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Khadga Prasad Oli will return to power as the 11th Prime Minister of the ‘Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal’ since the abolishment of the Shah-monarchy in 2008. The veteran leader of the Communist Party of Nepal (Unified Marxist-Leninist) or CPN UML, was earlier Prime Minister of Nepal from Oct 2015 to August 2016, besides having been previously Nepal’s foreign minister (2006-07) and home minister (1994-95).
In the elections in November-December 2017, the ‘Left Alliance’ of the two principal Communist parties, Oli’s CPN-UML and Pushpa Kamal Dahal’s CPN (Maoist-Centre), won a joint victory in the bicameral legislature (House of Representatives and National Assembly) and in the state assemblies. These elections were closely watched by both Delhi and Beijing as, for once, a stable leadership was expected in Kathmandu given the restraining clauses that have come into play after the adoption of the new constitution in 2015.
The landlocked Himalayan country, flanked by competing geopolitical rivals China and India, will inevitably witness hectic pitching for influence and strategic sweepstakes. The centrist Nepali Congress was perceived to be pro-India, whereas the nationalistic, rejectionist and assertive tenor of the ‘Left alliance’ was believed to be the preferred dispensation of the Chinese. Therefore, for India, the challenge of handling and managing Oli in his second coming as prime minister.
‘Dhruba’, as Oli was known in his younger days, was a precocious chess player and given to writing fiery nationalistic poems – both early indicators of his proclivity and dexterity in the rumble-tumble of Nepalese politics, which has evolved from the absolutism of the monarchy era, the anarchical spirit accompanying the Communist/Maoist resistance to, finally, reconciliation and adapting to the democratic framework and the geopolitical opportunities of today.
Oli’s baptism into the violent communist resistance in 1966 saw him rise quickly within the ranks and play a leadership role in the infamous Jhapa rebellion that saw the beheadings of feudal landlords, which ultimately put Oli behind bars for 14 years. The providential timing of his release coincided with the greenshoots of the democratic movement in Nepal, and Oli was poised to take the centre stage in Nepalese politics, first as the central committee member of CPM-ML and then as the founding chairman of Prajatantrik Rashtriya Yuwa Sangh.
The roller-coaster ride of Nepalese politics soon saw Oli become prime minister in Oct 2015, supported – incredibly – by the royalist and pro-monarchy Rashtryia Prajatantra Party and the Madhesi Rights Forum-Democratic, besides the Maoists and 13 other smaller parties.
Ironically, it was the Maoists who pulled the rug from under Oli’s feet in less than 10 months, only for the two to soon join hands and form the ‘Left Alliance’. The intra-Left intrigues notwithstanding, Oli has firmly established his personal credentials as the leading voice against the centrist Nepali Congress, taking an ultra-nationalist and unsubtly anti-India stand (and by default, pro-China), aided by popular perceptions of Delhi’s hand in the debilitating and humiliating economic blockade of 2015.
Oli, the Machiavellian politician, had been quick to nail his political stance to the powerful and restive emotions of ‘national pride’ to establish the damaging perception that the Nepali Congress was hand-in-glove with Delhi, and posited his own proximity and preference with the ever-willing Beijing as a credible alternative. The unsavoury term ‘foreign hand’ in Kathmandu, has acquired an unmistakable Indian context and the inherent message in the optics of the prime minister-in-waiting making a surprise visit to the Chinese trade and transit point in Rasuwagahdi, makes Delhi wary of Oli’s second coming.
Traditionally, the first international visit by every Nepalese prime minister has been to India. Oli’s move to visit Rasuwagahdi-Kerung on the Nepal-China border, which is symbolically seen as an alternative to Birgunj on the Nepal-India border, holds vivid portents of Oli’s ‘balanced’ foreign policy!
Beyond the political tactics of pitchforking China into the Indo-Nepalese realm, the reality is that over two-thirds of Nepal’s trade is still with India. With life-sustaining imports a staggering nine-times that of exports, the Chinese are still far from offering a viable and sustainable option to that of India. Oli, the quintessential politician would know the limits and consequences of pandering to the Chinese beyond a point (for example, the fate of neighbouring Tibet and, more recently, Bhutan). Similarly, Delhi, too, must understand the sensitivities of ‘big-brother’ perceptions and those of interference in the internal affairs of Nepal. Unlike the expansionist agenda of China, there is much in common and comfort in dealing with India – the civilisational, cultural and fraternal connect that has overridden many challenges in Indo- Nepal relations since Independence.
