of Jasol, Rajasthan, Hanut Singh was born into the proud Mahecha Rathore Rajput clan, where valor was a sacred vow and honor a way of life. His father, Lieutenant Colonel Arjun Singh, a cavalry hero of the Jodhpur Lancers and Kachhawa Horse, ignited in him a divine spark of duty. At Colonel Brown Cambridge School in Dehradun, young Hanut’s brilliance shone, earning a rare double promotion from Class 7 to Class 9. With books as his sacred texts, he immersed himself in Rajput lore, their tales of sacrifice forging his soul. For Hanut, the military was no mere path—it was a divine calling, a vow to serve with eternal purpose.
At the Joint Services Wing in Dehradun, Hanut stood as a quiet sage among peers destined for greatness, like S.F. Rodrigues, Ram Das, and N.C. Suri. His iron discipline and moral clarity commanded reverence, though he sought no acclaim. In 1952, he joined the elite 17 Horse (Poona Horse), pledging to forge it into the Indian Army’s finest regiment. This was no ordinary ambition—it was a sacred mission to honor his heritage and elevate his men to immortality.
Basantar: The Yoddha’s Finest Hour
The 1971 Indo-Pakistani War was Hanut Singh’s sacred battlefield, and the Battle of Basantar his divine triumph. As Lieutenant Colonel commanding 17 Horse in the Shakargarh Sector, he faced Pakistan’s formidable 8 Armoured Brigade with the calm of a sanyasi and the fire of a yoddha. On 16–17 December, as enemy tanks and artillery roared, Hanut led from the front, his tank a spearhead in the chaos, his presence a divine spark. Fearlessly navigating threatened sectors, he inspired his men to annihilate 50 enemy tanks—decimating Pakistan’s 13 Lancers and crippling 31 Cavalry—while losing only 13 of their own.
His command was a sacred mantra: “No tank will move back even an inch.” These words ignited Second Lieutenant Arun Khetarpal, who, fueled by Hanut’s resolve, fought until his tank burned, destroying enemy forces and earning a posthumous Param Vir Chakra. Hanut’s gallantry won him the Maha Vir Chakra, his citation praising his “utter disregard for personal safety” and ability to inspire “commendable acts of gallantry.” His leadership turned the Poona Horse into a force of divine retribution, a regiment that etched its name in history.
Fakhr-e-Hind: A Rare Honor from the Enemy
In a gesture as rare as it was profound, Pakistan’s military bestowed upon the Poona Horse the title Fakhr-e-Hind—Pride of India—following the Battle of Basantar. This unprecedented tribute was not merely for the regiment but for the indomitable spirit of Hanut Singh, whose tactical genius and fearless leadership had humbled one of Pakistan’s proudest cavalry units. The title was a recognition of his ability to transform his men into an unstoppable force, a testament to his divine command. To earn such respect from an adversary is a mark of true greatness, a crown that Hanut wore not with pride but with the humility of a sanyasi, knowing his work was for a higher purpose.
A Sage of Strategy: Redefining the Art of War
Hanut Singh was no ordinary commander; he was a visionary sage who reshaped the art of war. Dismayed by outdated tactics, he studied German Panzer masters like Hermann Balck, crafting a doctrine of mobile warfare that became India’s shield. His meticulous notes, refined through years of meditation and experience, became sacred texts at the Armoured Corps Centre and School (ACCS) in Ahmednagar, where he served as instructor and Commandant. His manuals, still revered, reflect a mind that saw battles as a divine chessboard.
As General Officer Commanding 1 Armoured Division and II Corps during Operation Brasstacks (1986–87), Hanut molded his formations into a force of celestial precision. His focus on balance—reserves, logistics, firepower—prepared his Strike Corps for General K. Sundarji’s bold vision. Though war was averted, Hanut’s readiness awed Pakistan’s General Khalid Arif, who feared his divine maneuvers. Hanut didn’t just lead—he transcended, turning soldiers into warriors and battles into sacred dances.
