Satya Prakash

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, November 14

Following a four-hour marathon hearing, the Supreme Court on Wednesday reserved its order on petitions seeking a court-monitored probe into the purchase of 36 Rafale fighter jets from France under an inter-government agreement.

A Bench of Chief Justice of India Ranjan Gogoi, Justice Sanjay Kishan Kaul and Justice KM Joseph reserved the verdict on the contentious issue after hearing arguments from counsel for the petitioners, including Prashant Bhushan, senior journalist Arun Shourie and Attorney General KK Venugopal, who defended the secrecy clause.

 Alleging irregularities in the deal, petitioners ML Sharma, Prashant Bhushan, Vineet Dhanda and Sanjay Singh demanded registration of an FIR and a court-monitored investigation.

Venugopal said the decision on the types of aircraft and weapons needed to be procured was a matter for experts and could not be adjudicated upon by the judiciary. “Even Parliament has not been told about the complete cost of jets,” he said, defending the non-disclosure clause of Rafale deal.

“I decided not to peruse it myself as in case of any leak, my office would be held responsible,” the AG said.

“The decision we need to take is whether to bring the fact on pricing in public domain or not,” the Bench said.

Venugopal said though there was no sovereign guarantee, there was a letter of comfort issued by the French Government which was as good as a sovereign guarantee.

Perhaps for the first time, four senior IAF officers — three Air Marshals and an Air Vice Marshal — and Additional Secretary (Defence) appeared in the top court to explain various aspects of a defence deal.

“We are dealing with the requirements of the Air Force and would like to ask an Air Force officer on Rafale jets. We want to hear from an Air Force officer and not the official of the Defence Ministry on the issue,” the Bench said, prompting the AG to assure it that they would be available in 10 minutes.

Air Vice Marshal J Chalapathi told the Bench that the last acquisition was Sukhoi-30 and before that Mirage aircraft were bought in 1985. He said while most of the countries were using 4th and 5th generation fighter planes, IAF was using 3rd or sub-4th generation (3.5) aircraft. After getting answers from the IAF officers, the Bench said they were free to go. “The Air Marshals and Air Vice Marshal can go now. This (court) is a different war room. You can go to the actual war room,” the CJI told them.

Following the court’s October 31 order, the Centre had on Monday submitted in a sealed cover the pricing details of 36 Rafale jets.

The process of acquisition had started in 2001 and India was to purchase 126 Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) but the contract negations reached a stalemate and Request for Proposal compliance was finally withdrawn in June 2015. During the protracted process, India’s adversaries modernised their combact capabilities, the AG submitted.

It was in this background that India signed an agreement with France in September 2016 for the purchase of 36 Rafale fighter aircraft in a fly-away condition as part of upgrading process of the Indian Air Force equipment. It has better deliverables, the AG said, adding norms prescribed under Defence Procurement Policy -2013 were followed.

The estimated cost of the deal is Rs 58,000 crore.

Venugopal said at the exchange rate of November 2016, the cost of a bare fighter jet was Rs 670 crore. He, however, said earlier the jets were not to be loaded with requisite weapons system and the reservation of the government was due to the fact that it did not want to violate the clause of the Inter Government Agreement and the secrecy clause.

Describing Rafale aircraft as potent, Venugopal said, “Had we possessed Rafale during the Kargil war, we could have avoided huge casualties as Rafale is capable of hitting targets from a distance of 60 km.”

“Mr Attorney, Kargil was in 1999-2000, Rafale came in 2014,” pointed out the CJI. “I said it hypothetically,” responded the AG.

 

Vikramdeep Johal
Tribune News Service
Patiala, November 11

Even as India joined nations from Europe and other continents in commemorating the centenary of the end of World War I, the country’s “sword arm” — Punjab — failed to rise to the occasion.

No official event was organised on Sunday to mark 100 years of the Armistice, not even at the Patiala State Forces Memorial, which commemorates the dead from the military units of the erstwhile princely state for both World Wars.

