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Defence ministry approves purchase of 33 fighter aircraft for IAF, 248 indigenous missiles

IAF jets

IAF’s MiG-29 jets. Ministry of Defence has cleared the purchase of 21 MiG-29 aircraft (representational image) | Indian Air Force official website
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New Delhi: In a boost to the armed forces, the Ministry of Defence Thursday cleared the purchase of 21 MiG-29 and 12 Sukhoi-30 MKI fighter aircraft, besides 248 indigenous long-range air to air missiles, Astra, among others.

In total, the ministry cleared the purchase of platforms and equipment for the armed forces to the tune of Rs 38,900 crore. It has also approved the upgrade of the existing 59 MiG-29 aircraft for the Indian Air Force (IAF).

The approvals by the Defence Acquisition Council headed by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh come amid the two-month military standoff with China at multiple points along the Line of Actual Control in Eastern Ladakh.

Of the 248 indigenous Astra missiles, 200 is for the Air Force, and 48 for the Navy, and the estimated cost of their procurement is Rs 2,700 crore, sources said.

According to the ministry, the MiG-29 procurement and upgrade from Russia is estimated to cost Rs 7,418 crore. The Sukhoi-30 MKI will be procured from the state-owned Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) at an estimated cost of Rs 10,730 crore.

The approvals would also address the long-felt need of the IAF to increase its fighter squadrons, the defence ministry said in a statement.

Currently, the IAF has 30 active fighter squadrons of a sanctioned strength of 42 squadrons. Air Chief Marshal R.K. Bhadauria in an interview to ThePrint in May had said the depletion will be offset by deliveries of Rafale from France and the indigenous LCA MK IA, while a follow-up acquisition plan will start to recover the overall squadron strength.

The IAF would order Light Combat Aircraft (LAC) Tejas MK IA soon and expects deliveries to commence in three years, even as at least four Rafale fighter jets of the total 36 bought by India are scheduled to land in Ambala on 27 July.


Also read: IAF receives its first Rafale aircraft in France, to be inducted on 8 October


Indigenous acquisition of over Rs 30,000 crore

Stating that the approvals are in line with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s clarion call for ‘Atma Nirbhar Bharat’, the defence ministry said much of these approvals include indigenous acquisition to the tune of Rs 31,130 crore.

It said the equipment to be manufactured in India involves the Indian defence industry with participation of several MSMEs as prime tier vendors, emphasising that the indigenous content in some of these projects is up to 80 per cent of the project cost.

“A large number of these projects have been made possible due to Transfer of Technology by DRDO to the indigenous industry. These include Pinaka ammunition, BMP armament upgrades and Software Defined Radios (SDR) for the Army, Long Range Land Attack Cruise Missile Systems (a derivative of Nirbhay missiles) and Astra Missiles for Navy and Air Force,” the ministry said, adding that the cost of these design and development proposals is in the range of Rs 20,400 crore.

Pinaka is an all-weather, indirect fire, free flight artillery rocket system and consists of a rocket, multi-barrel rocket launcher, battery command post, loader-cum-replenishment vehicle, and digicora MET radar.

SDR is a secure indigenous system with legacy communication support and secure digital voice/data communication.

Astra missiles induction a ‘force-multiplier’

The ministry said the acquisition of new missile systems such as the Pinaka will enable raising additional regiments above the ones inducted.

The procurement of Long Range Land Attack Missile Systems having a firing range of 1,000 km and the induction of Astra missiles having Beyond Visual Range (BVR) capability will serve as a “force multiplier” and add to the strike capability of the Navy and Air Force.

ASTRA is a BVR class of Air-to-Air Missile (AAM) system designed to be mounted on fighter aircraft. The missile is designed to engage and destroy highly manoeuvring supersonic aircraft.

The ASTRA MK-I Weapon System integrated with Sukhoi-30 MKI aircraft is being inducted into the IAF.