Beyond economics and diplomacy, the emotive umbilical cord of the irrepressible Nepali Gorkhas in the Indian armed forces is the best example of Indo-Nepal trust and faith in each other. Befittingly, the serving and the previous chief of the Indian Army have been proud Gorkha officers – with the incumbent General Bipin Rawat hailing from 5/11 Gorkha Rifles, which is primarily composed of Rais, Limbus and Sunuwars from Nepal. General Rawat is a second generation Gorkha officer. His father Lt Gen L S Rawat was also from the Gorkhas. This, besides the reciprocal dignity of freely allowing citizens to travel between the two nations, is unparalleled among Asian countries.
Oli does have a certain ideological and political agenda that needs to be recognised and accommodated with care, dignity and requisite investments. The wounds of his first innings are still fresh and Delhi must tread carefully to address the same, whilst explaining in no uncertain terms the futility of overplaying the Chinese card, given its track record in the neighbourhood and globally. Nepal is truly a ‘natural’ ally of India from all possible angles, and Oli, a thoroughbred politician, should know that and benefit from it.
(The writer is a former Lt Gen in the Indian Army and former Lt-Governor of Andaman and Nicobar Islands and Puducherry)
The recognition that we as a people have a history of and a reputation for combat that is matched by few others in the world could ironically be the way forward to peace.
There is a famous anecdote that veteran soldiers tell about the Indian Army. During the days of the North African campaign during the Second World War, if you walked into the bar of the famous Shepheard’s hotel in Cairo, the barman always asked you which division you belonged to. If you answered Fourth Indian Division, you got a free drink on the house. The story might be apocryphal, but it illuminates a long forgotten bit of our own past – the glorious story of the Fourth Indian Division – widely regarded as one of the “greatest fighting formations in military history”.
The Prelude
The modern Indian Army as we know it owes its origin to the British Raj. It was not a force conceived to fight an all out overseas war but rather meant to be more of a policing force to keep the turbulent subjects of the Raj under check, while also keeping an eye out over the North West Frontier at Russian machinations. Even as late as the end of the First World War, Britain envisaged the North West Frontier with Afghanistan, and Bolshevist Russia beyond, as the major threat to India and hence the training and strategic planning of the Indian Army focused on deployment in this region rather than for any major global conflict. No one then could have foreseen another world war looming in the near future. But such are the ways of men and nations, that the crises of the future can seldom be foretold. When the World War Two broke out in 1939, the Indian Army found itself under-equipped, untrained and grossly unprepared to tackle the challenges posed by professional, highly trained and highly mechanised armies fielded by Germany and Italy.
Despite the well renowned courage and valour of the Indians, it was becoming apparent to British military planners that wars were no longer about just the human factor. The 1920s and 1930s had seen rapid advances in all spheres of industry and technology, and the Germans in particular were at the forefront of building the military-industrial complex. On the other hand, the lack of modernisation in the Indian Army was woeful. Britain had spent considerable expenses on modernising its own army to keep up with developments in Europe, acquiring tanks, anti aircraft guns and mechanising almost its entire cavalry from being horse mounted. By comparison, the Indian cavalry still remained horse mounted and its artillery guns were still mule drawn, and it possessed no anti-tank or anti-aircraft weapons. Such a force was to be pitted against state-of-art German Panzer tanks and Italian guns in North Africa.
Contrary to popular belief, the martial races theory was not what always determined recruitment to the British Army. The War was like a beast hungry for human blood and it devoured men like a forest fire devours dead grass. The British empire stretched to its limits in fighting wars on three fronts – Europe, North Africa and the Far East – needed men to feed its war machinery and these men came from India irrespective of their caste, region or religion. Against the highly mechanised forces of the Germans, men were like cannon fodder and the British could not afford to be choosy in whom they recruited. So, the martial races theory went for a toss as soon as the war began. Division sized Indian Army units had mixed composition from the various Indian regiments.
Thus while it is difficult to ascertain the exact regiment wise make up of the Fourth Indian Infantry Division, we know from various despatches and records that almost all the ethnicities of the Indian sub-continent were represented in it – Sikhs, Dogras, Rajputs, Pathans, Balochis, Marathas, Bengalis, Tamils, Garhwalis, Gurkhas – all fought shoulder to shoulder, distinguishing themselves in a far away land. Further, nearly a third of its strength was also provided by British troops. The fact that such a varied body of men so different in race, religion and language could fight as one, stood testimony to the time honoured traditions of the Indian Army and the superior soldierly qualities of the Indians.
The War In North Africa
As soon as the War broke out in Europe, the well prepared German Army drove through France like a hot knife through butter. By 1940 all French resistance had collapsed and the Germans now stood eyeball-to-eyeball against the British nation. A threatened Britain drew all her best forces for the defence of her homeland, leaving the defence of her vast and strung out empire to the Indian Army. With France under Axis occupation, Italy now focused its attention towards British possessions in North Africa.