Maharaja Bhupinder Singh, grandfather of Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh, and other royals had contributed significantly to mobilising troops from undivided Punjab for World  War I.

For the record, Remembrance Sunday was observed in several parts of India, including New Delhi, Mumbai, Kolkata, Chennai and Puducherry. “The state government and the Punjab-based Army authorities should have hosted functions on November 11 to remember our long-forgotten heroes,” said Kulveer Singh, a history researcher based in Muktsar’s Doda village, which sent 41 men to the war (of whom two died).

Capt Amarinder Singh, a noted military historian himself, had recently paid homage to Indian soldiers at the Helles Memorial in Gallipoli (Turkey) and the Haifa Memorial in Israel. In September, Finance Minister Manpreet Badal had visited the Kranji War Memorial in Singapore, where he had saluted the supreme sacrifice of about 5,000 Punjabi soldiers in World War II.

Talking to The Tribune, Lt Gen TS Shergill (retd), senior adviser to the CM, said, “We will honour the families of WW-I soldiers during the upcoming Military Literature Festival. Moreover, a section dedicated to the conflict is nearing completion at the War Heroes’ Memorial-cum-Museum in Amritsar.”

Punjab was also not in the thick of things when the WW-I centenary commemoration was launched in 2014, even as Capt Amarinder Singh has been attending memorial events organised jointly by the British Deputy High Commission and the Canadian Consulate General in Chandigarh.

Meanwhile, the CM tweeted on Sunday: “As we complete 100 years of World War I, let us remember and salute the thousands of Indian soldiers who fought far from their land, and the millions of innocent lives lost in the senseless violence. And let us vow never to let the world plunge into such a war again.”

---

Royal celebrations in 1918

The then princely state of Patiala had celebrated the signing of the Armistice on a grand scale, in stark contrast to Sunday’s no-show.

A 1923 publication, ‘Patiala and the Great War’, now digitised by the Panjab Digital Library, reads: “The Maharaja (Bhupinder Singh) ordered the firing of a salute of 101 guns… The day was observed as a public holiday. In the morning, thanksgiving services were held in all places of worship. In the afternoon, the city polo ground was thronged by people to witness hastily-arranged sports. Food was distributed to the poor in the big quadrangle outside the fort, and sweetmeats were distributed to all schoolboys. In the evening, the city and cantonment, which had all day been decorated with buntings and flags, were brilliantly illuminated.”

“The rejoicing spread over to the following day, then there were further sports, a prize distribution, and the release of some 107 prisoners… The programme on Armistice Day was brought to a close by a state banquet at the Maharaja’s palace to which all European officers, civil and military, and the sirdars of His Highness’ government were invited.

 

THE Moscow round of talks, although the latest addition to a round-the-year shifting caravan of international conferences on Afghanistan, has had the most promising start of them all. Not a single invitee cried off. Nearly all of them were neighbours and so had a direct stake in a stable Afghanistan. Those that had reservations found ways to work around the limitations. The Afghan government found it difficult to attend because it insists that it should lead the talks with Taliban. Besides it had to be mindful of some rightwing American concerns. For India, the Taliban is a proscribed organisation and hence sitting at the same table posed a dilemma. Both instead opted for ‘unofficial’ delegations but headed by heavyweights to convey the gravity they attach to the Moscow meet.

More than India and Afghanistan working their way around, the surprise is Russia’s return to the centre-stage nearly four decades after its military was driven out over the Pamirs. From Syria to Afghanistan, US President Donald Trump’s capriciousness towards steady allies is forcing a hunt for alternatives. And Russia, goose-stepping with regional allies, has used the breach. The Moscow meet is also part of that piece. All invitees, bar two, are members of the Shanghai Cooperation Organisation. All of them with no exception share the existentialist fear of Afghanistan again becoming a breeding ground for pan-regional political Islamists.

