The purchase of Quick Reaction Surface to Air Missiles (QR-SAM), which was being done from global sources, is now on ‘buy Indian’ list

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, January 16

As part of a relook at importing military equipment, some items have been put on the list that will only be sourced indigenously.

Policy on cards

The Ministry of Defence is crafting a policy that will allow import of only specific items that cannot be produced in India. It will lay down guidelines which items can be imported and why.

The purchase of Quick Reaction Surface to Air Missiles (QR-SAM), which was being done from global sources, is now on ‘buy Indian’ list. Only Indian firms will be able to supply the missile for Army’s air-defence system.

Similarly, the all-terrain vehicles used in high-altitude areas will only be sourced from Indian vendors. The light machine guns (LMGs) for the Army will also be sourced from local sources. A decision in this regard was taken at a high-level virtual meeting on Friday. The decision to add more items on the ‘import ban’ list is expected in the coming week.

The Tribune had first reported in its January 12 edition that only cutting-edge technology will be imported and that too will have some kind of clause of servicing and maintaining the equipment. Import could be allowed in items such as aircraft engines, armed drones and long-range planes, among others.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh had last month said at an industry event that it will be ‘make in India’ for military equipment in future.

Within the Ministry of Defence, a policy is being crafted that will allow import of only specific items which cannot be produced in India. This will lay down guidelines which items can be imported and why. It is called ‘Defence Production and Export Promotion Policy’.

The review will provide the list of items that cannot be imported and those which could be made in India.

AK-630 fully automatic naval, rotary cannon, close-in weapon system
The Indian Navy received indigenously-produced 30mm gun ammunition on Friday. A Navy official described it as a “milestone”.
“First ever 100 per cent indigenous 30mm HE gun ammunition for the services has been produced by M/s Economic Explosives Ltd, Nagpur,” the official said.
Satyanarayan Nuwal, CMD of the Solar Group, handed over the first consignment of the ammunition to Vice Chief of Naval Staff Vice Admiral SN Ghormade.
“It is the first time that the services have placed an order on Indian private industry for delivery of complete gun ammunition and the same was completed successfully within a short time period of 12 months,” the official said.

Indian Army’s swarm drone system is equipped with cutting-edge technology that can identify targets using artificial intelligence-driven software. India Army’s swarm drones driven by artificial intelligence
The Indian Army announced it has inducted swarm drones into its mechanised forces describing it as a “niche” and “disruptive technology”. The Army said the drones will provide an “edge” in meeting future security challenges.
India’s swarm drone system is equipped with cutting-edge technology that can identify targets using artificial intelligence-driven software. The drones consist of a number of drones controlled from the same station which can be programmed using an algorithm to carry out various tasks including surveillance.
As China continues its military manoeuvres along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), the Army is set to transform itself into a technology-enabled force.
According to reports, the Army has initiated a Make-II case Autonomous Surveillance and Armed Drone Swarm (ASAD-S).

China showcases Intercontinental Ballistic Missiles at National Day Parade
In October 2019, China celebrated its National Day amid great fanfare at Tiananmen Square in Beijing. The highlight of the day was China’s military drones which created a worldwide buzz.
China has now seamlessly integrated its drones in all three wings of the military – Army, Navy and Air Force with the Rocket Force playing its role to give the communist country an edge in mobile warfare.

Reports emerged in July in the Taiwanese press which said China’s “Soaring Dragon” UAV( (Unmanned Aerial Vehicle) had carried out surveillance mission on a US Navy ship USS Antietam as it sailed along the Taiwan Straits.
The “Soaring Dragon” was first displayed as model at the Zhuhai Air Show in 2006. In 2016, UAV reportedly went into production.
The “EA-03 Soaring Dragon” reportedly has a combat range of 2,000 kms with turbojet engine propulsion which is mainly used for reconnaissance but the People’s Liberation Army(PLA) intends to use it in combat support later.

AFADS: US drone swarms can finds targets through AI
The US uses MQ-9 Reapers which it controls remotely. Reports claim the US has been fully autonomous Drone swarms (AFADS).
The AFADS target has the ability to lock into its AI to automatically target attacks without human interaction marking a shift in how the US intends to now use drones during combat.
Both the US Army and Navy are reportedly developing autonomous platforms to target enemies amid changes linked to war strategy worldwide.
The use importance of drones has become a key feature in the Ukraine war as Ukraine’s army has targeted several Russian military vehicles and tanks from the sky.
In fact, the US has also addressed public concern over drone swarms being used in a manner like weapons of mass destruction (WMDs).