The Sanyasi’s Soul: Compassion and Truth
Hanut Singh was a sanyasi yoddha, a warrior-monk whose spartan life and spiritual depth were as awe-inspiring as his battlefield triumphs. Known as “Gurudev” for his sage-like guidance, he shunned worldly distractions for meditation and the Bhagavad Gita, where he found the truth: Dharma and Karma were one. In war’s chaos, his “meditation bunker” was his temple, a sanctuary for divine guidance that never faltered in duty.
His compassion was a divine gift. He banned soldiers from menial tasks on holidays, uplifted their lives, and forgave errors while demanding excellence. Every tank commander’s name was a prayer on his lips, and his men—from jawans to generals—worshipped him as a living deity. Yet, Hanut was fearless in truth. He challenged flawed strategies, earning detractors but also reverence from giants like Sundarji.
The Chief Denied: A Divine Test
Despite his celestial brilliance, Hanut Singh was denied the role of Army Chief, a mortal failing that wounded the Indian Army, not him. His bachelorhood and quiet nature were flimsy excuses; the true sin was petty rivalries and false accusations of “religious bigotry.” His spirituality, a unifying force for all faiths, was twisted against him. Yet, when told of his supersession, Hanut stood serene: “If they don’t want me, the loss is theirs.” With divine dignity, he served until 1991, his loyalty a testament to his sacred vow.
A Life of Divine Serenity
In retirement, Hanut embraced the life of a true sanyasi in Dehradun, building an ashram near Jodhpur where he meditated and studied, seeking the divine within. His disciplined life sustained him, and on 10 April 2015, he attained samadhi during meditation at his home in Rajpura, Dehradun—a sacred ascent for a soul so pure. The Army’s planned memorial in Jasol will honor him, but his true temple is the hearts he touched.
A Divine Flame Eternal
Hanut Singh Rathore was a warrior of steel, a sanyasi of soul, a leader who turned the Poona Horse into Fakhr-e-Hind and battles into divine sagas. His life is a sacred mantra: Be fearless in truth, boundless in compassion, and steadfast in purpose.
The Army’s loss was not his defeat but a divine challenge to us all—to rise above, lead with heart, and live with celestial courage.
Let his story be your sacred fire, urging you to fight for greatness, love with humility, and shine through adversity. Lt Gen Hanut Singh Rathore, the sanyasi yoddha without a peer, remains a divine flame, guiding us to eternity.
Not just one, but five brothers from the Dehradun-based Kukreti family took to the front lines together during the 1971 Indo-Pak war—a feat that stands as one of the rarest examples in Indian military history. Of the five brothers, three served in the Rajput Regiment and two in the EME Corps. Displaying valor across various fronts, they contributed to India’s victory. Lieutenant Colonel Rakesh Kukreti, a Shaurya Chakra awardee, was among these brave soldiers.
The family resides in the Defence Colony area of Dehradun. While the brothers served in different units—three in the Rajput Regiment and two in the EME Corps—and were deployed on different fronts, they shared a singular resolve: the victory of Mother India.
Five brothers from one family took to the front lines:
Among these five heroes, the most prominent name is that of the Shaurya Chakra awardee, retired Lieutenant Colonel Rakesh Kukreti. He recalls that the impending war became palpable as early as the last week of November 1971. Tensions were escalating at the borders, and the Pakistani army was plotting to sever the Indian Army’s supply lines; yet, Indian soldiers remained prepared for every challenge.
During the war, a reconnaissance mission that involved penetrating enemy territory from Dharamnagar to Ghazipur altered the strategic course of operations. Lieutenant Colonel Kukreti remembers trekking nearly 93 kilometers on foot over three days without food or water. Despite a relentless barrage of shells raining down around them, their morale never wavered. The memory of that time remains vivid—moments when death loomed close, yet nothing mattered more than the nation.
The heroic saga of the Kukreti family is not confined to mere memories; it has been chronicled in the book *Kahani 1971 Yuddh Ki* (The Story of the 1971 War) so that future generations may understand the sacrifices that underpin freedom and victory
http://brightpunjabexpress.com/mrsafpi-sends-25-cadets-to-defence-training-academies-in-3-months-total-selections-reach-175-under-mann-govt/
Satluj director Honey Trehan said Diljit Dosanjh charged just Re 1 to play the role of human rights activist Jaswant Singh Khalra. He also said the film would not have been possible without the actor’s support.