The Moscow meet provides more than a glimmer of hope because Washington has not yet acted as a spoiler. Still there is a long distance to travel. The Taliban says this is not a formal dialogue for peace, even the hosts have the limited aim of creating conditions for direct talks and influential countries such as Saudi Arabia are still out of the mix. However, success will be assured only if external players resist the temptation of taking ownership of the process. Their end goal ought to be to ensure that the sense of ennui among Afghans does not turn the country into a bridgehead for the expansion of ISIS into South and Central Asia.

If there is one force that has grown in strength after the 26/11 terrorist attacks, it is the Indian Coast Guard (ICG). From 74 vessels, the ICG fleet has grown to 134 and its air wing has increased to 58 aircraft, from 44 in 2008. “The coast guard’s growth has been tremendous,” said SPS Basra, former inspector general of ICG. Basra headed the western region at the time of the attacks that began on November 26, 2008, and was part of the team that subsequently planned the expansion of Coast Guard. The ICG is the smallest armed force in the ministry of defence and has jurisdiction of India’s 7,516-kilometre coastline and Exclusive Economic Zone. It patrols the distance between the shore and 12 to 200 nautical miles. The ease with which terrorists were able to enter Mumbai by sea in 2008 exposed critical problems in the ICG, including shortage of manpower and vessels. Since then, there have been concerted efforts to strengthen the ICG. The number of ICG stations across the country now stands at 71, in comparison to the 22 in 2008. In 2017, the Centre approved a Rs 31,748-crore, five-year programme to add to the ICG’s resources. Before 2008, the ICG had only 74 ships in the western sector, out of which 25 were used for regular patrolling. Now, the number of ships has gone up to 134 and 28 new ships have been added, including four advance offshore patrolling vessels, three fast patrolling vessels, two hovercraft and one harbour craft. “As part of its plan to increase coastal security particularly in the west region, the ICG has planned air stations in Ratnagiri and Thiruvananthapuram, which would further supplement the current air stations at Chennai and Daman,” said an officer. The ICG maintains 16 to 20 ships, to patrol between 12 and 200 nautical miles on the 1,836-kilometre western coastline, on a daily basis. “We had 44 aircraft in 2008. Since then 14 new aircraft have been added and total 58 aircraft are operational,” said an ICG official adding that the aircraft number should increase to at least 100 by 2020. A coastal station was commissioned at Dahanu near Mumbai in 2012, and two CG stations have come up in Ratnagiri and Murud Janjira. “We now have a plan for an air station at Ratnagiri which is expected to be completed in the next five years,” said the officer. “During any emergency in the western sector, a Dornier aircraft was flown from Daman and it required at least two hours. An air station at Ratnagiri will be a fillip to the ICG’s efforts to undertake any operation,” said Basra. To prop up coastal security, there are 46 coastal radars that are functional across India, 18 of which are along the western region. These radars can detect even a human body at a distance of 23 kilometres in the sea. “Thirty eight more radar stations including four mobile radar stations will be installed as per the government’s new proposal of the coastal security network,” added the ICG official. Of the proposed 38 radar stations, 14 radar stations will be in the western region and the acquisition of land and electricity are in progress, he said.

Tribune News Service

Srinagar, October 30

The Northern Command chief, Lt Gen Ranbir Singh, on Tuesday visited the forward areas of the Kashmir region to review the prevailing security situation on the Line of Control.

Lieutenant General Singh visited the forward posts in the frontier districts of Kupwara and Baramulla and was accompanied by the Chinar Corps General Officer Commanding Lt Gen A K Bhatt.

A defence spokesman said the Northern Command chief, on the second day of his visit to the Kashmir valley, was briefed on the counter-infiltration grid and the operational preparedness of the formations.

“The Northern Command chief was appreciative of the measures and the standard operating procedures instituted by the units and formations to meet the challenges posed by the inimical elements,” the spokesman added.

General Singh also visited High Altitude Warfare School in Gulmarg and interacted with the troops undergoing specialised training in snowcraft and winter warfare.