Terminator drones
Amid US arms supplies to Ukraine, reports claim Ukraine is targeting the Russian military with “Terminator drones”. The drones are reportedly being used to “trick” the Russians to believe they are being pursued by “Skynet”.
Hellfire missiles fired by drones in targeted attacks have been known for powerful explosions and often extensive collateral damage and deaths. Since 2017, a handful of other finely-targeted attacks show similar results.
Details of the mysterious weapon leaked out, and it was dubbed the “Flying Ginsu,” after a famous 1980s television commercial for ostensibly Japanese kitchen knives that would cut cleanly through aluminium cans and remain perfectly sharp.
The drone strike which killed Zawahiri is also called “ninja bomb,” the missile has become the US munition of choice for killing leaders of extremist groups while avoiding civilian casualties.

US MQ-9 Reaper with Paveway-II and air-to-ground missiles
The US MQ-9 Reaper is used by the US for several functions namely: intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, close air support, combat search and rescue, precision strike, buddy-lase, convoy and raid overwatch.
It uses laser-guided munitions including Guided Bomb Unit-12 Paveway-II and air-to-ground missile-114 Hellfire which is believed to be higly accurate. It has a ceiling of up to 50,000 feet and reportedly costs $56.5 million.
The basic crew of a Reaper consists of a rated pilot to control the aircraft and command the mission, and an enlisted aircrew member to operate sensors and guide weapons.
According to the General Atomics, it is collaborating with the US Army to develop a modular open system approach (MOSA) for its MQ-1C Gray Eagle drone.
Gray Eagle Extended Range (GE-ER) is a next-generation advanced derivative of the battle-proven Gray Eagle Unmanned Aircraft System (UAS).
GE-ER delivers long-endurance UAS surveillance, communications relay, and weapons delivery missions during wartime. The relevance of drones has become even more significant after UAV have destroyed several tanks and military vehicles helping in surveillance and in hitting Russian targets.
According to the company, GE-ER features an automatic take-off and landing system (ATLS) that allows the aircraft to be launched.
It has a wingspan of 58 feet and is 28 feet long and has Satellite communication points with automatic take-off and landing which greatly reduces a pilot’s workload.
It can launch upto 29,000 feet with maximum endurance of 42 hours. The drones extra fuel supports the Army’s reconnaissance, surveillance and Target Acquisition (RSTA) requirements.

IAF to commemorate Tangail air drop and Meghna crossing during the war

Photo for representation purposes

Tribune News Service

Ajay Banerjee

New Delhi, January 17

At this year’s Republic Day parade, the Indian Air Force (IAF) will pay homage to some of the exploits of its pilots and also the armed forces during the 1971 war with Pakistan.

The tableau of the IAF that will be part of the parade at Rajpath will have a display of a jet bombing the Governor’s House at Dhaka.

Also, a model of the Gnat fighter will form the display.The Gnat hadearned the name ‘Sabre slayer’ for its efficacy in shooting down the Sabres – aname for a Jet – of the Pakistani Air Force.

The flypast will pay homage to two important events that possibly changed the course of war in East Pakistan.

Among the several formations that will be flying, the IAF has named two of the flying displays as ‘Tangail’ and ‘Meghna’.

Tangail is the place in Bangladesh where the Indian Army’sParachute Regiment, known as Para’s,were air-dropped behind enemy lines. A Dakota – a plane used in the para-dropin 1971- will fly past Rajpath as part of the flying display. It will be flanked by a Dornier 228 and a special operations plane, the C130-J.

This segment of the display is named ‘Tangail’.

Meghna is ariver east of Dhaka and crossing it was important during the 1971 war if Indian forces wanted to capture Dhaka.

IAF helicopters were used to cross thousands of Indian Army troops across the 4 km expanse of the Meghna. The flying display at Rajpath will include a Chinook heavy lift copter and four Mi17V5 copters flying in to commemorate the crossing of the Meghna. The segment is named ‘Meghna’.

