Photo for representation.

Karachi, April 2

Pakistan’s struggling textile industry has voiced its disappointment after the Imran Khan government rejected a proposal to import cotton from India, the world’s biggest producer, saying it is the need of the hour to avoid a massive slump in the country’s exports.

The federal Cabinet headed by Prime Minister Khan on Thursday rejected the proposal of a high-powered committee to import cotton from India, with Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi asserting that there can be no normalisation of ties until New Delhi reverses its decision in 2019 to revoke the special status of Jammu and Kashmir.

The Cabinet’s decision has disappointed the textile export industry, the Dawn newspaper quoted Pakistan Apparel Forum chairman Jawed Bilwani as saying.

The textile export sector, which was already under pressure due to the COVID-19 pandemic, has been continuously demanding duty-free import of cotton yarn from all over the world, including India, to avert any big loss to textile exports.

Describing Commerce Adviser Abdul Razak Dawood’s recommendation to allow import of cotton and cotton yarn from India as realistic and the need of the hour, Bilwani said that the Cabinet must give serious consideration to the proposal.

The step would send a negative message to foreign buyers as cotton yarn was not available in the country, he said, adding that prices of cotton yarn have increased after the Cabinet’s decision.

“The government must ensure availability of cotton yarn if it did not want to allow its import from India,” Bilwani said as he feared massive textile export decline if import of cotton yarn from India was not allowed.

In the current year, Pakistan faced a 40 per cent plunge in cotton production and if it was compared with 15 million bales in 2014-2015, then the drop was 50 per cent this year, he said.

“If the government did not want to permit import of cotton yarn from India then it must impose a ban on export of cotton and cotton yarn for at least next six months,” he added.

Pakistan’s U-turn on Thursday came a day after the Economic Coordination Committee (ECC), under newly-appointed Finance Minister Hammad Azhar, recommended importing cotton and sugar from India, lifting a nearly two-year long ban on its import from the neighbouring country amidst tensions over the Kashmir issue.

Speaking to The Express Tribune newspaper, Pakistan Readymade Garments Manufacturers and Exporters Association Patron-in-Chief Ijaz Khokhar said the entire value-added sector was shocked by the way the government reversed its decision

Reacting to the Pakistan Cabinet’s refusal to allow import of cotton yarn from India, he said they are planning a protest in the coming days.

“According to the World Trade Organisation laws, no one can object to trade with another country, the restrictions imposed by Pakistan on trade with India are based on political grounds, but if we allow imports of medicines from India, then why not cotton yarn,” Khokhar said.

“This step shows that mafias are still part of the government and this impression will reach our international buyers,” he said, adding, “We now fear that this step will help a certain part of the textile sector whereas the rest will lose orders as buyers will prefer India and Bangladesh over Pakistan due to such steps.”       

Pakistan Hosiery Manufacturers and Exporters Association Zonal Chairman Faisal Mehboob said his organisation has urged the government to make bold decisions, which were vital for a smooth running of the industry.

Mehboob said that any decision to lift the ban on import of cotton and yarn from India would greatly support country’s value-added knitwear sector, besides contributing to stabilising the national economy through an increase in exports.

But former All Pakistan Textile Mills Association chairman Shahzad Ali Khan said that restricting yarn imports from India was a good decision.

“Yarn imports could have pitted Pakistan’s spinning sector against the Indian counterparts and since the Indian industry is getting subsidised energy, the local industry would have been affected,” he claimed.

India is the world’s largest cotton producer and the second-largest exporter. India’s cotton exports jumped over 40 per cent to 10 million bales (of 170 kg each) in the 2018-19 marketing year on strong overseas demand.

The ECC’s decision had raised hopes of a partial revival of Pakistan-India bilateral trade relations, which were suspended after the August 5, 2019 decision of New Delhi to revoke the special status of Jammu and Kashmir.

In May 2020, Pakistan lifted the ban on import of medicines and raw material of essential drugs from India amidst the COVID-19 pandemic.

Bilateral ties nose-dived after a terror attack on the Pathankot Air Force base in 2016 by terror groups based in Pakistan. Subsequent attacks, including one on an Indian Army camp in Uri, further deteriorated the relations.

The ties strained further after India’s war planes pounded a Jaish-e-Mohammed terrorist training camp in Pakistan in February 2019 in response to the Pulwama attack in 2019 in which 40 CRPF jawans were killed.