Also read: IAF to buy 83 more Tejas fighters from HAL instead of foreign jets, CDS Rawat says


 

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India cautious of China on de-escalation at LAC, both agree on 72-hr observation window

File image of Indian soldiers in Ladakh | By special arrangement

File image of Indian soldiers in Ladakh | By special arrangement

New Delhi: India is being cautious of the de-escalation process at the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China, and both sides have agreed on a 72-hour observation window to make sure that steps agreed upon have been taken on the ground, ThePrint has learnt.

The 72 hours’ timeframe has been decided on India’s request, sources said, adding that both sides will during this time satisfy themselves about the de-escalation steps agreed upon before moving ahead.

This decision, the sources said, was taken because while India had fulfilled the de-escalation commitment made at a meeting on 6 June, China did not do so.

Indians had observed that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) had not lived up to the commitment that both sides would fall back by about 2 kilometres from their current positions at Patrol Point 14, which led to burning down of a Chinese tent in the Galwan Valley on 14 June, as reported by ThePrint earlier.

Another round of meeting between the commanding officers of two sides was held at Patrol Point 14 on 15 June, following which Col Santosh Babu had gone in the evening to check if the Chinese had removed the observation post near the Y Junction, about 1.5 km inside the Indian territory.

This resulted in the deadly clash, which led to fatal casualties on both sides.


Also read: If you don’t shoot, you don’t escalate: NSAB chief explains how India, China have avoided war


Not much of a change in ground situation yet

“The de-escalation will happen in a phased manner. During this process, there will be a 72 hours period during which both sides will make sure that the other has carried out the commitments made. Only then will the next round of de-escalation happen,” a source said, explaining the situation.

They added that there has not been any actual de-escalation since the third round of meetings between the corps commanders of the two sides Tuesday.

However, defence sources have maintained that the process will be long drawn.

The two countries had already agreed to follow some protocols, such as keeping a distance of at least 100 metres between patrols, desisting from ramming boats and vehicles into each other, avoiding confrontation, and disengagement in case of an eventuality.

Despite multiple rounds of talks at several levels, there has not been much of a change in the ground situation.

The sources said implementation of the understanding arrived at by the two sides is a real challenge on the ground.

Following the 12-hour meeting between the corps commanders Tuesday, sources had said they discussed the need for an “expeditious, phased and step-wise de-escalation”.


Also read: China ‘deploys’ S-400s, IAF has war gamed the scenario multiple times for air ops


 

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The mistaken Chinese calculation | Analysis Its economy is shrinking; PLA isn’t fully prepared; anti-China sentiment is high; India will be resolute

A mountain strike corps to create a deterrent capability is imperative

A mountain strike corps to create a deterrent capability is imperative(AP)

China has been uncomfortable with the emergence of another Asian power. Apart from checkmating proposals made by India at the United Nations and other global forums, Beijing has tried to contain New Delhi’s influence in the region. In a bid to throw a cordon sanitairearound India, China has focused on the countries in India’s immediate and extended neighbourhood. It has established a strategic partnership with Pakistan and deepened diplomatic, economic and military engagements with others. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)  has been leveraged for this purpose. China also employs both inducements and coercion. In the Indo-Pacific region, Africa and some other regions, China has unabashedly interfered in internal matters.

All emerging great powers tend to be aggressive to maximise their influence in the geopolitical arena. However, in the case of China, such behaviour seems premature. While China has made discernible strides in augmenting its comprehensive national power (CNP), there are still several internal and external challenges that continue to give President Xi Jinping sleepless nights. On the domestic front, these pertain to its economy, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA)’s leadership, national morale, and the rising anti-China sentiment in the international domain.

China’s shrinking economy has generated widespread unemployment. The Chinese Communist Party (CPC)-driven policy of empowering State-owned enterprises has impacted the private sector that used to contribute over 65% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and more than 90% of new jobs. Moreover, the relocation of manufacturing, growing debt, and an ageing population that will shrink its workforce, will impinge on China’s economic stability in the long-term.

