Director Defence Services, Brig Jatinder Singh Arora, distributes cheques among ex-servicemen during a camp at Raikot on Thursday. A Tribune Photograph

Our Correspondent

Raikot, May 11

A panel of office-bearers of the District Defence Services Office, Ludhiana, redressed problems of over 400 ex-servicemen and widows of defence personnel from various localities of the subdivision during a camp organised here today.Director, Defence Services, Brig Jatinder Singh Arora, presided over the function and district welfare officer, Lieut-Col (retd) Jasbir Singh Boparai, was the convener of the camp. The organisers distributed cheques to beneficiaries of various schemes being launched by the Union and the state governments for families of ex-servicemen from time to time.Illustrating modalities for availing welfare schemes for the defence personnel, the speakers including Brigadier Arora, Lieutenant Colonel Boparai, Wing Commander Gurpreet Singh Mangat, Major Bahadur Singh and Major Gurdeep Singh, said members of families of defence personnel and ex-servicemen should consult officials at the district defence welfare office in Ludhiana according to their convenience.The speakers highlighted salient features of various schemes and facilities being provided to families of ex-servicemen and defence personnel from time to time.Concessional supply of durable and consumable items, education for wards of ex-servicemen and reservation in various departments of the Union and state governments, were cited among special facilities.

Obsessed with Pakistan, India has grossly neglected the real adversary. In point-to-point skirmishes and standoffs, battle- hardened Indian soldiers will deter, if not defeat, the PLA. However, across a broad front spectrum in an unlikely all-out war, it is advantage China.

CHINA THREAT: This file photo taken on July 10, 2008, shows a Chinese soldier (L) next to an Indian soldier at the Nathu La border crossing between India and China in Sikkim. AFP

At a time when China is threatening to teach India another lesson and warning not to engage in a two-front conflict over the standoff in Doklam, our Service Chiefs, it seems, are not on the same page about fighting a two-front war especially as Beijing might try to emulate the New Delhi-Thimpu alliance in “disputed territory” with one with Islamabad in PoK. While General Bipin Rawat has more than once asserted the Army’s preparedness for a two-front war, Air Chief Marshal BS Dhanoa has highlighted the critical shortfall in the number of fighter squadrons — 32 against the required 42 squadrons — to dominate a two-front conflict, saying: “It is akin to a cricket team playing with seven players instead of 11”. The deficiency in air assets has existed for decades but this is the first time an Air Chief has related it to a two-front war. The Chief of Naval Staff, Sunil Lanba, when asked about the disparity in preparedness of the services, said: “The way national security is being handled is not commensurate with the security environment which is extremely serious at the moment”. Recently, Gen Rawat told a military audience that the military was not getting enough funds for modernisation — repeated ad nauseum by every Chief — due to the perception that expenditure on defence is a burden on the economy. This set the cat among the pigeons as Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, a regular fill-in for Defence Minister, is believed to have told Gen Rawat: “Don’t worry about funds. When you run out, call me”. In the mid-1990s, when the Naval Shipyard order books had gone dry, CNS, admiral Vijay Shekhawat went public about the Navy’s operational deficiencies, prompting Defence Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav to invite him to discuss dwindling fleet numbers. Ad hocism has become the hallmark of modernisation of the military.

Power differential

The Chinese are constantly reminding India about the power differential — military, economic and infrastructural — between them. Being obsessed with Pakistan, India has grossly neglected the real adversary. The reason for this is the institutionalised absence of strategic thinking and higher political direction of war and conflict in the face of growing threats and challenges to internal and external security. Prime Minister Modi’s boast about big  defence reforms is hollow: had he been serious about defence, he would have named a full-time Defence Minister. The appointment of a Chief of Defence Staff has not overcome the hesitation of history — read bureaucracy. The country has never produced a “Defence White Paper” or done a “Strategic Defence and Security” review. Something called the “Raksha Mantri’s Directive” masquerades as higher political direction on deterrence and war. This bit of literature drafted by the military has its origin in 1983, with periodic face-lifts to make it contemporary. The Parrikar doctrine covering surgical strikes was included in the Joint Military Doctrine, scripted by the Integrated Defence Staff, which attracted extraordinary flak from the defence community for being substandard. In its present organisation, each service essentially fights single-service combat. In the last border skirmish at Kargil, the Army’s operation was called Vijay while the IAF campaign in support was named Safed Saagar. So much for jointness.  So the Raksha Mantri’s Directive passes off as political guidance by the highest echelons of government. When I once asked a former Air Chief how he evolved his service’s span of responsibility, he replied: “Most of the time, from speeches made by the Prime Minister during the Combined Commanders’ Conferences.” Are we surprised that while President Xi Jinping who heads the Central Military Commission, has personally ordered and supervised the reorganisation of the combat formations facing India, reducing them from three commands to one command — a single Western Theatre Command headed by the powerful Gen Xhao Zongqi — the China front in India is managed by four Army and three Air commands deployed at seven locations. 