India’s move to revoke the special status of Jammu and Kashmir in 2019 angered Pakistan, which downgraded diplomatic ties and expelled the Indian High Commissioner in Islamabad. Pakistan also snapped all air and land links with India and suspended trade and railway services. PTI

Weighing $2 bn worth Chinese FDI proposals

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, April 2

The lack of progress for over a month in disengagement has led India to remind China about the consensus between their foreign ministers on February 25 for quickly resolving the remaining issues along the LAC in eastern Ladakh.

The MEA’s comments on the LAC closely follow India’s critical but guarded observations on a WHO-convened global study about the origin of Covid-19 over which western countries want to corner China.

Arindam Bagchi, MEA spokesperson

‘Build up on Jaishankar-Wang consensus’

As the External Affairs Minister had pointed out to [the] Chinese Foreign Minister, a prolongation of the situation is in neither side’s interest.

China replied to India’s comments on the WHO study today with a reasoned repudiation of points raised by India. South Block is also evaluating Chinese investment proposals worth $2 billion that have been on hold since April last year.

“As the External Affairs Minister had pointed out to [the] Chinese Foreign Minister, a prolongation of the situation is in neither side’s interest,” said MEA spokesperson Arindam Bagchi at the weekly media briefing.

The February 25 talks between the foreign ministers, which took place five days after the Pangong Tso disengagement, had touched upon the setting up of a hotline. There has, however, been no response as yet even to Indian overtures for a meeting of the WMCC to take forward the agreement reflected in the statements after the Jaishankar-Wang talks.Bagchi reiterated Jaishankar’s formulation of further progress in ties being linked to disengagement in the remaining areas at the earliest. “The disengagement in the Pangong lake area was a significant step forward and it has provided a good basis for resolution of other remaining issues along the LAC,” underlined the MEA spokesperson.

Security personnel during a search operation after a militant attack, at Lawaypora on the outskirts of Srinagar. PTI file

Srinagar, March 29

A CRPF constable who suffered injuries in militant firing died at a hospital here on Monday, taking the death toll in the attack in Lawaypora on the outskirts of Srinagar last week to three, officials said.

Constable Jagannath Ray succumbed to injuries at the SKIMS Hospital in Soura after battling for life for four days, a police official said.

He said Constable Ray was among the four CRPF personnel injured in the militant attack on Thursday.

Two personnel—a sub-inspector and a constable—had died within hours of the attack.

Police have arrested two overground workers involved in providing logistical support to the militants who carried out the attack. PTI

Chandigarh, April 1

Lt Gen Manjinder Singh assumed charge as the Chief of Staff, Western Command, at Chandimandir today. He takes over from Lt Gen Yogendra Dimri, who has been elevated as the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Central Command.

On arrival at Chandimandir, he laid a wreath at the Veer Smriti war memorial to pay homage to martyrs.

An alumnus of Sainik School, Kapurthala, the National Defence Academy, Khadakwasla, and the National Defence College in Thailand, Lt Gen Manjinder was commissioned into 19 Madras in December 1986.

During a career spanning over 34 years, he has tenanted important command appointments in varied sensitive operational sectors and high-altitude terrain. He commanded his battalion in an intense counter-insurgency environment in Jammu and Kashmir, an infantry brigade on the line of control and an infantry division as part of a strike corps. He was decorated with the Yudh Seva Medal in 2015 and the Vishisht Seva Medal in 2019. — TNS

Letter comes in reply to Modi’s letter to Imran last week to extend greetings on the occasion of Pakistan Day

Prime Minister Narendra Modi with his Pak counterpart Imran Khan. PTI file

Islamabad, March 30

Prime Minister Imran Khan has written a letter to his Indian counterpart Narendra Modi, saying creation of an “enabling environment” is imperative for a constructive and result-oriented dialogue to resolve all outstanding issues between Pakistan and India, in particular the Jammu and Kashmir issue.

Khan’s letter was in reply to Prime Minister Modi’s letter to him last week to extend greetings on the occasion of Pakistan Day. In his letter, Modi had said India desires cordial relations with Pakistan but an atmosphere of trust, devoid of terror and hostility, is “imperative” for it.

In his reply to Prime Minister Modi’s letter, Khan thanked him and said the people of Pakistan also desire peaceful cooperative relations with all neighbours, including India.

While Prime Minister Modi talked about a terror-free environment for peace, Khan said that peace was possible only if outstanding issues like Kashmir were resolved.

“We are convinced that durable peace and stability in South Asia is contingent upon resolving all outstanding issues between India and Pakistan in particular the Jammu and Kashmir dispute,” he wrote in the letter dated March 29.

Khan said that creation of an “enabling environment is imperative for a constructive and result-oriented dialogue.”

He also expressed best wishes for the people of India in their struggle against the COVID-19 pandemic.