In 2012, Xi had announced the transformation of PLA into a world-class military, that would facilitate its journey towards the “world’s centre-stage” by 2049. Since then, multifaceted reforms have been undertaken to enhance its combat power and accountability to the CPC. However, Xi, who personally monitors the reforms, is unhappy with the professional standards of PLA leadership as it lacks practical war-fighting experience. Several think-tanks have assessed that at this juncture, PLA is well short of the capabilities required to challenge other militaries.

National morale is a crucial ingredient of CNP. China’s national morale should not be gauged by its captive media’s reportage and the diplomatic activism unleashed by its new brand of “wolf warriors”. Both are involved in countering the western and Indian media, besides marketing the Chinese model of governance and projecting Xi as a global leader. But beneath the surface, there is growing dissent against the CPC owing to the spike in unemployment, choked civil liberties and victimisation of all perceived detractors and minority communities. Xi’s heavy-handed approach in enhancing the CPC’s control is also creating dangerous undercurrents. As per open-source information, he had dismissed and imprisoned over 2.3 million officials between 2013-2018, including several senior PLA officials and bureaucrats.

Given these challenges, PLA’s adventurism in eastern Ladakh appears to be ill-timed and based on flawed assumptions. Perhaps, Beijing never expected a resolute politico-military response from India. India’s military build-up and posturing, along with the measures to hurt its economy and garner international support, will give Beijing the jitters.

India’s short-term strategy should aim at restoring the status quo ante along the Line of Actual Control through a combination of military and diplomatic negotiations. The use of force should be considered only after exhausting all possible non-kinetic options. While implementing a kinetic option, we must cater for the escalation, institute viable measures in the cyber domain, and also remain poised to thwart any adventurism by Pakistan.

India’s long-term strategy should be guided by its national interests, based on pragmatism. To minimise risk in the face of Chinese deception, the ends, ways and means must be aligned. The ends are the objectives that we wish to achieve vis-à-vis China. The means are the political, diplomatic, economic, military and information elements of national power along with other internal and external resources available to the government. The ways are the most efficient and effective options for the application of resources to achieve the objectives. The ways selected should not get influenced by any extraneous or parochial factors.

While garnering international support, India should incrementally exploit the economic pressure points against China and fast-track the initiatives to enhance its combat power and infrastructure development. A re-evaluation of the mountain strike corps to create a deterrent capability is perhaps a strategic imperative. Its application could be in the newly-created battle groups. I am flagging this issue as, during my official visit to China in July 2014, I had sensed PLA leadership’s concerns and anxiety on its raising. Today, India has the military capability to give China a bloody nose. However, the political leadership will also require large tracts of real estate across the border to enable post-conflict negotiations from a position of strength.

Since the development of the necessary combat power will take time, in the interim, it would be prudent to align with like-minded nations to balance the regional military power equations. However, this should be undertaken with due diligence.

To effectively deal with China’s hostile designs, the nation must stand united behind its soldiers, sailors and airmen. This will help sustain the highest levels of military morale, a sine qua non for victory.

General Bikram Singh is former Chief of the Army Staff
The views expressed are personal

PM Modi flies to Leh in signal to China, gets briefing at 11,000 feet on standoffs

The decision for PM Modi to visit Ladakh sector was taken last evening with National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval handling the last minute detailing with Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat.

Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat and Army chief General MM Naravane with Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Leh on Friday.

Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat and Army chief General MM Naravane with Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Leh on Friday.(ANI Photo)

In a closely guarded move, Prime Minister Narendra Modi accompanied by Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) General Bipin Rawat and Army Chief Gen M N Naravane landed at Leh on Friday morning to review the tri-services preparedness against the aggressive People’s Liberation Army (PLA) as well as understand the proposed de-escalation and disengagement process at the four stand-off points.

The decision for PM Modi to visit Ladakh sector was taken last evening with National Security Advisor (NSA) Ajit Doval handling the last minute detailing with Gen Rawat. PM Modi, Doval and Rawat stood together to face the Chinese aggression in Doklam plateau in 2017.