In the Western Desert, the British were in control of Egypt while the Italians ruled over Libya and Ethiopia. The North African Campaign began in August 1940 when Mussolini ordered the Italian forces based in Libya to invade Egypt. A further strategic objective of the Italian push into Egypt was to capture the Suez Canal – the crucial nerve centre of global shipping in those days. Whoever controlled the Suez controlled the lucrative shipping routes to the east, and since most of Britain’s empire lay to the east of the Suez, it could not afford to lose it. All that stood between Mussolini and the Suez Canal was a few British and Australian troops and the hastily assembled, poorly equipped Indian Army.
The Fourth Indian Infantry Division was the first formation to leave India for overseas service in Second World War, with the first tranche arriving in Egypt in August 1939. Its divisional insignia was a diving red eagle on a black patch, and its divisional motto was Jo Hukam – That Which Is Ordered Shall Be Accomplished – a motto which it was to live up to in all except its final and most tragic mission, where the famous Red Eagle was to fail miserably. But that comes later.
As the war raged on, the Fourth Indian Infantry Division came to be the most experienced division in the Middle East, with British Army commanders repeatedly falling back on the ‘Red Eagle’ for critical missions. The British forces in the region consisted primarily of the Western Desert Force under the Middle East Command led by General Archibald Wavell (later to be Viceroy of India). The Western Desert Force in turn was comprised of the Fourth Indian Infantry Division and the British Seventh Armoured Division – totaling 36,000 soldiers and 65 tanks in all. This force was to face the brunt of Mussolini’s 10th Army comprising of 1,50,000 infantry, 1600 guns, 600 tankettes (small tanks the size of a car used mostly by the Italian army) and 331 aircraft. At the outset, the odds seemed astronomical. The Indian and British soldiers were outnumbered almost five to one while lacking in artillery, armoured and air support as well. But it was precisely in fighting such incredible odds that the Fourth Indian Infantry Division earned its legendary reputation as one of the greatest fighting forces ever known in history.
The Desert Fox vs The Sepoy – The Defeat of Erwin Rommel
Nicknamed Operation Compass, the mission to drive the Italians out of North Africa lasted from December 1940 till February 1941. In February 1941, the division saw itself engaged in a bitter battle with the Italians in the town of Keren in Eritrea, located at the eastern edge of North Africa. Being their last foothold on the continent, the Italians fought furiously. It was here that Subedar Ricchpal Ram of the 4/6th Rajputana Rifles won the Victoria Cross, leading a gallant charge on the Italian positions despite being grievously wounded and having his foot blown off. So fierce was the battle of Keren, and such was the valour of Fourth Indian Division that once the battle was won, geographical features in East Africa were named after regiments of the Indian Army – Sikh Spur, Rajputana Ridge and so on.
By the time the Fourth Indian Division was done with its work in the Western Desert , it had stopped the Italian advance dead in its tracks, bringing the formidable 10th Army to its knees and forcing it to surrender. The exploits of the Fourth Indian Division led Anthony Eden, later to be the British PM, to exclaim, “never before has so much been surrendered by so many to so few”.
The following winter the Fourth Indian Division distinguished itself in Operation Crusader in which the German forces were led by none other than the famous Erwin Rommel – known as the Desert Fox – and his AfrikaKorps that was till then considered invincible. Rommel’s reputation as a commander was legendary and added to the technological and numerical superiority of the Axis forces, the result of the confrontation looked like a foregone conclusion. But once the Indians entered the battle, all strategic calculations of the enemy went for a toss. A British officer described the soldiers of the Fourth Indian Division fighting fearlessly against numerically superior German forces thus :
“After a while I saw the platoon advancing across the valley, turn west across a road, then in open formation return to attack another strongly held feature. I could not stop them…all we could do was provide supporting fire. What a sight! Twenty Five men attacking a high hill studded with enemy trenches…the enemy..300 or more of them..threw down their arms and surrendered to 25 men.”
Such intrepid heroism was to become the hallmark of the Fourth Indian Division as it stunned the enemy by its sheer fearlessness. Operation Crusader was the first victory, albeit a narrow one, by the British forces over the German ground forces in the Second World War, and more importantly the myth of invincibility of Rommel’s AfrikaKorps was forever shattered by the indomitable Indian sepoy. Rommel’s AfrikaKorps finally surrendered on 11 May 1943 to Lt Col C J Showers of the 1 Battalion, 2nd Gurkha Regiment, thus ending the war in North Africa for good. It’s work in North Africa completed the Red Eagle was then deployed to Syria. Later in 1944 they saw action in Italy where they fought at the famous battle of Monte Cassino along with the newly arrived American troops.