The militaries of India and Pakistan announced on February 25 that they have agreed to strictly observe all agreements on ceasefire along the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir and other sectors.

Weeks later, both Pakistan’s Prime Minister Khan and powerful Army chief Gen Qamar Javed Bajwa made peace overtures towards New Delhi saying it was time for the two neighbours to “bury the past and move forward”.

Ties between India and Pakistan nose-dived after a terror attack on the Pathankot Air Force base in 2016 by terror groups based in Pakistan. Subsequent attacks, including one on an Indian Army camp in Uri, further deteriorated the relationship.

The ties hit rock bottom after India’s war planes pounded a Jaish-e-Mohammed terrorist training camp deep inside Pakistan on February 26, 2019 in response to the Pulwama terror attack in 2019 in which 40 CRPF jawans were killed.

The relations further nosedived after India withdrew special status of Jammu and Kashmir and bifurcated the State into two union territories in 2019. Since then, India and Pakistan are without high commissioners in each other’s capital—New Delhi and Islamabad, respectively.

On March 18, powerful Army chief Bajwa said it was time for India and Pakistan to “bury the past and move forward”. PTI

Run-of-the-river dams have worked to the disadvantage of both countries. For India, hydel power projects based on the run-of-the-river dams are not cost-effective. Moreover, there is the problem of silting of the dams. The thaw in Indo-Pak ties must be carried forward by changing the clause pertaining to the type of dams that can be built. Such an amendment to the treaty will benefit Pakistan too.

devil in detail: Pakistan got inserted in the treaty the clause that the dams to be built by India on the three western rivers could be of the run-of-the-river type only. PTI

Lt gen Harwant Singh (Retd)

Former Deputy Chief of Army StaffA

The Indus Commissioners of India and Pakistan met in New Delhi on March 23-24. The main issue for discussion was the designs of the upcoming hydel projects on the tributaries of the Chenab river.

The Indus Water Treaty was signed by Pakistan and India at Karachi in 1960, with the World Bank being the third-party guarantor. India, being the upper riparian country to all six rivers (Indus, Jhelum, Chenab, Ravi, Beas and Sutlej), had the first right over the waters of these rivers. Yet, India gave to Pakistan, through this treaty, more than its due share of the waters (more than 80 per cent) of the six rivers. In addition, Pakistan got the waters of four Indian nullahs that join the Ravi. Through this largesse, India hoped to secure lasting peace with Pakistan.

Even if one was to overlook the fact that India is the upper riparian country, basing the allocation on the Indus river basin area of the two countries, the division should have been 65 per cent of the waters to Pakistan and 35 per cent to India.

India’s munificence did not end there. Canals which originated from India and carried waters to Pakistan’s fields were allowed to continue for the next 10 years, by which time Pakistan was expected to create a new set of headworks and canals as replacement of those flowing from India. India also provided funds to Pakistan for these new canals.

To take further, and somewhat mistaken, advantage, Pakistan was able to insert the devil in the details of the treaty, which it figured would work in its favour. Though the treaty allocates the waters of the three western rivers to irrigate 1.3 million acres of Indian land (in J-K), action to implement this has come under objection by Pakistan. Thus, vast tracts of virgin lands in various valleys in the Ladakh region could not be irrigated.

Pakistan was able to insert in the treaty the clause that the design of the dams to be built by India on the three western rivers could only be the ‘run of the river’ type. However, it has come to play a negative role for Pakistan. This restriction on the type of dams was, perhaps, due to apprehension that India may, in the event of a conflict, flood Pakistan.

Further, even in the construction of various run-of-the-river dams, such as Sallal, Uri, Dul Hasti, Baglihar and Neelam, Pakistan, along with the World Bank, has been creating impediments and consequent inordinate delays in their completion. In the case of the Sallal dam on the Chenab near Ryasi, which was originally built as a storage dam, it had to be converted, on Pakistan’s insistence, into a run-of-the river configuration dam.https://95072f51ef05168fb0e5c1d12faa297e.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-38/html/container.html

These run-of-the-river dams have worked to the disadvantage of both countries, more so for Pakistan. For India, hydel power projects based on the run-of-the-river dams cannot fully exploit the flow of the water because during the rainy season, the flow is more but much less in the dry season, resulting in lesser number of turbines operating during the dry period. So, such dams are not cost-effective. There is also the problem of silting of the dams.

For Pakistan, the disadvantage from such dams is greater because it cannot store excess water of these rivers during the rainy season and, consequently, it flows into the Arabian Sea. As a result, much less water is available during the dry season and Pakistan is highly water-stressed. In addition, fertile soil and nutrients which the waters from storage dams carry downstream are arrested in the run-of-the-river dams.