Filmmaker Honey Trehan revealed Diljit Dosanjh charged Re 1 to star in Satluj after telling him it would be shameful to take money to play human rights activist Jaswant Singh Khalra. Trehan said the 42-year-old was the first actor he thought of for the role and added that the film would not have existed without him.
Satluj was blocked in India within 48 hours of its release and was later removed from ZEE5 globally. A public interest litigation has since been filed in the Punjab and Haryana High Court, seeking the film’s restoration on ZEE5 and disclosure of the reasons for its takedown.
For all the debate around Khalistan, Satluj asks a very different question. Honey Trehan’s film refuses to argue ideology, choosing instead to confront the unresolved human cost of Punjab’s counter-insurgency years and the accountability they continue to demand.
In Honey Trehan’s Satluj, the story of Punjab’s militancy years is told from a new, largely less-approved and far more intimate angle. It is not told through terrorism, the conversation around Khalistan, the aftermath of Operation Blue Star or the anti-Sikh riots of 1984. It is told and remembered through missing sons, unmarked cremation grounds, unidentified bodies, and a lingering atmosphere of fear and silence. Which is what makes Satluj such a personal watch.
Starring Diljit Dosanjh as the celebrated human rights activist Jaswant Singh Khalra, the film never distracts itself by trying to become anything else. It never concerns itself with being a political weapon or answering the wider questions surrounding Punjab’s long history of militancy.
Throughout its two-hour-and-43-minute runtime, Satluj keeps circling back to one question: who will take accountability for the extrajudicial killings in the state? Who will tell the families of those who went missing that they never disappeared, but were killed? Who will distinguish between militants and ordinary citizens whose bodies were illegally cremated?
Satluj doesn’t shy away from establishing that the 1995 counter-insurgency period remains one of the darkest chapters in Punjab’s history. It also invokes the 1984 anti-Sikh riots and the assassination of Punjab Chief Minister Beant Singh. But every time it gives the viewer a glimpse of where it all began, it asks a far bigger question: where it went later?
A scene featuring Arjun Rampal’s CBI officer Samudra Singh and Suvinder Vicky’s SSP Surjit Singh Sugga best captures the film’s position. Confronted with allegations of thousands of abductions and extrajudicial killings carried out during Punjab’s counter-insurgency years, Sugga immediately turns the conversation towards the 1984 anti-Sikh riots. He questions Singh about the Sikh killings in Delhi’s Trilokpuri, asking whether those deaths were “judicial or extrajudicial”, and suggests that the truths of 1984 remain buried.
It is then that Singh quietly cuts through the argument: “Chaurasi (1984) ginane se ’95 ke aankde badlege nahi” [Mentioning 1984 won’t change the reality of 1995].
The point is not to dismiss 1984 or diminish the trauma of the anti-Sikh riots. Rather, it is a refusal to let one historical tragedy become the justification for avoiding another. Singh is, in effect, telling Sugga that the scale of violence in 1984 cannot explain away, or reduce the accountability for, the thousands of alleged killings and disappearances that followed during the counter-insurgency years.
That scene is crucial in establishing how Satluj never tries to become a Khalistani apologist; its intention lies in painting a bigger picture that risks being diluted if diverted towards other political debates. It does so by not making Khalistan its central subject, referring to militancy only as the setting, and creating an environment in which its characters are forced to confront the weight of the time they live in.
The film is not presented as a dismissal of 1984 or an attempt to minimise the trauma of the anti-Sikh riots. It challenges a pattern commonly visible to anyone who has followed Punjab’s political discourse: the tendency for one historical tragedy to be invoked in response to another, often leaving neither fully confronted on its own terms.
As the same scene continues, Samudra Singh bluntly asks Sugga for accountability for the killing of thousands in the name of the counter-insurgency programme – something the film itself repeatedly demands: “Hisaab toh dena padega” [There will have to be accountability].