The Red Eagle saw its last major action of the Second World War when it was transferred to Greece which was then in the throes of a civil war. As the Germans withdrew from Greece, it became the battleground for the new war that was to engulf our world for the next 50 years – the Cold War. Soviet backed Leftist guerillas got embroiled in a bitter conflict with the American and British backed Greek government army. The Fourth Indian Division was involved in maintaining order during the bloody conflict which was in effect the first major conflict of the Cold War.
The Partition Of Punjab – The Fall From Grace Of The Red Eagle
By 1946 the Second World War was well and over but events in India had taken a precipitous turn. Imminent British withdrawal from India threatened to plunge the subcontinent into a whirlpool of violence. In particular Punjab, which had provided the bulk of recruits to the British war effort was now convulsed with a wave of violence as the newly returned soldiers who had not a few years ago fought shoulder to shoulder as brothers in arms now turned against each other in a frenzy of communal violence. The Fourth Indian Division was once again pressed into service, this time rechristened as the Punjab Boundary Force and tasked with stemming the communal violence in Punjab. However for the first time in its glorious history, the famous Red Eagle was to fail in its mission.
It’s by now legendary divisional motto of Jo Hukum – That Which is Ordered Shall be Accomplished – which it had lived up to throughout the deadliest conflict in human history was for the first, and the last time to fail. Where it had once fought insurmountable odds against the white man in Europe and in Africa, the Fourth Indian Division proved incapable of stemming the madness that had consumed its own people. The riots in Punjab, often led by disbanded army men who used tactics learned in the Army to organise genocidal violence, showed no sign of abating. As a result the Punjab Boundary Force was ignominiously disbanded soon after. With Partition, the Fourth Indian was divided, like many other British army divisions between India and Pakistan. Fifteen Battalions of the Fourth Indian Infantry Division were apportioned to India while 10 went to Pakistan where its remnants served with distinction.
Field Marshal Archibald Wavell, Commander-in-Chief of the Indian Army and later Viceroy of India summed up the achievement of the Red Eagle:
“…. The Fourth Indian Division will surely go down as one of the greatest fighting formations in military history: to be spoken of with such as The Tenth Legion, The Light Division of the Peninsular War, Napoleon’s Old Guard….A mere summary of its record is impressive: in five years it fought nine campaigns, traveled more than 15,000 miles, suffered over 25,000 casualties, captured upwards of 150,000 prisoners…. Its campaigns include the great victory of Sidi Barrani,…a gallant costly assault at Cassino against defences even more formidable than at Keren…the successful breaching of the Gothic Line….The Fourth Division has a claim on history even beyond its fighting capabilities…. and its commanders will always salute one of the greatest bands of fighting men who have ever served together in this troubled world of wars and warriors.” (Das:380)
The British Indian Army – A Conflicted Legacy Of Heroism And Valour
As a nation we are yet to come to terms with our men who went to war for the British. Nationalism all over the Third World were shaped to a large extent by their opposition to colonial ‘other’. The presence in this narrative of a large body of men who went to war for the supposed oppressor acts like a non-sequitur, disrupting the neatly drawn contours of the nationalist narrative. What does one make of these men who fought heroically in places far and wide, who carried proudly the name of the Indian nation where it was never known, but drew their pay from the hated colonial master? For the Indian national movement this posed a tricky question.
In the years immediately following Independence, this question was dealt with by shoving it under the carpet. In the utopian Nehruvian worldview, there were to be no more wars and hence the inconvenient question of accommodating the mercenary-warriors of yore was best left unattended. All of a sudden the millions of Indian soldiers who fought heroically in the two World Wars found themselves on the wrong side of history, their stories destined to be forgotten for forever. It took almost half a century, four full blown wars with our new neighbours, and efforts by academic movements such as the Subaltern Studies group and various oral history projects to once again bring to the centre the question of soldiers of the British Indian Army and their place in the national imagination. The debate is now slowly moving from the academic to the popular realm, as shown by the outcry over Dunkirk, and the sudden flux of historical works relating to the Indian contribution to the two World Wars.
The presence of Bose as a towering figure in Indian nationalistic pantheon further complicates the picture. Bose was a man who raised his own ‘Indian’ Army and joined hands with the Nazis against the British. The Indian National Army was promptly accommodated in the national narrative and accorded the status of heroes. However, the placement of a national hero on the same plane as a genocidal dictator sat uneasily, while leaving the question of the British Indian Army still unanswered. These unresolved conflicts deeply polarised the Indian psyche paving the way for ideological conflicts of the future.
These mercenaries of the Raj also complicate the Gandhian conception of Indians as a peace loving nation that was to form the bedrock of the Gandhi-Nehruvian ‘idea of India’. This was a conception that outraged the Hindu far right and perhaps led to the birth of a militant Hindu nationalism whose entire raison d’etre seemed to be to disprove the Gandhian pacifist conception of Indian history. Both the Gandhian notion and its reactionary far-right counter, in fact, arose because each completely chose to ignore the reality.