Integrated command

A forward-looking proposal made by a defence committee recommending three integrated operational commands — North, West and South instead of 17 single service commands — was shot out of hand by (no guesses) the Air Force. The CDS and accompanying Joint Staff ordered by the UK in 1984 was a fait accompli. It was introduced by a political class which understood defence and strategic security. In India, countless defence reforms are languishing for want of decision making. It is instructive to recall how the two-front strategy was formally enunciated in December 2009 by the Army Chief Gen Deepak Kapoor. It followed the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attack, after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh ordered the Service Chiefs to prepare for war. Defence Minister AK Antony then had “preparation for a two-front war” added in his Directive but did little to implement it. Both in 1965 and 1971 wars with Pakistan despite the collusive threat from China, there was no cross-border intervention by China though sizeable formations of the Eastern Command remained deployed against it and forces could not be switched to the west or east for fighting in East Pakistan in 1971. In a real two-front war, swing forces in east and west will not be able to reinforce either front and only dedicated formations will fight the war. Given the paucity in current force levels, inadequate sophistry of combat support and terrain and infrastructure handicaps, it will be an uphill task to match the PLA’s strength and versatility across a 3,488-km front of undefined borders. In point-to-point skirmishes and standoffs, battle-hardened Indian soldiers will deter if not defeat the PLA. Across a broad front spectrum in an unlikely all-out war, it is advantage China unless India is prepared to rethink its “no first use” nuclear doctrine. As an offset in the western front, Gen Rawat has suggested creating a two-front situation for Pakistan: either in Afghanistan or Iran. Doklam may go the 1986 Sumdorong Chu way; the 10-month-long standoff challenging the Chinese intrusion at Thandrong, west of Tawang over the interpretation of watershed, without a shot being fired. India need not invoke its doubtful capacity to fight a two-front war; instead, speedily augment its deterrence against China. This may not win votes for Modi but it will prevent Chinese pinpricks that he famously called “toothache”.The writer is the founder-member of the Defence Planning Staff.

Barring the forces, all central employees have got 7th pay panel hike

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, April 28

Faced with criticism on social media, the Army has asked its personnel to report back any “vitriolic, abrasive or negative” posts against the force or its individuals.The message has been posted on internal website ‘Army wide area network’ (AWAN). Additional Director General Public Interface, a senior officer under the Military Intelligence wing stationed at South Block, New Delhi, has been listed as the person to be contacted. A WhatsApp number has also been provided where the “offensive” messages can be reported. Posted earlier this week, the message also provides an email-id — of the official Army web-server — and two Delhi-based MTNL landline numbers.Sources said posts on WhatsApp groups in recent weeks airing “discontent” over the pending 7th Central Pay Commission proved to be the trigger. These messages reportedly questioned the government as well as top brass of the three forces for their “failure” to sort out the matter, pending since September last year.Barring the forces, all central government employees have received hiked salaries. The forces had raised six objections, including disability pension, risk area allowance, increased pay and accordance of status, but the matter could not be resolved despite several meetings with the Ministry of Defence (MoD).Last week, the MoD approached the Supreme Court to contest a lower court’s verdict okaying the grant of non-functional upgrade hike in salary without getting promoted. This has been given to all central staff minus the forces. The moment the appeal was filed in the SC, messages started doing the rounds on WhatsApp groups naming “three officers who were behind the appeal”. 

Since the turn of the millennium, most military experts have advised the Indian government and the Indian Army to view J&K related issues with a longer and wider perspective. The longer perspective is needed because the year-on-year review and concept does not lead to the desired strategic effect; and the wider perspective is required because all departments of government need to play a joint role without abdicating responsibility only to the Army. The advice has been taken in parts but a comprehensive long term strategy has somehow been elusive.

The coming together of the BJP-PDP alliance created hope since it could see more equitable balance between the Jammu and Kashmir regions with Ladakh also having its aspirations in line. However, since 2015, those hopes have been belied due to circumstances that prevented any fructification of efforts of the new alliance. The success of a political initiative is contingent on the stability of the security environment. That has remained elusive chiefly due to the avowed intent of the adversaries to disallow cementing of the political alliance and initiative; that intent has been avidly executed through the use of street power, terrorist operations and focused propaganda to lead to alienation. Thus the Indian strategy for the current season can only take a short term view because stabilisation of the security situation before anything long term is the key.  That means a greater focus on security, greater role for the Army and lesser scope for political initiatives.