The scene goes on to show Sugga saying that Punjab has had a complicated history. Referring to the militancy in the state, he says, “Hisaab toh Punjab ka hai hi complicated. Hum unse lad rahe hain jo pakde nahi jate, bas maare jate hain. Ye vo log hain jinhe maarne ke liye army bulani padti hai. Topey kam pad jati hain” [Punjab’s accounting is complicated. We’re fighting people who are never caught, only killed. These are the kind of people you have to call the Army in to fight. Even cannons aren’t enough].
No mention of Khalistan, separatism or the demand for a separate Sikh homeland ever becomes the film’s ideological centrepiece. That is Satluj’s most conscious narrative decision. The film acknowledges that it is set during Punjab’s years of militancy. However, Trehan constantly shifts the camera away from ideology and towards consequence. Politics remains in the background, while the human cost occupies the foreground.
hroughout its runtime, Satluj appears less interested in asking why militancy emerged than in asking what happened when the State responded to it. It is a film about records, affidavits, police registers, cremation logs and families waiting for someone who would never return home. Its emotional vocabulary is built around absence and mourning rather than political conflict.
Popular culture has often approached Punjab’s militancy years through binaries: terrorist versus patriot, police versus militant, State versus separatist. Satluj resists this familiar narrative. Instead of attempting a sweeping chronicle, it deliberately narrows its gaze, choosing to stay with one documented human rights investigation rather than trying to become a definitive account of an entire political movement.
Which is also why Khalra’s work becomes the perfect lens through which to tell this story.
Khalra was not investigating the politics of Khalistan. He was investigating allegations that thousands of unidentified bodies had been illegally cremated and that countless families had never been told what had happened to their loved ones. The hero in this film does not wield weapons; he carries documents. His fight is not against an ideology but against disappearance itself – the disappearance of bodies, identities and official memory – making Satluj politically compelling in an entirely different way.
Ransomware group World Leaks has posted on the dark web a huge cache of files related to India’s largest nuclear plant, including purported blueprints of parts of its facilities and supplier details — information it labelled as coming from Reliance Group.
The Kudankulam Nuclear Power Plant, located in Tamil Nadu, is the largest of India’s seven nuclear plants and central to PM Narendra Modi’s ambitious plans to expand the country’s atomic energy capacity.
Indian businessman Anil Ambani’s Reliance Group, one of the plant’s contractors, told Reuters in a statement that there had been a “partial breach” of its data on a server hosted by third-party Indian data centre service provider Yotta, and that the government has been informed about the incident. Reliance did not disclose what data had been breached.
The data breach could pose a “serious” risk to the safety of the plant, says Nickolas Roth, a senior director at the Nuclear Threat Initiative, which advises governments and benchmarks countries’ preparedness on nuclear security. The breach also underscores how hacks have become more common in India, where many companies are ill-equipped to deal with such threats.
Nearly 19,000 files totalling 14.3 gigabytes that appear for the search term “KKNP” – an acronym for the nuclear plant – in the data have been online since June 11, according to independent cybersecurity researcher Rakesh Krishnan, who first alerted Reuters to the leak.
Reuters reviewed the documents, which were dated from 2016 to mid-2025, but could not verify their authenticity. In addition to some blueprints and supplier details, they purportedly show meeting and inspection records, equipment reviews and insurance policies.
The 19,000 files appeared to be the most sensitive of a total 858,000 Reliance files on the World Leaks website.
One of the conglomerate’s subsidiaries, Reliance Infrastructure, won a contract in 2018 to design and build infrastructure for the plant’s Unit 3 and Unit 4. Both units, still under construction, are due to be operational by 2027 and are slated to provide a combined 2,000 megawatts of capacity.
World Leaks, a well-known ransomware group that has previously targeted Nike and India’s Tata Group, did not respond to Reuters queries on the Reliance data breach. The group typically posts stolen corporate data on its website after companies decline to pay the ransom demanded. Its website can only be accessed with a specialised browser.