Spike is an Israeli fire-and-forget anti-tank guided missile and anti-personnel missile as per a report
India has deployed the Spike missile in Ladakh amid the ongoing tension with China for the last two years. Spike is an anti-tank guided missile that can destroy any tank or armoured vehicle in the blink of an eye. This missile is so dangerous that it has to be fired just by aiming, chasing the target, it does the rest of the work itself. For this reason Spike is also called Fire and Forget missile. Its second biggest feature is also being fired from a variety of launch platforms. The Spike can also be fired from shoulder-mounted launchers, helicopters and tripods. Not only this, it can also be fitted on army tanks. This missile has recently been seen on the shoulder of a soldier during a military exercise in Ladakh. The world has seen the power of anti-tank missiles recently in the Russo-Ukraine war, where the Javelin missiles received from America created a ruckus. Spike is considered a more dangerous anti-tank missile than the Javelin.
Spike ATGM Fire And Forget Missile
Spike is an Israeli fire-and-forget anti-tank guided missile and anti-personnel missile. It is fitted with a tandem-charged High Explosive Anti-Tank Warhead (HEAT). It has been developed and designed by the Israeli company Rafael Advanced Defence Systems. It is available in man-portable, vehicle-launched and helicopter-launched variants. Its launchers once lock the target through fire and forget technology. Some variants attack their target from above, which is considered the weakest area of ​​any tank. The tanks have reactive armour plates all around, which burst during the missile attack, reducing its impact. In such a situation, by attacking from above, the Spike missile causes tremendous damage to the tank. Not only this, there is also a variant of this, which after firing its target can also be changed. The missile is equipped with an imaging infrared seeker.
Spike NLOS Most Advanced Missile
According to Rafale Advanced Defence Systems, the Israeli company that made the Spike missile, 29 countries around the world have purchased different variants of this system. The Indian Air Force is procuring Spike NLOS variants of these. Spike NLOS is the most advanced variant of the Spike family. In this, NLOS stands for ‘Non Line of Sight’, indicating its long range capability. The Spike NLOS range is about 32 km, which is almost four times that of the US AGM-114 Hellfire, which is deployed on an Apache attack helicopter. There is also news that India may make Spike NLOS indigenously under a Technology Transfer agreement.
India Preparing For Spike’s Technology Transfer
The Spike NLOS Anti-Tank Guided Missile is currently ordered in limited numbers. Later this missile can be produced on a large scale under Make in India. The air-firing Spike can automatically target enemy ground targets, their tank regiments and armoured vehicles, eliminating NLOS jamming and other standoffs. Due to this, the advance speed of enemy tanks can also be slowed down to a great extent.
Why Did India Choose Spike Over Javelin?
India has long wanted to procure air launched anti-tank missiles. In 2011, India had two options. The first of these was the US-made FGM-148 Javelin missile and the second was the Spike NLOS. Spike was chosen by India because Israel was ready for technology transfer and domestic manufacturing of missiles, which fuels the Modi government’s ‘Make in India’ initiative. Instead of outright purchase of these missiles, India negotiated with Israel for technology transfer so that the missiles could be produced in India. The Israeli company has set up a joint venture in India with Kalyani named Kalyani Rafale Advanced Systems (KRAS). In such a situation, this missile can be easily manufactured in India.

Urgent need to bring Russia, Ukraine to negotiating table
THE Russia-Ukraine war is 100 days old and there are few signs to
be hopeful that it will end anytime soon. Instead, the battle lines
are hardening, with the US announcing a $700-million weapons
package for Kyiv that will include advanced rocket systems with a range
of up to 80 km, while Germany has pledged to supply Ukraine with
state-of-the-art anti-aircraft missiles and radar systems. US Secretary
of State Antony Blinken claims that Ukraine has promised not to use
the systems to hit targets inside Russia, but the latter is not convinced.
Dismissing the assurances, Kremlin has accused the US of ‘deliberately and diligently pouring fuel on the fire’, while Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov has said that the supply of the rocket launchers raises the risk of a ‘third country’ being dragged into the conflict.
The war has battered global economy over the past three months and
created geopolitical instability in Europe, triggering fears of World War III.
The humanitarian upheaval has assumed alarming proportions: More
than 6.6 million Ukrainians have fled, mostly women and children, in
Europe’s biggest exodus since World War II. The longer the war drags on,
the greater will be challenges for a world that is still picking up the pieces
after the mayhem caused by the Covid pandemic. The UN has warned
that the conflict is fuelling ‘a three-dimensional global crisis for food,
energy and finance’ that is affecting ‘the most vulnerable populations,
countries and economies’. The ominous scenario must spur all stakeholders to go all out to bring this war to an end at the earliest.
Unfortunately, the trust deficit between Russia and Ukraine, and
also between Russia and the NATO countries, seems to be widening.
Both the warring nations as well as the international community
have not done enough to bridge the chasm. Sanctions-hit Russia
has not ruled out a meeting between President Putin and his
Ukrainian counterpart Zelenskyy, but it wants a framework for any
such talks to be prepared in advance. Thrashing out a mutually
acceptable framework and bringing both sides to the negotiating
table should be the top priorities for giving peace a chance.