PM Modi was briefed by the Northern Army Commander Lt Gen Y K Joshi and XIV Corps Commander Lt Gen Harinder Singh at Nimu Army headquarters near Leh.

The visit of PM Modi and Army brass will be a huge morale booster for Indian troops deployed in East Ladakh. With NSA Ajit Doval coming out of self imposed isolation, the Leh visit is a huge signal to China as it conveys how seriously does India view the stand-off with PLA.

Although the Ministry of External Affairs spokesman on Thursday called for expeditious dis-engagement from the border, the de-escalation process will take time with the PLA not in the mood to walk the talk between the two governments on ground. Despite talking about peace and dis-engagement, the PLA troop withdrawal from Galwan, Gogra, Hot Springs and Pangong Tso will take a lot of time and serious persuasion.

According to military commanders, the PLA continues to earmark its territory at all the stand-off points by physical deployment while undertaking superficial thinning in the rear by withdrawing a few vehicles and few men. The PLA stands amassed at Galwan River Valley and consolidated at Pangong Tso with massive infrastructure upgrade.

Faced with a recalcitrant adversary, the Indian Army and Air Force are fully deployed to prevent any further aggression from the PLA. The morale of the forces appears to be very high particularly after the June 15 flare-up at Galwan. “ We have no intentions of initiating any skirmish but any aggression from the other side will be fully repelled,” said a senior military commander.

With temperatures in East Ladakh and Tibet well over 20 degree Celsius and high velocity winds sweeping the region, air operations in the area are a challenge with weight limits being imposed during take-offs particularly in Russian origin platforms. While IAF will use the air bases in the plains in the worst case scenario, the PLA Air Force will have serious difficulty in operating from Tibetan Plateau. The coming days will also be a test of unproven Chinese air platforms, missiles and land systems as their battle worthiness has never been challenged.


CO leads from the front, every time

CO leads from the front, every time

Photo for representation only

Col Avnish Sharma (retd)

Colloquially, various entities in an Army unit derive their nicknames from the animal planet. The adjutant, who is the prime functionary responsible for running the unit, is called the ‘lion’. The quartermaster, the annadata, is the ‘panther’. The second-in-command, with his envious charter, is the ‘lamb’, and so on. The Commanding Officer (CO), who earns his stripes in the true sense, however, remains the enigmatic ‘tiger’.

On January 3, 1981, fresh from the training academy, I reported to my unit, then out on a tactical war exercise in the desert of Rajasthan. The moment our jeep entered the camouflaged camp, the sign-postings gave me a feeling of having entered a jungle abode. Arrowed signs spelt every prominent beast until I came across one indicating a tiger’s den, a dugout with an imposing camouflage net. Shy of embarking on a questioning spree immediately, I nonetheless asked the senior subaltern who this tiger was supposed to be. ‘Mister’ (a newly commissioned Second Lieutenant is addressed so), the CO is the tiger.’

During the battle run, where tanks fire live shells while on the move, the CO on his tank was the first to lead the fray, setting an example of fearlessness among the entire regiment. One of the tanks reported a live 105-mm shell stuck in the barrel of the main gun, a dangerous situation requiring precise and cool handling. There was a looming risk of the shell bursting in the barrel with the crew getting roasted in the 40-tonne cast iron. The CO took charge and personally ensured the defusing and unloading of the errant shell, displaying high standards of professionalism. A tiger, indeed!

It is the dream of every officer to don the mantle of a CO. Having experienced the exhilaration of being one, I am reminded of an incident that pushed me towards my goal amidst a highly competitive structure in the Army. We were in a major war exercise and were to link up with troops of another unit. ‘Balkar (his name tab read), what is the name of your CO?’ I, a Captain then, tasked to identify and guide the unit, asked the jawan from the incoming unit. The response was instantaneous, ‘CO saab.’ ‘What is his location?’ I insisted. He proudly thumped his chest, pointing to his heart, ‘CO saab yahan hain shriman.’ Such is the pedestal that a CO occupies among the rank and file of the thousand odd officers and men he commands.