He commended the high standards of training provided by school, the spokesman said.

 

Ajay Banerjee
Tribune News Service
New Delhi, October 29

India will finally exorcise the ‘Bofors ghost’ and formally induct its first artillery guns in three decades.

Two types of guns are to be inducted at a ceremony at Deolali, Maharasthra, on November 9. Deolali is the location of Indian Army’s artillery training school. Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman is expected to be present.

India had not inducted any new 155 MM artillery guns since March 1986 when 410 pieces of the Swedish company Bofors’ FH-77B 155mm/39 calibre howitzer were purchased for Rs 1,437 crore.

The first gun to be inducted is the 155 MM (same as Bofors) M777 ultra-light howitzer (145 guns) produced by the BAE systems for $737 million. This is through the foreign military sales (FMS) route from the US. Five of these guns have arrived. From June next year starts the next batch arrives and then on in phases. The induction rate is expected to be five guns per month till complete consignment is received by mid 2021.

Made of titanium, each gun weighs 4,000 kg making its transportable by CH-47 Chinook helicopters, C-17 Globemaster and the C-130 Hercules aircraft or on trucks with ease to provide increased mobility in the mountains.

The second is the self-propelled tracked gun Vajra K-9-T costing nearly Rs 4,500 crore. Ten pieces of the 155 MM guns are available now. It will have up to 50 percent local content under a joint venture between Larsen and Tourbo and South Korea’s Hanwha Techwin.

Firepower 

• The first gun to be inducted is the 155 MM (same as Bofors) M777 ultra-light howitzer (145 guns) produced by the BAE systems for $737 million
• Five of these guns have arrived. The next batch comes in June. The induction rate is expected to be five guns per month till complete consignment is received by mid-2021

Lt Gen Surinder Singh, GOC-in-C, Western command  will interact with veteran offrs

(.)update on current issues related to Indian Army especially veterans

(.)01 Nov 18 at 1100h

at (.)Manekshaw auditorium

(.) Chandimandir cantt

(.)desirous veteran offrs please confirm attendance at whatsapp on 9456182042.

The saga of oil price rise goes back to October 6, 1973 when Egyptian President Anwar Sadat decided to restore the self-esteem of his armed forces and the nation by launching the Yom Kippur war. Today is the 45th anniversary of that event.

 

Forty five years ago, most of us never thought twice about filling the fuel tanks of our vehicles. A full tank of my Vespa scooter cost me Rs 6. My parents’ Ambassador car needed Rs 50 to be brimful.  Fuel was the last of our worries and we consumed it as if the good times would never end. They did, on October 6, 1973, the day of Yom Kippur, the holy day of atonement of sins by the Jews. President Anwar Sadat of Egypt launched one of the best ever conceived, planned and coordinated military offensives in history, into his own territory. That territory was then held by Israelis along the Suez Canal front with the entire Sinai under them, having captured it in the lightning offensive of the Six Day War of June 1967. That Sadat’s offensive floundered at the altar of execution, the bane of the planner, is a different story. Importantly, it upset the breeze of a life we lived in those times. Prices of fuel shot up and very soon my scooter’s full tank was costing me  Rs17; that’s an increase of three and a half times almost overnight. Imagine if petrol were to suddenly cost you Rs 275 a litre! A heart-stopping development for most of us.

What’s the connection between Sadat’s Yom Kippur war of October, 1973 and oil prices? That’s what I will endeavour to explain in brief.

The Yom Kippur war: The conflict itself is one of the most studied and analysed conflicts of the Cold War period. It stood out for three things in terms of military technology. One, the first serious use of anti-tank guided missiles (ATGMs) in the mechanised battlefield, the SS 11B1 and the shoulder fired Malutka of the Soviet family and the American TOW (developed in 1970) which worsted the Israeli, Egyptian and Syrian armoured assaults in the war. Two, was the use  of Surface to Air Guided missiles (SAM6 and shoulder fired SAM7, again of the Soviet family). The third was the first demonstrated employment of the T-72 tank and the BMP-1, both iconic combat vehicles of the Soviet era.