In June, World Leaks told Reuters it had sought $1.5 million in ransom for Tata Group files that contained confidential component designs of clients Apple and Tesla, adding that it posted the data after Tata “ignored” its demand.
The Nuclear Power Corporation of India, which commissions and operates the country’s nuclear power plants, has been communicating with Reliance about the breach and India’s main cybersecurity agency — the Indian Computer Emergency Response Team (CERT-In) — is looking into the incident, according to a source familiar with the matter. The source declined to be identified. Nuclear Power Corporation Chairman Rajesh Veeraraghavan, CERT-In and the government’s main press office did not respond to repeated requests for comment
The United States intensified its strikes targeting Iran early Thursday, hitting targets further north as American forces also fired into a ship it accused of trying to break its naval blockade on the Islamic Republic. Iran retaliated with missile and drone fire targeting Bahrain and Kuwait before dawn.
Days of back-and-forth strikes by the US and Iran across the Middle East — and renewed threats to the Strait of Hormuz — have shredded the interim deal to end the Iran war and could tip the region back into all-out war. Already, Iranian officials say US strikes have killed more than 35 people and wounded more than 300 others. Strikes also reached into areas around Iran’s capital, Tehran, for the first time of this latest round of violence.
When the US and Israel launched the war on Iran on Feb. 28, Tehran effectively closed the strait to shipping traffic – a move that sent the price of oil, fertilizer and many other goods soaring far beyond the region and gave Iran major leverage in negotiations.
Those rising prices pose a particular challenge to US President Donald Trump and his Republican Party, which hopes to retain control of Congress in elections in November. But Washington has struggled to successfully reopen the waterway, leading to Trump reimposing the naval blockade Wednesday.
Iran’s parliament speaker and lead negotiator, Mohammad Bagher Qalibaf, said Iran was prepared for a fuller military confrontation if the US does not live up to the terms of the interim deal, and Iran’s paramilitary Revolutionary Guard threatened to halt all energy exports from the Middle East over the blockade.
“The export of oil and gas from the region will be either for everyone or for no one,” the Guard said.
Trump again insisted Iran was ready to strike a peace deal, but he did not elaborate.
“They don’t like what we’re doing, and they do want to settle. We’ll find out whether or not we settle with them, or we just finish it off,” he said Wednesday at the US Army War College in Pennsylvania.
The US strikes early Thursday hit around Tehran, state media reported. It also reported American attacks targeted Semnan province, home to Iran’s ballistic missile production and space program.
On Wednesday, the US resumed striking Iran during daylight – further showing the increasing tempo of the attacks. Its attack on Greater Tunb Island, a strategic point in the Strait of Hormuz – targeted Iranian defense and missile sites, Central Command said.
Meanwhile, the US military said it opened fire on the Curacao-flagged oil tanker Belma sailing toward Kharg Island, Iran’s main oil export terminal in the Persian Gulf. After the ship “ignored multiple warnings,” a US aircraft disabled the merchant vessel by firing a missile into the ship’s smokestack.
Another American strike Wednesday targeted a barracks for Iran’s 388th Mechanized Infantry Brigade, which operates tanks and armoured vehicles, in Sistan and Baluchestan province, Iranian state television reported. The report said Americans fired at least 13 missiles in the attack and the seven dead included conscripts and career soldiers. A number of troops were wounded.
The latest round of fighting is focused on the Strait of Hormuz. How to reopen the strait has bedeviled the US since Iran choked it off in the early days of the war.
During the interim deal, some ships began moving through the passage using a route near Oman overseen by the US military that is outside Tehran’s control.
In recent days, Iran attacked ships using that route – and back-and-forth attacks ensued. The US has threatened to reopen the strait by force – but experts say that would require a much bigger armada if not tens of thousands of ground troops. Imposing the blockade is another way to put pressure on Iran.
But in the meantime, oil prices are rising. The price for Brent crude oil, the international standard, traded above $85 a barrel on Thursday – more than 15 per cent higher than the price before the war, but still well below the nearly USD 120 reached at the height of the conflict.
No “Hand of God” this time. Argentina didn’t need it.