The recent cases of the martyrdom by COs, an anti-terrorist operation at Handwara in north Kashmir, and the deadly brawl in the Galwan valley in Ladakh, has brought the office of the CO into sharp public focus. Yet again, as hitherto, through the ages, it gets demonstrated to our countrymen that he forms the backbone of the Indian Army — an apostle of raw courage and sacrifice.


Mechanised forces remain battle-relevant

There is a need to create an ecosystem for retrofitting and upgrading our tank fleet. The current production base is a combination of Avadi (Chennai) and Medak (Telangana). The new infrastructure for light tanks, armoured cars and retrofitting should leverage the available land and skill base in the vacant HMT Pinjore complex. It can be mentored by the DRDO labs in the vicinity.

Mechanised forces remain battle-relevant

est of grit: Ultimately, it’s the men behind the gun who make the vital difference, the superiority of the enemy’s arsenal notwithstanding.

Lt Gen KJ Singh (retd)

Former Western Army Commander

Satellite imagery has picked up a buildup of Chinese armour — medium and light tanks — in proximity to the Line of Actual Control (LAC). It is the operationalisation of the People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) concept, practised in mechanised exercises, in recent years. Manoeuvres have included a heavy drop of armoured vehicles, simulating the capture of passes. There are reports that the 6 Mechanised Division has deployed assorted AFVs (armoured fighting vehicles) — medium and light tanks — to leverage their coercive messaging potential, as part of psychological warfare.

At the outset, it will be appropriate to categorically state that India has adequate forces in a prepared and trained state, not only to take care of the threat but even cause criticalities for the Chinese. However, the PLA has more versatility in its fleet with the introduction of light tank, ZTQ, first fielded during the Doklam crisis. Our BMP-2s and ICVs (infantry combat vehicles) can be adapted to a limited extent for relevant tasks.

In the past few weeks, transport aircraft have been making repeated sorties to shore up our mechanised deployment in Ladakh. What is indeed baffling is that there have been discussions, questioning the very relevance of mechanised forces. The unfortunate truth is that it has become almost a compulsive habit to occasionally tinker with our force mix. Mercifully, a crisis jolts us out of such forays. It is also relevant that articles have appeared in magazines, in support of this exercise, sounding the death knell of tanks and calling for major cuts in inventory. Like the proverbial cat with nine lives, tanks have not only survived, but have a battle-winning presence, generating deterrence and psychological pressure, as is being felt in Ladakh.

The fielding of light tanks across the Zoji La pass in 1947 operations, Chushul in 1962 and PT-76 tanks of the 63rd Cavalry racing to Dhaka, are abiding examples of their relevance, provided commanders employ them boldly with imagination. Our armoured cars were in the vanguard in the Katanga (Congo) UN peace-keeping operations in the 1960s and later in counter-insurgency operations in the North-East. Tank battles of Asal Uttar, Basantar and Chawinda in 1965 and 1971 operations are proof of their potential.

One of the widely proliferated images of the ongoing standoff has been the Chinese Humvee type of patrol cars. Yet, we have chosen to eliminate light tanks and armoured cars, part of most modern armies, from our arsenal, citing a host of reasons. The primary justification has been budgetary constraints, especially in the past decade. Naturally, the guillotine has to fall on cost-intensive platforms. The other overriding factor has been a Pak-centric approach with excessive focus on proxy war.

Consequently, we have diluted our conventional options, which entail the use of mechanised forces. Such blinder- driven approach has meant that we are trapped in Pak’s preferred domain of hybrid war and lack deterrence against China. Our mainstay, infantry, has been denied the much needed protection. Ideally, it should have some proportion of lightly armoured vehicles for quick reaction teams, reconnaissance and commanders. A proposal for such vehicles was torpedoed within the Army in 2012, despite multiple screening and demand from the other two services. Considering that it takes six to seven years for the proposals to fructify, we are already pushed back. This proposal was revived and is now in its last stages. Interestingly, it was shot down on specious grounds that once mounted, the infantry would lose orientation, a gross under-estimation of their resilience.