On its part, India has tried to meet this shortage of water for irrigation by recklessly sanctioning tubewells and providing free electricity to them, which has resulted in the groundwater going down to dangerous levels. India has also failed to fully utilise the waters of the three eastern rivers (Ravi, Beas and Sutlej), more so of the Ravi, due to the delay in the construction of the Shahpur Kandi barrage and stopping of leakage due to poor maintenance of sluice gates at the headworks on these rivers.

In the Ladakh region and at some locations in Himachal Pradesh, where the water current in various rivers/tributaries is very fast, it is possible to make channels and lower turbines into these waters (similar to Persian wheels working in the reverse order and with suitably designed blades). By such improvisations, electricity on a small scale can be produced for local use at remote places. A system to lift and lower turbines can be worked out, depending on changes in the water levels in these rivers.

The current thaw in the strained relations between India and Pakistan needs to be carried forward by changing the clause pertaining to the type of dams that can be built on the three western rivers. Such an amendment to the treaty will be of advantage to Pakistan in four ways.

First, wasteful flow of water into the sea during the rainy season would be reduced. Secondly, the flow of water would be regulated throughout the year for irrigation. Thirdly, abundant electricity generated from hydel projects in J-K and HP (based on storage dams) can be made available to Pakistan at concessional rates. Fourthly, soil nutrients, which otherwise get arrested at the run-of-the-river dams, would flow downstream to fertilise Pakistan’s fields.

In any case, the two dams — 850 MW and 3,800 MW — are on the tributaries of the Chenab and not on the main river and, as such, fall outside the purview of the Indus Water Treaty.

Equally, it should accept that some of the waters of the Chenab (Chandra Bhaga, as it is known in Lahaul-Spiti) be diverted into the Beas and, in lieu, some water from the Ravi can be made available to Pakistan to irrigate fields in the Kartarpur Sahib and Lahore regions. Water to this end can be released from the Madhopur headworks and, in exchange, waters of the Chenab can be diverted into the Beas. The height of the dam on the Neelam river, where its waters have been diverted to the Wular lake, can be adjusted so that downstream fields, earlier watered by this river, continue to receive the required quantity of water.

It is time for the two countries to tread the path of goodwill, friendship, and prosperity. It is an appropriate time to carry forward the spirit of goodwill projected by both the PM and the Army Chief of Pakistan.

It was the 11th edition of the exercise ‘Vajra Prahar’

Photo for representation. — iStock

New Delhi, March 30

Special forces of India and the US carried out a joint military exercise at Bakloh in Himachal Pradesh this month to further enhance interoperability between the two sides, the defence ministry said on Tuesday.

It was the 11th edition of the exercise ‘Vajra Prahar’ which is aimed at sharing best practices and experiences in areas such as joint mission planning and operational tactics.

“The 11th edition of Indo-US joint special forces exercise Vajra Prahar 2021 was conducted at Special Forces training school located at Bakloh, in Himachal Pradesh in March,” the defence ministry said.

It said the exercise was aimed at improving interoperability between the special forces of the two countries.

The ministry, in a statement, said bilateral military exercises and defence exchanges are an important facet of deepening bilateral defence cooperation between friendly countries.

“During such events, the armies of participating nations jointly train, plan and execute a series of operations for neutralisation of threats of varied nature with a common aim of countering threats of international terrorism through mutual training and jointness,” it said.

India and the US carried out a two-day naval exercise in the eastern Indian Ocean Region on March 28 ad 29.

The Indian Navy deployed its warship Shivalik and long-range maritime patrol aircraft P8I in the ‘PASSEX’ exercise while the US Navy was represented by USS Theodore Roosevelt carrier strike group. PTI

Relations with Pakistan will hopefully focus on trade, travel, transit and tourism

Differing stance: While Imran Khan has been less than diplomatic in his references to India, General Bajwa has been more restrained. File photo

G Parthasarathy

Chancellor, Jammu Central University & former High Commissioner to Pakistan

On the eve of its birth in December 1971, Henry Kissinger proclaimed that an independent Bangladesh would be an ‘international basket case’, dependent forever on foreign aid for its survival. Like in everything they said and did, during the Bangladesh liberation struggle, Kissinger and his boss President Nixon were soon proved wrong. Bangladesh has substantially outpaced Pakistan in virtually every social and economic indicator. At the same time, Sheikh Hasina has skilfully managed her relations with China, the West, India and other friends, to their mutual benefit.