Such contracts provide ‘psychological comfort’ to MoD’s civil and military bureaucracy
by Amit Cowshish
The Indian Navy is reportedly keen on forging an inter-governmental agreement (IGA) with the US or France to procure 26 fighter jets for its indigenous aircraft carrier, INS Vikrant, scheduled for imminent commissioning despite awaiting installation of its Aviation Flight Complex which is necessary for operating its combat air arm.
Boeing’s F/A-18E/F ‘Super Hornet’ and Dassault’s Rafale-M (Marine) fighters are in contention for the Navy’s requirement for 18 multi-role carrier borne fighters and eight twin-seat trainers to operate off Vikrant.
These requirements could eventually rise to a total of 57 platforms, in keeping with the Navy’s earlier projections. Both the US and French fighters had recently demonstrated their operational capabilities from the shore-based test facility at INS Hansa, the Navy’s air station in Goa. The Navy is currently evaluating their performances to determine their suitability, following which it will begin the formal tendering process to acquire the aircraft, possibly via an IGA, or some other analogous arrangement, for a variety of reasons detailed below.
What comes closest to an IGA for the US government are tenders concluded exclusively through its Foreign Military Sales (FMS) program, which is administered by the Defence Security Cooperation Agency (DSCA) under the Pentagon’s overall aegis and advisement by the US State Department, as a means for furthering Washington’s diplomatic and strategic ambit worldwide.
India’s Defence Acquisition Procedure 2020 (DAP2020) – and the manuals that preceded it- permits acquisition both via the IGA and the FMS on grounds of securing geo-strategic advantage or imperatives of strategic partnerships, or both. Military, technological, economic, diplomatic, and political benefits too are ‘principal factors’ for New Delhi forging such agreements for its military buys. As a matter of fact, IGAs and their variants like the FMS have been Delhi’s favoured mode of importing major military platforms and diverse weapon systems for several years.
All procurements from the former Soviet Union, and subsequently Russia, since the mid-1960s have followed the IGA route, with India’s Ministry of Defence (MoD) dealing directly with Rosobornexport (ROE), Moscow’s sole state agency for materiel export and import of dual use defence products, technologies and services. For decades this arrangement worked well, despite periodic glitches, and was solely responsible for effectively building India’s arsenal and augmenting its war-waging capability.
The bulk of US defence acquisitions 2002 onwards, worth around $ 20 billion, too have been via the FMS route and more recently in 2016 the Indian Air Force (IAF) acquired 36 French Dassault Rafale fighters via an IGA, deliveries of which are nearing completion.
The MoD officials as well as the armed forces are ‘comfortable’ adopting the IGA template, especially the FMS, for diverse reasons, of which expediency is the foremost. Ironically, even for them, the DAP2020 – and all its earlier manifestations – has always been far too convoluted in its processes, rendering them wary of taking decisions in the event of something going awry. Many corruption scandals in recent years involving MoD and military officials – some of which remain unproven – have centred on their questionable interpretation of the complex procurement regulations; pursuing the IGA route obviates such possibilities.
The IGAs are also not required to follow standard multi-stage acquisition procedures or conform to the rigid contractual conditions envisaged in the DAP. Instead, they are negotiated on mutually agreed terms between the governments of both countries, allowing a greater degree of flexibility in finalising the deals and their eventual execution.
This compressed IGA – and FMS – procedure typically begins with the approval of the broad framework for the proposed agreement by the MoD’s Defence Acquisition Council headed by the Defence Minister. It is followed by negotiations between the foreign governmental agency and an MoD appointed inter-disciplinary committee which determines the overall terms and conditions of the purchase, including the cost, delivery schedules, maintenance support package, and any possible transfer of technology for local manufacture.
The empowered committee is also authorised by the MoD to liaise directly with the original equipment manufacturer as part of the overarching inter-governmental negotiations. Once the draft terms and conditions of the purchase are mutually accepted, the IGA is signed with the approval of the Cabinet Committee on Security headed by the Indian Prime Minister.
In almost all instances, an IGA compresses the total period for finalising a contract, from the time the proposal was initiated to when it is finally inked. The purchase of 36 Rafales, for example, was first announced by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in Paris in April 2015, and the Rs 59,000 crore contract for them was signed via an IGA 17 months later in September 2016, followed by commencement of deliveries in July 2020.
Procurement from the US under the FMS program is even more alluring for MoD officials, despite the DSCA following its own set procedure, including the terms and conditions of sale. The MoD accepts this as a fait accompli, and its officials are content abiding by the FMS procedure as the DSCA assumes responsibility for the entire process, especially with regard to negotiating the cost – by far the most risk-prone aspect of defence procurements – with potential US vendors.
Under the FMS process, the DSCA negotiates with the original equipment manufacturer as it would if the US military was acquiring the materiel and charges the MoD a standard ‘facilitation’ fee for its endeavours. With 189 countries and international organisations currently participating in it, the FMS process is widely considered transparent, reliable, and secure. This is further vindicated by the reality that no FMS deal between India and the US has so far come under any cloud.
India’s FMS purchases have included 22 ‘AH-64E(I)’ Apache Guardian and 15 Chinook CH-47F heavy lift helicopters for the IAF, 14 P-8I Neptune long-range maritime multi-mission aircraft and 24 Lockheed Martin/Sikorsky MH-60R multirole naval helicopters for the Indian Navy.
Six additional Apaches were on order for the Indian Army, while the IAF had also commissioned 12 Lockheed Martin C130J-30 and 11 Boeing C-17 Globemaster III transport aircraft. In 2016 the Indian Army had signed up for 145 BAE Systems M777 155mm/39 calibre lightweight howitzers – of which around 100 had been delivered – in addition to acquiring 72,400 SIG716 assault rifles from Sig Sauer in 2019.
To conclude, the IGA or FMS contracts provide ‘psychological comfort’ to MoD’s civil and military bureaucracy, as the responsibility for procurement deals concluded under it is borne collectively by the empowered committee on the Indian side and the concerned government, or its agency like the DSCA, on the other.
This minimises the risk for the officials of being questioned subsequently for their decisions and facing allegations of committing irregularities in the acquisition process which, in recent times, has been the bane of efficient decision-making and one that has adversely impacted the Indian military’s long-delayed modernisation.
Amit Cowshish retired from the Indian Defence Accounts Service in 2012