Perhaps, because, each was born out of elite politics removed from the ground realities, neither cared to factor in the ubiquitous peasant-soldier in its ideological calculations. That the British were able to raise the largest volunteer army ever raised in the history of mankind from India speaks volumes about the martial culture of the land. Soldiering has throughout Indian history been viewed as a right and honourable profession. The British soon realised that such a cultural predisposition to war, violence, and soldiering made Indians among the finest soldiers on earth, and used the knowledge to build their empire on the shoulders of the humble sepoy.
The Mahatma on the other hand, for all his love for the masses, failed to account for the millions of Indians who relied on violence for a living, and excelled at it. Professional soldiers and trained killers, these were men, who took their pay from the British, did what they were told to, and were proud of it. As the historian Raghu Karnad puts it – “the Indian army was a body of professional soldiers trained to uphold the illegal occupation of not just their own land but of others as well”.
The image of the disciplined professional soldier fighting in the deserts, jungles, trenches, and quietly accepting death over dishonor contrasted sharply with the kurta and corduroy clad men sitting in ornate chambers and plotting their sinister schemes to divide a nation in their lust for power. Today, we would know exactly which side we would root for in such a picture. In the turbulent 30s and 40s though, such an image only served to confound the neat narratives that all stakeholders in the political game were trying to construct. Since no one could make any sense of him, nor assign to him an easily recognisable label of hero or anti-hero, the soldier who went to war was thus relegated to a vacuum of the national imagination where he has been forced to remain till this day.
An acceptance of our men who went to war for the Raj could perhaps offer a solution to the bitter ideological battles we face today. We need to reconcile ourselves to the complex web of loyalties that define the nature of human interactions, and which are impossible to bracket into simple nationalistic binaries. Inherent to such reconciliation is the idea that the sepoy could draw his pay from the white man and yet have his heart beat for an independent Indian nation. The recognition that we as a people have a history of and a reputation for combat that is matched by few others in the world could ironically be the way forward to peace. These were our men, and these are our histories. It is time we own up to them.

Chandigarh, January 11
A day after the Supreme Court’s decision to set up a fresh SIT in the 186 anti-Sikh riot cases, Punjab Chief Minister Amarinder Singh on Thursday said it was high time that justice be provided.He also said that justice continued to elude victims even more than 30 years after the incident.”It is high time that justice be provided in these cases,” the chief minister said here, welcoming the court’s decision to constitute a fresh Special Investigation Team (SIT) to monitor the probe. Singh, who had quit as MP in protest against the riots, said, “More than 30 years have passed since the gory violence, which claimed many lives and left many others homeless, and while various commissions had been set up to investigate the cases, justice continued to elude the victims.” “Several names had cropped up in connection with the riots, and it was now up to the SIT to verify the allegations and bring the investigation to its logical