It is Pakistan, which is today an ‘international basket case’, constantly looking for doles from China, and G20 nations, apart from international financial institutions, like the World Bank, IMF and Asian Development Bank. It is also struggling to repay its debts and borrowing from Chinese banks to meet its repayment liabilities. Bangladesh is, however, fiscally and economically strong. It is important to bear these facts in mind, when looking for options when dealing with Pakistan.

The warmth with which PM Modi was received in Bangladesh is testimony to how people in Bangladesh still remember the affection with which India received 9 million refugees. The refugees had been driven out of their homes by the depredations of Pakistan’s Gen Tikka Khan. This was an occasion to remember nationally, with Modi praising Indira Gandhi for her decisive leadership in 1971.

Time has moved on, and Bangladesh is today one of the leading exporters of textile products globally. It is proud of its achievements in key human development indicators, like women’s education. India and Bangladesh have resolved their age-old differences, including the demarcation of their land and maritime frontiers. It would, however, be only appropriate to exercise due restraint while speaking on issues of Bangladeshi immigrants in India.

While Bangladesh has made rapid strides in boosting exports, accelerating economic growth and improving human development indicators, the same cannot be said of Pakistan. Islamabad is falling well behind Bangladesh in virtually all development indicators. Apart from fomenting tensions within Bangladesh by its links with radical Islamic groups like the Jamaat-e-Islami and Hefazat-e-Islam, Pakistan has done little to promote economic cooperation with Bangladesh, either bilaterally or regionally.

Having already handed over the Shaksgam Valley in J&K to China, the stage is now being set for China to progressively take over the control of Gilgit-Baltistan, with its growing economic and military presence there. It is only a question of time before China takes over greater control of the port of Gwadar, which it has built in Balochistan. Beijing is already experienced in such takeovers, after assuming control of Sri Lanka’s Hambantota Port. Moreover, Pakistan is in contract for the purchase of four Chinese frigates and eight submarines from China — a move that will only enhance Pakistan’s immense external debt.

Amidst these developments, came an unexpected announcement on February 25, from the Directors General of Military Operations (DGMOs) of India and Pakistan. This announcement was made amidst continuing incidents of ceasefire violations across the LoC in J&K. India and Pakistan sought to address each other’s concerns by agreeing to strictly observe the provisions of all agreements for a ceasefire. It would be reasonable to conclude that discreet ‘back-channel’ discussions had paved the way for this decision. Pakistan army chief General Bajwa went a step further on March 16. He averred that it is ‘time to bury the past and move forward’. Not surprisingly, his statement was hedged and accompanied by conditions like ‘India would have to create a conducive environment, particularly in Indian Occupied Kashmir’. This was predictably accompanied with the usual ‘blackmail mantra’ that both countries possess nuclear weapons.

While Imran Khan has been less than diplomatic in his references to India, General Bajwa has been more restrained. He is more nuanced and sophisticated in his references to India than his predecessor Gen Raheel Sharif. This is not a new feature. While General Musharraf was initially hawkish, he learnt his lessons from the fiasco he led the Pakistan army into, in Kargil. Cross-border terrorism ended in 2003, and a framework for resolving the issue of J&K was broadly agreed upon. Musharraf’s chosen successor, Gen Ashfaq Kayani, disowned everything Musharraf agreed to. Kayani was responsible for the 26/11 terrorist attack by the LeT on Mumbai. Musharraf himself was initially very different from his predecessor, Jehangir Karamat, a soft-spoken officer, careful about his rhetoric and decision making. There is no guarantee that Bajwa’s successor will carry forward what his predecessor has initiated. Bajwa, under extension, is scheduled to retire in November 2022. It is, therefore, logical to recognise that unless something untoward happens, we can be reasonably assured that a carefully crafted dialogue process, largely behind the scenes, can be crafted. The only fly in the ointment would be the tempestuous Imran Khan.

Pakistan will, hopefully, learn that India is not going to be guided by Islamabad’s demands on the dialogue process, or on J&K. The entire process of taking forward the constitutional changes in J&K will be determined by India, at a pace decided by its government and people. Relations with Pakistan will hopefully focus on the ‘Four Ts’ — trade, travel, transit and tourism. Talks on J&K are best left to a ‘back channel’.

India will have to carry forward its efforts to strengthen its strategic autonomy, even while moving ahead on Quad. It will continue to work on its ties with Russia, while strengthening its relations with Japan, France and the UK. Neighbours like Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Bhutan, Nepal and Myanmar, are now clear about India’s strategic compulsions. There is, however, much still to be done to get friends in ASEAN to show greater unity in dealing with territorial challenges posed by China.