The light tank has been another sad story and a part of the blame lies with the hierarchy of mechanised forces, who have felt that limited budget should be applied on medium tanks like T-90s, T-72s and indigenous Arjuns. Our current force mix in Ladakh and Sikkim can match the Chinese medium tanks— ZTZ-99 and ZTZ-96 (Types 99 and 96) — though in the long run, it will be appropriate to induct the T-90s. The only way to deter the Dragon is by upgrading our equipment profile. There is also a crying need to create an ecosystem for retrofitting and upgrading our tank fleet, as the prohibitive cost of replacement dictates a need for life extension, coupled with modernisation. The current production base is a combination of Avadi (Chennai) and Medak (Telangana). The logistics cost of transportation of equipment for overhaul to South India even when the platforms are deployed on the western and northern borders has been imposed due to parochial preferences. The new infrastructure for light tanks, armoured cars and retrofitting should leverage the available land and skill base in the vacant HMT Pinjore complex. It can be mentored by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) labs in the vicinity, such as the Terminal Ballistics Research Laboratory (TBRL) and Snow and Avalanche Study Establishment (SASE), coupled with IIT Ropar and PEC.

The Chinese light tank, ZTQ, is a hybrid variant and essentially a lighter version of the medium tank, weighing 36 tonnes. It is equipped with low-pressure 105 mm gun and has 1,000 HP power pack. India should strive to field agile and versatile — air portable light tank, with missile and gun firing capabilities. It is an ideal platform for high altitude — Rann of Kutch, Siliguri corridor, riverine terrain, island territories and peace-keeping operations. Most importantly, it is crucial for quid pro quo options. It is learnt that some development work has been done by the DRDO and industry. There is also a possibility to optimise the hull (chassis) of K-9, Vajra self-propelled gun system. It will be prudent to quickly fix the qualitative requirements and initiate the project, in mission mode, synergising capabilities on work-sharing basis. If we can find partners like South Korea and Vietnam, it will be a new beginning.

Finally, notwithstanding the Chinese muscle-flexing, it’s the men behind the gun who make the vital difference. Our tank crews have shown their grit in operations and the most notable was overcoming the vast disparity between the Pattons and our Centurions in 1965.


After ED, ECHS also seeks records

After ED, ECHS also seeks records

After the Enforcement Directorate(ED) started a probe into the alleged fake Covid reports scam, Ex-servicemen Contributory Health Scheme (ECHS), Ministry of Defence, has also sought details of the case and documents pertaining to the case.

PK Jaiswar

Tribune News Service

Amritsar, June 30

After the Enforcement Directorate(ED) started a probe into the alleged fake Covid reports scam, Ex-servicemen Contributory Health Scheme (ECHS), Ministry of Defence, has also sought details of the case and documents pertaining to the case.

Reliable sources in the Vigilance Bureau here have confirmed the development, adding that EMC Hospital was among the empanelled list of ECHS hospitals.

Earlier, the Enforcement Directorate had started a probe into the scam to ascertain whether money changed hands through illegal means. It has asked for the records and FIR in this connection.

The Vigilance has booked five doctors and a hospital owner on charges of murder bid, fraud, forgery, criminal conspiracy and corrupt practices on June 23 after a number of patients, who were tested positive by a private laboratory and under treatment at hospital, were found to be negative. More complaints have been coming to the Vigilance Bureau in this connection, it is learnt.

Earlier, the hospital owner and its doctor have applied for bail. Today, the remaining suspects also applied for bail in the local court which has fixed July 3 the next date of hearing.

The lab authorities had also approached the Punjab and Haryana High Court demanding that the Vigilance Bureau be restrained from conducting raids and release the machine and records seized illegally. The High Court has also fixed July 3 as the next date of hearing.