Anwar Sadat put together a beguiling plan to deceive the ever-prepared Israeli armed forces and achieved almost total surprise. A young Egyptian military engineer developed a method of hosing down the high banks of the Suez Canal to provide access to Egyptian bridging and mechanised war fighting material even as hordes of Egyptian infantrymen with ATGMs went rushing across the canal and fanned into the desert to take on the Israeli armoured counter-attacks. SAM launchers were also rushed over the bridges to their pre-designated sites and kept at bay the attacking Israeli air force, thus creating a 10-km air defence umbrella. Despite the early success, the Egyptians floundered as the plan desisted from further ingress, diluting into a defensive holding action with the canal behind the Egyptians. In the end, the Egyptians were roundly defeated due to the massive airlift of state-of-the-art military equipment by the US to support Israel; TOW missiles were deployed from the airfields directly into action.

The connection with the oil crisis: Arab oil producers seething at the western support to Israel imposed an embargo on any nation seen to be with Israel. The decision to boycott and punish the US and the West led to the price of crude to rise from $3 per barrel to $12. The price of petrol all over the world shot up drastically, making transport more expensive. The demonstrated power of energy and its crunching effect on international economics first came to be realised in the wake of this embargo.

It sent the international political stock of countries such as Saudi Arabia, Iraq and Iran much higher. The Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) was founded in 1960 by Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, and Venezuela with the principal objective of raising the price of oil. Others soon joined them. For the first decade, OPEC had little impact on the price of oil, but by the early 70s, the demand for oil was increasing. Japanese and US car production was exponentially increasing and although the world was in the Cold War mode, a period of peace in the troubled 20th century was ensuring better quality of life for people. That meant an increasing dependency on travel as cities expanded along with motorised transportation and international travel. OPEC did not succeed in increasing the price of oil even till the early 70s. The Yom Kippur War came as a trigger and OPEC suddenly acquired a larger political clout. It threatened to also cut back production to create an oil crisis, sensing an opportune moment.

Spur to alternative energies:  Although US Secretary of State Henry Kissinger did manage to negotiate with the Arabs on the availability of oil for the US, this crisis effectively spurred the world towards greater development of alternative energies and localisation of energy resources. The UK, for instance, developed its North Sea facility to eventually become an oil exporter. The US research led to the discovery and development of shale gas, making it self-sufficient and no longer dependent on Middle Eastern oil. However, there can be no denying that the oil boom, which later tapered, led to the rise of the Gulf countries, some of them very appropriately as trading and business development hubs. The flocking of the 7.5 million Indian diaspora to these countries began just after these developments. The Persian Gulf received a strategic boost out of proportion to its geostrategic location, which multiplied further during the disastrous Iran-Iraq war of the 80s and the two Gulf Wars.

India’s struggle: China and India’s economic boost through the 90s and the early millennium was courtesy the dependence on Middle Eastern oil. That situation has hardly changed as both struggle with alternative energies; renewable resources such as solar and wind have not sufficiently made a dent, although steps are afoot. Electric surface transport resources are developing; electric air transportation seems yet afar.

Unless a comprehensive shift to alternate sources takes place, it is unlikely that the geopolitical and geostrategic importance of the Middle East can wane, the US independence in energy notwithstanding. Already, India is reeling under the weight of rising fuel prices with social, economic and political ramifications.

It all goes back to October 6, 1973 when Anwar Sadat decided to restore the self-esteem of the Egyptian armed forces and the nation. Today is the 45th anniversary of that event.

Rajmeet Singh

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, October 3

Following in the footsteps of Haryana, the state today substantially increased prize money for sportspersons bringing laurels to the state in the Olympics, Asian Games, Commonwealth Games and other sports tournaments.