THE Pakistan Government offered two sneak previews of its first-ever national security policy last week. The first input by an unnamed official to the media was about the policy focusing on geo-economics. – File photo

THE Pakistan Government offered two sneak previews of its first-ever national security policy last week. The first input by an unnamed official to the media was about the policy focusing on geo-economics. Then, Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan made public about half of this policy document on the day the Punjab Police recovered a 5-kg bomb near the India-Pak border. Two days earlier, Babar Bhai, who had infiltrated from Pakistan, was gunned down in Kulgam, Kashmir. Though of acute interest to India, the new security policy gives no insight into whether Pakistan’s purported geo-economic pivot also means abandoning in Kashmir and Punjab its once-successful and low-cost policy of ‘inflicting a thousand cuts’, perfected against the occupying Soviet forces in Afghanistan.

In terms of the traditional security framework, Pakistan plans to not just upgrade its capabilities in continental defence but also step up its maritime activities, all with an eye on India where ‘a regressive and dangerous ideology’ has heightened the prospect of violent conflict. For an ecosystem that is well and truly on the ventilator, Pakistan would do well with the extra focus on economics. Surprisingly, instead of reducing the aggressive space for disagreement on trade, the policy counter-accuses India of ‘holding hostage’ eastward connectivity. The disconnect between rhetoric and reality cannot be starker. For over two months now, Pakistan has been unable to decide on land transit for Indian aid to the starving people of Afghanistan.

The strategic goals of a ‘dedicated focus’ on export-led growth will remain partly fulfilled if Pakistan continues to block access of its businesses to a natural market in the Indian subcontinent. The policy rightly points out that sustainable and inclusive economic growth is needed to bolster traditional and human security. It claims to demonstrate resolve against extremism and sectarianism, both of which have been fuelled by the ISI’s violent meddling in different parts of India. It is unfair to make assumptions from only half a policy. But the conspicuous sense of hostility in the 17 references to India suggests that Pakistan needs more soul-searching for economics to become the principal load-bearing pillar of its ties with India.