LAC stand-off: Rajnath, Army Chief to visit Ladakh to take stock of military preparedness

LAC stand-off: Rajnath, Army Chief to visit Ladakh to take stock of military preparedness

The Defence Minister’s visit to the region comes in the midst of India significantly ramping up the number of troops and weaponry along the Line of Actual Control(LAC) in the Eastern Ladakh region. PTI file

New Delhi, July 1

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh is scheduled to visit Ladakh on Friday to take stock of India’s military preparedness in the wake of a bitter border stand-off with the Chinese troops in the region, government sources said.

To be accompanied by Chief of Army Staff Gen M M Naravane, it will be the Defence Minister’s first visit to Ladakh after the stand-off between the two armies began on May 5.

During his visit, Singh will carry out a comprehensive review of the security situation in the region with Gen Naravane, Northern Army Commander Lt Gen Yogesh Kumar Joshi, Commander of the 14 Corps Lt Gen Harinder Singh and other senior Army officials, sources said.

The visit is also aimed at boosting morale of the Army personnel engaged in the seven-week bitter border faceoff with the Chinese troops in the region, sources added.

The Army Chief visited Ladakh on June 23 and 24 during which he held a series of meetings with senior Army officials and visited various forward areas in eastern Ladakh. Gen Naravane earlier visited Leh on May 22.

The Indian and Chinese armies are locked in a standoff position at multiple locations in eastern Ladakh for the last seven weeks. The tension escalated manifold after 20 Indian soldiers were killed in a violent clash in Galwan Valley on June 15.

The Chinese side also suffered casualties but it is yet to give out the details.

The Defence Minister’s visit to the region comes in the midst of India significantly ramping up the number of troops and weaponry along the Line of Actual Control(LAC) in the Eastern Ladakh region.

Following the Galwan valley clashes, the Army has sent thousands of additional troops to forward locations along the border besides moving in heavy weapons.

The IAF has also moved air defence systems as well as a sizeable number of its frontline combat jets and attack helicopters to several key air bases.

On Tuesday, the Indian and Chinese armies held the third round of Lt General-level talks during which both sides agreed on the need for an “expeditious, phased and stepwise” de-escalation as a “priority” to end the standoff.

However, military sources did not give any indications of early resolution of the standoff, and said it may continue till winters.

The process of disengagement along the LAC is “complex”, sources said but added that the 12-hour discussions on Tuesday reflected the commitment of both sides to reduce tensions in the region.

The Tuesday talks took place on the Indian side of the LAC in Chushul sector in eastern Ladakh.

The Indian delegation at the meeting was headed by 14 Corps Commander Lt Gen Singh while the Chinese side was led by the Commander of the Tibet Military District Major General Liu Lin.

It was the third senior military commander level engagement to discuss issues related to disengagement at the faceoff sites along the LAC and de-escalation in the border areas.

In the previous two rounds of talks, the Indian side demanded immediate withdrawal of Chinese troops from various areas in the region.

Following the Galwan Valley incident, the government has given the armed forces “full freedom” to give a “befitting” response to any Chinese misadventure along the LAC, the 3,500-km de-facto border, sources said.

The first round of the Lt General talks was held on June 6 during which both sides finalised an agreement to disengage gradually from all the standoff points beginning with Galwan Valley.

However, the situation deteriorated following the Galwan valley clashes as the two sides significantly bolstered their deployments in most areas along the LAC.

The situation in eastern Ladakh deteriorated after around 250 Chinese and Indian soldiers were engaged in a violent face-off on May 5 and 6. The incident in Pangong Tso was followed by a similar incident in north Sikkim on May 9. PTI


Kashmir gone, what’s left,’ top PPP leader asks Pakistan PM Imran Khan

‘Kashmir gone, what’s left,’ top PPP leader asks Pakistan PM Imran Khan

Arun Joshi
Jammu, July 2

Pakistan is in a shambles, and it has lost Kashmir. This was a stinging but realistic comment by Senator Sherry Rehman of Pakistan about her country, which she feels has lost everything and nothing is left to hope for.

Sherry Rehman is a parliamentary leader of the Pakistan People’s Party in the senate, Upper House of Pakistan Parliament. Her comment — reflecting on a hard-hitting editorial in today’s Dawn newspaper about the proceedings in the National Assembly — was realistic as she spoke about the state of affairs of Pakistan under Prime Minister Imran Khan.