conclusion,” he said.The Supreme Court yesterday had said it would constitute a fresh three-member SIT, to be headed by a former high court judge, to monitor the probe into 186 anti-Sikh riot cases, that followed the assassination of former prime minister Indira Gandhi in 1984, in which investigations were closed.To a question on the ban announced by certain elements on entry of Indian officials in gurudwaras in Canada and the US, the chief minister said anyone, be it Sikh or non-Sikh, can enter the ‘guru ghar’ (abode of the Guru) to pay his respects or partake the ‘langar prasad’.It was against the ‘Sikhi’ (tenets of Sikhism) to stop anyone from entering the gurudwaras, he said, condemning the ban as “totally” wrong.It was for the management committees of the gurudwaras, as well as the Sikh community, in these countries, to put a stop on such acts, he said, pointing out that never had any person been barred from entering a gurudwara.On the issue of political conferences at Shaheedi Jor Melas, Singh said the precedent laid in the case of the Fatehgarh Sahib Jor Mela should be followed for all other such melas, like those in Maghi and Chamkaur Sahib.Political parties had acceded to the Jathedar Akal Takth’s call not to hold any political conference in Fatehgarh Sahib, he said.They should now follow the same tradition for similar melas. If the SAD has planned to hold political conferences there, it was up to them to explain and justify their act, the chief minister said.Singh, however, made it clear that he was not against holding of political conferences at other Jor Melas which were not related to martyrdom. PTI
ਟ੍ਰਿਬਿਊਨ ਨਿਊਜ਼ ਸਰਵਿਸ
ਅੰਮ੍ਰਿਤਸਰ, 11 ਜਨਵਰੀ
ਸ਼੍ਰੋਮਣੀ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਾ ਪ੍ਰਬੰਧਕ ਕਮੇਟੀ ਦੇ ਪ੍ਰਧਾਨ ਗੋਬਿੰਦ ਸਿੰਘ ਲੌਂਗੋਵਾਲ ਨੇ 1984 ਵਿੱਚ ਹੋਏ ਸਿੱਖ ਕਤਲੇਆਮ ਦੇ ਬੰਦ ਕੀਤੇ ਗਏ 186 ਕੇਸਾਂ ਦੀ ਸੁਪਰੀਮ ਕੋਰਟ ਵੱਲੋਂ ਨਵੇਂ ਸਿਰਿਓਂ ਜਾਂਚ ਦੇ ਫ਼ੈਸਲੇ ਦਾ ਸਵਾਗਤ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੈ। ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਕਈ ਦਹਾਕੇ ਬੀਤ ਜਾਣ ‘ਤੇ ਵੀ ਇਨਸਾਫ਼ ਨਾ ਮਿਲਣ ਲਈ ਅਫ਼ਸੋਸ ਵੀ ਜ਼ਾਹਰ ਕੀਤਾ। ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਸੁਪਰੀਮ ਕੋਰਟ ਦੇ ਇਸ ਫ਼ੈਸਲੇ ਨਾਲ ਸਿੱਖਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਇਨਸਾਫ਼ ਮਿਲਣ ਦੀ ਆਸ ਜ਼ਰੂਰ ਬੱਝੀ ਹੈ ਪਰ ਇਨਸਾਫ ਵਿਚ ਹੋਰ ਦੇਰੀ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋਣੀ ਚਾਹੀਦੀ। ਸਮੇਂ-ਸਮੇਂ ਸਰਕਾਰਾਂ ਵੱਲੋਂ ਵੱਖ-ਵੱਖ ਜਾਂਚ ਕਮਿਸ਼ਨ ਬਣਾਏ ਜਾਂਦੇ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ ਅਤੇ ਨਵੇਂ ਬਣੇ ਕਮਿਸ਼ਨ ਵੱਲੋਂ ਪਿਛਲੇ ਕਮਿਸ਼ਨ ਦੀ ਕੀਤੀ ਜਾਂਚ ਨੂੰ ਦੁਬਾਰਾ ਨਵੇਂ ਸਿਰਿਓਂ ਕਰਨ ਵਿੱਚ ਲੰਮਾ ਸਮਾਂ ਲੰਘਾ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਜਾਂਦਾ ਹੈ। ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਇਸ ਕਤਲੇਆਮ ਵਿੱਚ ਸ਼ਾਮਲ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੇ ਨਾਮ ਜੱਗ ਜ਼ਾਹਰ ਹਨ ਪਰ ਇਸਦੇ ਬਾਵਜੂਦ ਕਥਿਤ ਦੋਸ਼ੀ ਸਾਲਾਂ ਤੋਂ ਆਜ਼ਾਦ ਘੁੰਮ ਰਹੇ ਹਨ। ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਭਾਰਤ ਸਰਕਾਰ ਤੇ ਸੁਪਰੀਮ ਕੋਰਟ ਤੋਂ ਮੰਗ ਕੀਤੀ ਕਿ ਪੀੜਤਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਜਲਦ ਤੋਂ ਜਲਦ ਇਨਸਾਫ਼ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਜਾਵੇ।
ਕੈਪਟਨ ਅਮਰਿੰਦਰ ਵੱਲੋਂ ਸਵਾਗਤ
ਚੰਡੀਗੜ੍ਹ (ਟ੍ਰਿਬਿਊਨ ਨਿਊਜ਼ ਸਰਵਿਸ): ਮੁੱਖ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਕੈਪਟਨ ਅਮਰਿੰਦਰ ਸਿੰਘ ਨੇ 1984 ਦੇ ਸਿੱਖ ਵਿਰੋਧੀ ਦੰਗਿਆਂ ਦੇ 186 ਕੇਸਾਂ ਦੀ ਨਵੇਂ ਸਿਰਿਓਂ ਪੜਤਾਲ ਕਰਵਾਉਣ ਲਈ ਨਵੀਂ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਜਾਂਚ ਟੀਮ ਕਾਇਮ ਕਰਨ ਬਾਰੇ ਸੁਪਰੀਮ ਕੋਰਟ ਦੇ ਫ਼ੈਸਲੇ ਦਾ ਸੁਆਗਤ ਕਰਦਿਆਂ ਆਸ ਪ੍ਰਗਟਾਈ ਕਿ ਇਸ ਕਦਮ ਨਾਲ ਪੀੜਤਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਇਨਸਾਫ਼ ਮਿਲੇਗਾ। ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਦੰਗਿਆਂ ਨਾਲ ਸਬੰਧਤ ਕਈ ਲੋਕਾਂ ਦੇ ਨਾਂ ਕੱਟ ਦਿੱਤੇ ਗਏ ਅਤੇ ਇਹ ਹੁਣ ਵਿਸ਼ੇਸ਼ ਜਾਂਚ ਟੀਮ ਦੇ ਹੱਥ-ਵੱਸ ਹੈ ਕਿ ਇਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੋਸ਼ਾਂ ਦੀ ਤਸਦੀਕ ਕਰਕੇ ਜਾਂਚ ਨੂੰ ਫ਼ੈਸਲਾਕੁਨ ਸਿੱਟੇ ਤੱਕ ਪਹੁੰਚਾਵੇ। ਕੈਨੇਡਾ ਅਤੇ ਅਮਰੀਕਾ ਦੇ ਗੁਰਦੁਆਰਿਆਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਭਾਰਤੀ ਅਧਿਕਾਰੀਆਂ ਦੇ ਜਾਣ ’ਤੇ ਪਾਬੰਦੀ ਲਾਉਣ ਦੇ ਐਲਾਨ ਬਾਰੇ ਪੁੱਛੇ ਸਵਾਲ ਦੇ ਜਵਾਬ ਵਿੱਚ ਮੁੱਖ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਨੇ ਕਿਹਾ ਕਿ ਕੋਈ ਵੀ ਵਿਅਕਤੀ ਭਾਵੇਂ ਸਿੱਖ ਹੈ ਜਾਂ ਨਹੀਂ, ਗੁਰੂ ਘਰ ਵਿੱਚ ਨਤਮਸਤਕ ਹੋਣ ਜਾਂ ਲੰਗਰ ਛਕਣ ਲਈ ਜਾ ਸਕਦਾ ਹੈ। ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਪਾਬੰਦੀ ਦੇ ਫ਼ੈਸਲੇ ਦੀ ਆਲੋਚਨਾ ਕੀਤੀ।