Approving the enhanced cash awards under the new Sports Policy-2018 in the Cabinet meeting, the government also decided to extend the cash awards of Rs 13 crore to the Punjab players who have brought laurels in this year’s Asian and Commonwealth Games. The new policy would replace the 2010 policy.

Under the new Sports Policy, the cash award in case of Olympics/Paralympics Games has been increased from existing Rs 1.01 crore to Rs 1.5 crore for silver medallists and Rs 51 lakh to Rs 1 crore for bronze medallists, whereas the cash award of Rs 2.25 crore for gold medallists remains unchanged.

In the Asian/Para Asian Games, the existing cash award of Rs 26 lakh has been enhanced to Rs 1 crore for gold medal, Rs 16 lakh to Rs 75 lakh for silver and Rs 11 lakh to Rs 50 lakh for bronze medal.

In Official World Cup/Championship, the existing cash prize has been increased from Rs 21 lakh to Rs 80 lakh for gold medal, Rs 11 lakh to Rs 55 lakh for silver and Rs 7 lakh to Rs 45 lakh for bronze medal.

In Commonwealth Games/Para Commonwealth Games, the sportsperson who clinches gold medal would now get enhanced cash award of Rs 75 lakh from the earlier Rs 16 lakh, Rs 50 lakh for silver from existing Rs 11 lakh and Rs 40 lakh for bronze from Rs 6 lakh.

However, the amount remains much less than Rs 6 crore for gold medal, Rs 4 crore for silver and Rs 2.50 crore for bronze given by Haryana to sportsperson bringing laurels in the Olympics. On the similar lines, Haryana offers two to three times more cash award for Asian Games, World Cup championships and Common Wealth Games.

Dues to be cleared

The government has decided to clear the dues of 815 sportsperson who brought laurels in the international and national events in the last six years. This would be an addition to clearing dues of near Rs 3 crore of 100 sportspersons, whose dues under the Maharaja Ranjit Singh award scheme have been pending since 2010.

Pension for veterans

To honour veteran sportspersons attaining the age of 40, the state government would also give pension of Rs 15,000 per month to a medal winner in Olympics, Rs 7,500 per month to a medal winner in Asian/Commonwealth games and World Games, Rs 5,000 per month for the National Games medal winners, who have won at least two medals in the last five National Games.

ਪੰਜਾਬ ਦੇ ਖਿਡਾਰੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਨੌਕਰੀ ’ਚ 3 ਫ਼ੀਸਦੀ ਰਾਖਵਾਂਕਰਨ