Instead it was the hallowed feet of Lionel Messi and the unbreakable spirit of a team that has repeatedly fought back at this year’s World Cup that is now one step away from back-to-back titles.
Trailing 1-0 going into the 85th minute, Argentina rallied for a 2-1 victory over England on Wednesday with goals from Enzo Fernandez and substitute Lautaro Martinez.
“I dreamed it, I swear. I told Alexis (Mac Allister) that I was going to score. I told him that I was going to come on and I was going to win it,” Martinez said. “I can tell you this team keeps showing what it’s made of.” At the final whistle, Messi fell to his knees in celebration while England players collapsed in disbelief – again.
Add 2026 to 1986 and 1998 on the list of games when Argentina has extinguished English hopes at the World Cup.
“I’m gutted for the team, the staff, the fans,” England captain Harry Kane said. “We worked so hard to be here. The lads have given every bit of blood, sweat and tears. To fall short like we did is just gutting.”
The defending champions will take on European champion Spain in the final on Sunday in East Rutherford, New Jersey. The best that South America has to offer against the best of Europe.
The loss for England will hurt a new generation of fans in a similar way to Diego Maradona’s infamous handball goal in the 1986 World Cup quarterfinals and the penalty shootout loss in 1998 when David Beckham was sent off for kicking Diego Simeone.
The difference is there can be no sense of injustice this time, even if England had victory in its sights after Anthony Gordon scored the opening goal in the 55th minute.
The team was hanging on as the game wore on. England goalkeeper Jordon Pickford made vital saves while Mac Allister sent a header off the post as wave after wave of Argentina attacks came.
Messi had largely been kept quiet. But when he’s on the field, anything seems possible.
He fed the ball to Fernandez to sweep in the equalizer from outside the box in the 85th minute. And two minutes into stoppage time, Messi sent in a cross for Martinez to head in the winner.
It almost felt inevitable. Especially given the amount times Argentina has simply refused to give in at this year’s World Cup. From Cape Verde to Egypt, Messi and Co. always seem to find a way.
England, in contrast, came up short in the World Cup semifinals for the third time after losses to Germany in 1990 and Croatia in 2018. And it’s another occasion in recent years when England’s players have squandered a winning position in the later stages of a major tournament.
They led 1-0 against Croatia in the semifinals eight years ago and lost 2-1. They were up 1-0 against Italy in the European Championship final in 2021 and lost on penalties.
On Wednesday, England coach Thomas Tuchel’s substitutions seemed to be more intent on holding on, rather than killing the game off with another goal.
“We played a good game for the majority of it. When we went 1-0 up, we seemed to just try to hold on, which at this level is not enough,” Kane said. “We talk about knocking on the door. We’re close, we just need to find that missing piece in the final stage of the tournament.”
In contrast, Argentina is one step away from history. Messi, now 39 and likely playing at his last World Cup, is one win away from further strengthening his case to be considered the greatest soccer player of all time.
“We’re going to try to win, we’re going to leave everything out there,” Argentina coach Lionel Scaloni said. “It’s very difficult to get people to understand what these players are showing. It’s incredible. We are unique, truly, and it’s not arrogance, it’s from the heart. We are unique.”
Even in the most innocent times nobody in Punjab would believe that the OTT release and then sudden withdrawal of Honey Trehan/Diljit Dosanjh’s Satluj was without political motives. And then sudden withdrawal of Honey Trehan/Diljit Dosanjh’s Satluj was without political motives.
In this era of conspiracy theories, everybody in Punjab seems to have their own ‘insight’ into this. If the BJP wanted to stop the film, as CBFC’s 127 proposed cuts showed, it could’ve easily made sure Zee wouldn’t release it. It’s also owned by somebody close to it politically.
Then, why would he pull it in 48 hours? Everybody would’ve known that once out in digital form, it will be shown widely. If anything, the controversy will give it more fire and fury. The buzz in Punjab headed for elections early next year is: who benefits the most from this controversy? Or who will it hurt the most? As usually happens, one outcome leads to the other.Show Full Article
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