This is the reason why there are few initiatives from the government despite pleadings by different delegations that have made way to the Valley. The age old dictum probably applies – one cannot begin looking for peace from a position of weakness as much as one cannot keep reminiscing about initiatives that have become history. So is the Indian position really weak from a security point of view and are the peace delegations being realistic at all? These are worthy issues to analyse as we head into the campaigning season of 2017.

Most analysts like to quote statistics to analyse the security situation but it is more the nature of incidents and how they have been handled that dictates the course of the security environment. North Kashmir has been quiet in the hinterland and infiltration attempts are taking place in some non-traditional areas; entirely expected. The Army should by now have strengthened the counter-infiltration grid for the summer. A surge in terrorist strength is the last thing that the security set up can currently afford; it will have a cascading effect.

It is Central and South Kashmir where the local flavor of terror has increased in content, the security forces have suffered attrition, and the J&K police has been targeted with a view to reduce its effectiveness through demotivation and thereby dilute the intelligence grid. The targeting of Lt Umar Fayaz, a Kashmiri officer on leave was designed to send an ominous message to those seeking to be part of the Indian system. An effective response to this has been the success of 14 young Kashmiris in the Civil Services examination, hundreds of them lining up at other recruitment centres despite separatists’ call, and the runaway success of the Army’s Super 40 coaching initiative for the entrance examination to IIT/JEE (being increased to Super 50).

Yet no one can miss the sullen silence in Kashmir’s youth. None reveal their minds but the parallel track to the turnout at recruitment rallies and skill development initiatives is also a grim reality. Losing sight of this would not help and therefore the security domain has to research sufficiently to ascertain the real factors that drive alienation so vehemently. While many have taken to the streets to demonstrate this alienation, there are others who nurse a grudge and do not display it. The Army’s outreach has always been very cordial but the real challenge for it today is with regard to recapturing the old relationship while also being strong against those who treat law and order with disdain, support flash mobs at encounter sites or target detachments of security forces as it happened in the Major Nitin Leetul Gogoi affair.

Apt to mention here that a major lesson emerging for a military mind observing South Kashmir over a period of time is the fact that the Army withdrew prematurely after a tenuous stabilisation, without going the full way. It treated military resources in the south as a bank to draw from and hence the imbalance today. The space in the Kulgam-Shupiyan belt was lost due to declaration of premature victory. It needs immediate reoccupation. As and when Kulgam had a Rashtriya Rifles headquarters the area was always more secure. The maximum gravitation of the approximately 100 local youth who have taken to militancy is to this area.

With no remorse for targeting of locals who have joined the Indian system, there appears a change in the ethics in the militancy too. That is worrisome because Amarnath Yatra, the iconic pilgrimage, will commence within a few weeks. Its security will be of paramount importance. There are rogue elements across the borders that would not stop at anything to see the targeting of India and Indians.

This commentary is Part 1 of the two-part analysis on the evolving situation in Kashmir.

AMRITSAR: After the central government’s failure to install fullbody truck scanners at the Attari Integrated Check Post (ICP) even five years after the proposal was mooted, the customs authorities have acquired modern hand-held detectors for identification of narcotics and explosives traces.

COURTESY: LASER­DETECT.COMThe I­scan equipment, which has the ability to detect traces of explosives and narcotics.

Imported from Israel, one of the equipment called I-scan will be utilised to check the baggage of Samjhauta Express passengers as well as goods trains from Pakistan. “I-scan, which is capable of detecting traces of explosives and narcotics, will come in handy for checking both trucks and scanning baggage of the passengers,” says a customs official, on the condition of anonymity.

The official further added that the testing of I-scans is currently going on and the gadget will be put to use within a week’s time.

Along with three I-scans, which cost around ₹30 lakh, the customs authorities have also bought another device called video boroscope, which will help in checking cavities in the trucks.

The department says it has acquired four video boroscopes.

TRUCK SCANNERS STILL MISSING

The authorities have failed to set up the much hyped full-body truck scanners at the Integrated Check Post (ICP), which was inaugurated to facilitate trade between India and Pakistan in 2012.