In this handout photo released by Indian Air Force is seen a team of IAF mountaineers during ‘Mission Seven Summits’. — PTI
New Delhi, January 11
Air warriors fly high, but some of them prefer to kiss the sky without being in the comfort of a cockpit.A team of five air warriors of the Indian Air Force (IAF) summited Mt Vinson in the icy Antarctica in the last week of December. The force also claims to be the first defence body to summit all major seven peaks across seven continents.Before Mt Vinson, different teams of the Air Force had summited Mt Everest (Asia), Mt Carstenz Pyramid (Indonesia- Australisa continent), Mt Elbrus (Russia-Europe), Mt Kilimanjaro (Africa), Mt Aconcagua (Argentina-South America), Mt McKinley/Denali (Alaska-North America) over the last two decades.Led by Captain R C Tripathi, the only air warrior to be part of all the seven expeditions, the team was flagged off by Air Chief B S Dhanao in December last.Trekking on a huge barren landmass, which is a continent in itself, is a daunting task, admits Tripathi.”Summiting every peak is different. You have different challenges in terms of topography, climate and logistics,” he said.From snow storms that piled up a huge mass of snow outside their tents to the sun which refused to get weary even after shining all day, or the sub-zero temperatures to the arduous treks, the five Air Force personnel saw it all.”This trek was particularly challenging because we had sledged our luggage, which we had not done before for any of our treks,” Tripathi said.On their arrival in Delhi, Tripathi, Wing Co S S Mallik, Squadron Leader Rajesh Mookhi, Sergeant R D Kale and Corp Pawan Kumar– were felicitated by the Air Force chief, both for their feat and for returning back safely.”When you conquer all the six peaks and you have the last one left, you tend to do mistakes. My only worry was your safety,” the Air Force chief told the mountaineers.The fear seems justified as the force lost two of its personnel during a 2005 expedition to summit Mt Everest.”We dedicate our success to Sqdrn Ldr S S Chaitanya and Sgt Shantanu, whom we lost during our Mt Everest expedition in 2005. We dedicate this achievement to all our martyrs,” Tripathi said.But how does it feel to summit the peaks in all continents?”Mountaineering is a sport where nobody is there to clap for you or cheer you. No one can see the pain and agony. You are on your own in the wilderness. You just have to feel the achievement,” Tripathi added. — PTI

Neena Sharma
Tribune News Service
Dehradun, January 6
Uttarakhand Chief Minister TS Rawat today stirred up a hornet’s nest by urging madrasas in the state not to oppose the government order. The govt had asked these to put up the photograph of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.
Terming the resistance by the madrasa authorities unjustified, Rawat said, “There has been a practice to display the pictures of Prime Minister. They should come out of the rigid mindset. A madrasa is also an educational institution. It is not proper to oppose the decision of displaying the picture of Prime Minister in the institutions,” said TS Rawat to mediapersons.