I can vouch for the fact that the migrants who had a member or a relative in the Army had to suffer much less in 1947

Col TBS Bedi (Retd)

My grandfather, Bedi Amar Singh, served in the 11th KEO Lancers as Daffadar for more than 30 years, including his field service in the North West Frontier Province and France during World War I. Since my father was serving at Bengal Engineering Group (BEG) and Centre, Roorkee, we, including my grandfather and the family of his elder brother, shifted to the refugee camp set up by the Army. The barracks were converted into living quarters for a large number of uprooted families of jawans and officers with minimal facilities of water and toilets outside the barracks.

When our family left home in Mandi Bahawaldin near Lahore in August 1947, my elders believed that once the rioting was over and the situation became normal, we would return to our homes. So, my parents locked the house and left the keys with our friendly Muslim neighbours, giving them charge of our cattle. When it dawned a little later that we could never go back and that we had in fact lost everything, it was quite traumatic for the family.

I was only four at the time of Partition but some of the incidents I was witness to are etched deeply in memory. For those living in Mandi Bahawaldin, the closest railway station was Lalamusa. Stories of communal violence, fires and the news of the murders of people known to our family used to be the subject of most of our conversations. We were lucky that in our extended family, there was no loss of life and no physical injury was suffered by anyone.

My early memories relate to the primary school I joined at Roorkee Cantt located near our refugee camp area. The fog of the tense communal situation, imagined fears and hatred against Muslims were reflected in our small talk and the games we played. Children seemed to enjoy shouting “Hath mein beedi, moonh mein paan, chal mere bhai Pakistan”. Most of us at the camp were Sikhs and it was assumed that beedi and paan were the marks of a Muslim, and the right place for the Muslim was Pakistan.

Unit games were organised for troops of BEG Centre as an annual ritual. What interested us more was the race organised at the end of the meet for the children of the troops and those living in the camp. I came first in 50 metre races. The prize distribution ceremony took more time and I was quite late to reach home. My mother scolded me but when I told her about the prize, showing her the tin of sweets, she hugged me with a broad smile.

Soon thereafter, my grandfather and his brother were allotted 30 acres of agricultural land with two mango gardens at Sandhora village in Naraingarh tehsil of Ambala district. Interestingly, in lieu of the house we left in Pakistan, we were allotted a big deserted masjid where we stayed till 1954. Living there was quite an experience. Drawing water from the pucca well outside the masjid and filling a big circular copper tank through buckets was a regular duty we children enjoyed. There being no electricity, food was served by sunset. And then, it was story-telling time as all of us brothers and sisters gathered round our mother.

The promotion of my father as Jemadar (now called Naib Subedar) was an occasion to celebrate. My grandfather was very happy to see his son become a JCO. After his six-year posting at Delhi, where I had my school education, his new posting in 1960 brought us to Ambala Cantt. Our house was near the Air Force Station. During the 1965 war, it was the main target of the Pakistan Air Force. This war was a turning point for me as I was commissioned into the Corps of Engineers as 2nd/Lt. A memorable event was the visit of Lt Gen Harbaksh Singh, the Western Army Commander, to my wedding in 1971 at Delhi, since my father was on his staff. The sword which he presented to me is a cherished memento.

During the anti-Sikh riots in 1984, I was posted at Kanpur. Since there was no military married accommodation available, I was allotted a rented accommodation in the civilian area at Swadeshi Cotton Mill Colony near Kidwai Nagar. The Sikhs became the target of ferocious mobs. Many were actually refugees from Pakistan who were rehabilitated in distinct colonies. I remember when the riots erupted on October 31, one of my worried Hindu friends came to ask me to shift immediately to the Army area. It was a nightmare. I managed to call my course-mate, Maj Suraj Attri, who sent a 1-tonne vehicle with an armed escort and we were evacuated safely. En route, we could see the extent of violence and damage to property. Many of my age who were not witness to the 1947 massacres appeared to see for the first time the madness that could manifest itself in human beings.

I remember how the Army made special arrangements in their barracks to house the affected persons, including civilians, and provide for their needs. You felt a loss of belonging here, but the Army’s presence, as always, brought a touch of solace and normalcy. The Army was always there.

— The writer is based in Mohali