She summed it up on Twitter: “Kashmir gone, what’s left.” This was a biting reality that no Pakistan leader of her stature — a diplomat, politician and intellectual — has ever stated in these terms.

There could be many interpretations to the expression “Kashmir gone”, but the most plausible seems to be that Kashmir has slipped out of the hands of Pakistani influence, which the country wielded on certain sections in the valley.

Interestingly, the Dawn editorial titled “Lack of restraint” did not mention anything about Kashmir, though it was quite scathing about Imran Khan and his ways of conducting himself while delivering speeches. It has shown the mirror to the Pakistani ruling elite, particularly the Prime Minister, as to how things have gone wrong for them.

Sherry’s tweet read: “It’s not only about inappropriate speeches in Parliament. Who will stop your PM from destroying Pakistan? Three more years and nothing may be left. Economy is worse, debts r higher, mafias on the rampage, PIA being cannibalised, Kashmir gone, what’s left?”

The remarks on Kashmir are significant as these have come against the backdrop of Pakistan’s loudest voice in Kashmir, Syed Ali Shah Geelani, having resigned from his faction of the Hurriyat Conference on Monday, and also lack of enthusiasm among the people about Pakistan.

In a wider perspective, perhaps she had on her mind Pakistan’s isolation on Kashmir, as no country, barring Turkey and Malaysia, supported Islamabad after Delhi scrapped the special status of J&K and bifurcated it into two Union territories.

A couple of days ago, Imran Khan said he had approached the United Nations Secretary General and other world leaders to urge India to stop the issuance of domicile certificates in Kashmir.

Maybe his efforts are floundering, and Sherry Rehman is hinting at that, too.


Pak army says no additional deployment in PoK, Gilgit-Baltistan Terms reports in Indian media about troop deployment, presence of Chinese army in Pakistan as ‘false’

Pak army says no additional deployment in PoK, Gilgit-BaltistanMajor General Babar Iftikhar, Director General of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Public Relations. Twitter

Arun Joshi

Tribune News Service

Jammu, July 2

Pakistan army on Thursday refuted all the reports suggesting that it had inducted additional troops in PoJK and Gilgit-Baltistan to ally with China to open a two-front situation, with India already facing a tense standoff with Chinese troops in Eastern Ladakh. However, the Pakistan army’s denials are being taken with a pinch of salt by the border people who have witnessed movement of troops on the other side.

At these places LoC is mostly demarcated by rivers, which are seven to 20 feet wide. The border residents can watch each and every movement on the other side of the Neelum river, which at places is just three to four metre wide.

These reports had caused consternation on the borders, particularly in the Gurez Valley and other areas facing Neelum district of Pakistan occupied Jammu and Kashmir and also in Ladakh where Gilgit-Baltistan lies just across the LoC.

Pakistan had used these areas as launching pads to help its troops intrude into the Himalayan heights in Ladakh ahead of the Kargil war in the summer of 1999.

In the first response to the reports carried mostly by the Indian news channels since Wednesday, Director General of Pakistan’s Inter-Services Public Relations (ISPR) Major General Babar Iftikhar termed them as “false”.

“News circulating in Indian electronic and social media claiming additional deployment of Pakistan army troops along Line of Control in Gilgit-Baltistan and alleged use of Skardu airbase by China is false, irresponsible and far from truth,” said Major General Babar Iftikhar.

Continuing with his assertion that no additional deployment is being made, the DG ISPR, the designated official spokesperson for the armed forces of Pakistan, tweeted, “No such movement or induction of additional troops has taken place”. He went on to chastise the reports by saying, “We also vehemently deny presence of Chinese troops in Pakistan.”

Notwithstanding denial by the Pakistan army, the fact is that there are PLA troops in Gilgit-Baltistan and they maintain security of the projects being set up or run by the Chinese companies. This is factual position since 2009, which was widely reported by the Western media that time.