On August 18 last year, the BJP government had issued a circular asking all educational institutions to put up pictures of Modi. While most of the educational institutions had displayed the pictures, these were not displayed by the madrasas. It later emerged in the media that there was opposition to the decision.
However, the madrasas had not adhered to the decision, “Our religion does not permit display of pictures of human beings or animals. So we did not do so. Moreover, the madrasas are part of the mosques,” said Akhlaq Ahmed, Deputy Registrar, Madrasa Board.
Ahmed said none in the government was interested in focusing on the issues affecting the madrasas such as providing furniture and computers so that children are able to study in a proper environment,” he said.
There are around 300 madrasas that are recognised by the Uttarakhand Government and receive assistance by the state and Central Government. After the BJP government came to power, an announcement was also made about introducing Sanskrit in the madrasas.
Meanwhile, the Congress criticised the Chief Minister for issuing an irresponsibile statement. “They should focus on issues that are affecting the madrasas instead of imposing their decisions,” said Indira Hridayesh, Leader of the Opposition.

Indian troops guarding the LoC retaliated effectively. Tribune file
Jammu, December 24
Pakistani troops on Sunday resorted to unprovoked firing along the Line of Control in Poonch district of Jammu and Kashmir, a day after a similar incident took the lives of four Army personnel in nearby Rajouri district.
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The Pakistani troops started firing from heavy and light weapons from across the border, targeting forward posts and villages in Shahpur sector around 12.55 pm, a police official said.
Read: Major, 3 jawans killed in Rajouri LoC attack
He said the Indian troops guarding the LoC retaliated effectively and that the firing between the two sides was going on when the last reports came.
However, there is no immediate report of any casualty in the skirmishes, the official said.
The latest ceasefire violation comes a day after the Pakistani troops killed an Army Major and three jawans and injured another in Keri sector of nearby Rajouri district.
Jammu and Kashmir witnessed a total of 881 ceasefire violations this year, highest in the past seven years, along the LoC and the International Border (IB), resulting in the death of 34 persons.
According to officials, Pakistan has violated ceasefire along the LoC in Jammu and Kashmir 771 times till December 10, and 110 times along the IB till November-end this year.
Thirty persons — 14 Army personnel, 12 civilians and four BSF personnel — were killed in such incidents.
The truce between India and Pakistan along the International Border, Line of Control and the Actual Ground Position Line in Jammu and Kashmir came into force in November, 2003.
India shares a 3,323-km-long border with Pakistan, of which 221 km of the IB and 740 km of the LoC fall in Jammu and Kashmir.
In 2016, there were 449 incidents of ceasefire violations wherein 13 civilians and 13 government forces personnel were killed and 83 civilians and 99 security personnel were injured.
In 2014, there were 583 incidents of ceasefire violation in which 14 civilians and three security personnel were killed and 101 civilians and 28 security personnel were injured.
In 2015, the number of ceasefire violations was 405; 347 in 2013, 114 in 2012, 62 in 2011 and 70 in 2010. PTI

Chandigarh, December 16
To commemorate India’s historic win over Pakistan in the 1971 war, Vijay Diwas was celebrated at the Headquarters, Western Command, Chandimandir, today with full military grandeur and dignity. A solemn wreath-laying ceremony was held at the Veer Smriti war memorial in Chandimandir where the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Western Command, Lt Gen Surinder Singh, paid floral tributes to the martyrs.A large number of officers and other ranks attended the ceremony. Several senior retired officers who had participated in the 1971 war, including Brig Kuldip Singh Chandpuri, Lt Gen GS Sihota, Air Marshal MM Singh and Col HS Dhaliwal were also present. It was on December 16, 2017, that Pakistani forces laid down their arms before the Indian forces and Lt Gen AAK Niazi, the Pakistani commander in the east, surrendered to Lt Gen Jagjit Singh Aurora, the then GOC-in-C, Eastern Command. This led to the creation of Bangladesh as an independent nation.At another ceremony in Chandimandir, course mates of Param Vir Chakra recipient, Second Lieutenant Arun Kheterpal, paid tributes to him at his statute installed near the entrance to the military station.Belonging to the Poona Horse, he laid down his life in the battle of Basantar on the western front during the war. A fierce tank fight was fought between the Poona Horse and 13 Lancers of Pakistan on the banks of the Basantar river. Khetarpal was severally wounded during the action and was asked to abandon his tank. He refused to do so and gallantly fought destroying several enemy tanks. At this stage, his tank received a direct hit which resulted in his death.Arun’s brother Mukesh Khetrapal and 21 of his course mates from the three services, accompanied by ladies, six veterans from the Poona Horse, along with serving representatives of the unit, his instructor at the Indian Military Academy, Brigadier Dhaliwal, as well as the headmaster of the Lawrance School, Sanawar, where he had studied, were present on the occasion. — TNS