Army men patrol Darjeeling town. An additional column of the Army has been deployed at Kalimpong. PTI

Kolkata, July 10

An additional column of the Army was today deployed in the troubled Darjeeling Hills of West Bengal, taking the number of Army columns in the hills to three.While one Army column each was deployed on Saturday at Darjeeling and Sonada, troops were today deployed at Kalimpong to prevent arson by agitators.Protesters want Gorkhaland, a separate state to be carved out of West Bengal consisting of areas falling in the erstwhile Darjeeling district (split into Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts in February this year). Responding to a call by the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), which is spearheading the movement, indefinite bandh is being observed in the hills since June 12 to press for the demand.The GJM-led coordination committee of hill-based political parties was supposed to meet on July 18 to take a fresh call on the continuance of the agitation. However, for reasons best known to the GJM leadership, the meeting of the coordination committee will  be held tomorrow.This has triggered speculation that the GJM may withdraw the indefinite strike and hold talks. At least five civilians have lost their lives till now in the agitation, the government property worth several crore has been destroyed by protesters who have been setting fire to government establishments. — TNS

The attack on the Kupwara army camp has heralded the start of the killing season in Kashmir. It is not as if the situation was under control when snow made movement difficult. Subsequently, the 7 per cent polling in Srinagar, the postponement of the Anantnag bypoll and the turbulence in the streets are clear signs that the situation has hit an air pocket. And from available signs the turbulence is going to be a prolonged one if the Central Government continues to give simplistic and superficial responses and reasons for the unrest roiling Kashmir since Burhan Wani was gunned down nine months ago.In November, the Prime Minister touted demonetisation as the panacea for all national security ills such as drug trafficking, counterfeit currency, Maoist violence and unrest in Kashmir. The first two manifested themselves within days and the Maoist violence never abated. Rather than demonetisation, it was the onset of winter that provided a temporarily lull in Kashmir. When stone-throwing resumed, the Prime Minister told Parliament that this was an aberration: the money for the provocation came from a bank robbery in Srinagar! The embarrassingly poor polling in Kashmir that left eight dead demonstrated the pitfalls of facile reasoning. It was the same with surgical strikes. While the partisans cheered from the sidelines, the country was told that Pakistan had been taught a salutary lesson for the cowardly attack on an army camp.Now that the political ground is slipping and PDP MLAs are showing signs of unease with the governing arrangement, Mehbooba Mufti has outlined a three-month plan to bring the situation within manageable limits. She is hoping that a relative lull will create the atmosphere for talks. But she may well be talking to a blank wall. The Centre believes that the PM’s Rs 80,000-crore package will bring around the emotionally lacerated populace. Instead of scoring points with their Hindutva supporters with simplistic jumlas, the PM needs to think of out-of-the-box responses. He can begin with encouraging civil society missions. Yashwant Sinha, who has travelled this road before and has volunteered for the job, may be a good start.

The Ladakh Scouts, victorious at Dog Hill, during the Kargil conflict in 1999

INSAS shell casings found at spot indicate use of weapon snatched from police

SRINAGAR: Militants of the homegrown outfit Hizbul Mujahideen abducted and killed off-duty army officer Ummer Fayaz in Kashmir’s Shopian, possibly with arms snatched from security forces, a top police officer said on Thursday.

Two news agencies quoting defence sources, however, said six militants of the Hizbul Mujahideen and the Pakistan-based Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) were involved in the killing of Ummer, a 22-year-old lieutenant who was on leave for the marriage of his cousin sister.

The army has termed the killing of the young officer, which has sparked outrage across the country, a “watershed moment” that will turn the people of Kashmir against militancy.

“A local Hizbul Mujahideen module was involve(in the killing). Though we have identified the militants, their names cannot be revealed immediately,” inspector general of police Javeed Gillani said.

Investigators recovered two empty cartridges of INSAS rifle from the spot where the officer’s body was found on Wednesday. The officer was shot twice.

A probe was on to check if these were the same cartridges snatched from policemen a few days ago, he added. The made-in-India INSAS rifles are used by police as well as the army deployed in the valley for counter-insurgency operations.

“Although police are yet receive the post-mortem report, preliminary examinations revealed there were no torture marks on his body,” Gillani added, refuting reports that militants assaulted the officer before shooting him dead. The Hizbul Mujahideen is the only homegrown militant outfit in Kashmir battling security forces. The killing of one of its leaders, Burhan Wani, by security forces last year had sparked violent street protests that left nearly hundred people dead, including security personnel.

Hundreds of others, including children, were blinded by pellet guns fired by security forces, stoking public anger. Police said around 200 militants are operating in the valley, out of which around 88 are local youth hailing from South Kashmir.