ਟ੍ਰਿਬਿਊਨ ਨਿਊਜ਼ ਸਰਵਿਸ
ਚੰਡੀਗੜ੍ਹ, 3 ਅਕਤੂਬਰ

ਸੂਬੇ ਵਿਚ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਹੁਲਾਰਾ ਦੇਣ ਲਈ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਮੰਡਲ ਨੇ ਅੱਜ ਨਵੀਂ ਖੇਡ ਨੀਤੀ-2018 ਨੂੰ ਸਿਧਾਂਤਕ ਪ੍ਰਵਾਨਗੀ ਦੇ ਦਿੱਤੀ ਹੈ। ਖੇਡ ਕੋਟੇ ਤਹਿਤ ਭਰਤੀ ਕਰਨ ਸਬੰਧੀ ਵੱਖਰੇ ਦਿਸ਼ਾ-ਨਿਰਦੇਸ਼ ਜਾਰੀ ਕਰਨ ਦੇ ਮਾਮਲੇ ’ਤੇ ਫ਼ੈਸਲਾ ਲੈਣ ਲਈ ਮੁੱਖ ਮੰਤਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਅਧਿਕਾਰਤ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੈ। ਇਸ ਦੇ ਨਾਲ ਹੀ ਇਨਾਮੀ ਰਾਸ਼ੀ ਵਿਚ ਵੀ ਵਾਧਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੈ।
ਕੌਮੀ ਅਤੇ ਕੌਮਾਂਤਰੀ ਪੱਧਰ ’ਤੇ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਵਿਚ ਸੂਬੇ ਦੀ ਨੁਮਾਇੰਦੀ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਲੇ ਖਿਡਾਰੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਨੌਕਰੀਆਂ ਵਿਚ ਤਿੰਨ ਫੀਸਦੀ ਰਾਖਵਾਂਕਰਨ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ। ਪੰਜਾਬ ਵਜ਼ਾਰਤ ਨੇ ਓਲੰਪਿਕ/ਪੈਰਾ ਓਲੰਪਿਕ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਚਾਂਦੀ ਦੇ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂਆਂ ਲਈ ਮੌਜੂਦਾ ਨਗਦ ਐਵਾਰਡ ਇੱਕ ਕਰੋੜ ਰੁਪਏ ਤੋਂ ਵਧਾ ਕੇ ਡਢ ਕਰੋੜ ਰੁਪਏ, ਕਾਂਸੀ ਲਈ 51 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਤੋਂ ਇੱਕ ਕਰੋੜ ਰੁਪਏ ਕਰਨ ਦਾ ਫ਼ੈਸਲਾ ਕੀਤਾ ਹੈ। ਹਾਲਾਂਕਿ ਸੋਨ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂਆਂ ਲਈ ਨਗਦ ਰਾਸ਼ੀ 2.25 ਕਰੋੜ ਰੁਪਏ ਹੀ ਰੱਖੀ ਗਈ ਹੈ। ਏਸ਼ੀਆਈ/ਪੈਰਾ ਏਸ਼ੀਆਈ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੋਨ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਇਨਾਮੀ ਰਾਸ਼ੀ 26 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਤੋਂ ਵਧਾ ਕੇ ਇੱਕ ਕਰੋੜ ਰੁਪਏ, ਚਾਂਦੀ ਲਈ 16 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਤੋਂ ਵਧਾ ਕੇ 75 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਅਤੇ ਕਾਂਸੀ ਲਈ 11 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਤੋਂ ਵਧਾ ਕੇ 50 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਕੀਤੀ ਹੈ।
ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਕੱਪ ਜਾਂ ਚੈਂਪੀਅਨਸ਼ਿਪ ਦੇ ਸੋਨ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂਆਂ ਲਈ ਨਗਦ ਰਾਸ਼ੀ 21 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਤੋਂ ਵਧਾ ਕੇ 80 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ, ਚਾਂਦੀ ਲਈ 11 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਤੋਂ ਵਧਾ ਕੇ 55 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ, ਕਾਂਸੀ ਲਈ ਸੱਤ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਤੋਂ ਵਧਾ ਕੇ 45 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਕੀਤੀ ਗਈ ਹੈ। ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰਮੰਡਲ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਦੇ ਸੋਨ ਤਗ਼ਮੇ ਲਈ ਮੌਜੂਦਾ 16 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਦੀ ਥਾਂ 75 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ, ਚਾਂਦੀ ਲਈ 11 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਦੀ ਥਾਂ 50 ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ, ਕਾਂਸੀ ਲਈ ਛੇ ਲੱਖ ਦੀ ਥਾਂ ਚਾਲੀ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਕੀਤੇ ਗਏ ਹਨ। ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਯੂਨੀਵਰਸਿਟੀ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਜਾਂ ਚੈਂਪੀਅਨਸ਼ਿਪਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੋਨਾ, ਚਾਂਦੀ ਅਤੇ ਕਾਂਸੀ ਦਾ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਕ੍ਰਮਵਾਰ ਸੱਤ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ, ਪੰਜ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਅਤੇ ਤਿੰਨ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਦਾ ਨਗ਼ਦ ਇਨਾਮ ਮਿਲੇਗਾ। ਇਸੇ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਸੈਫ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਜਾਂ ਐਫਰੋ ਏਸ਼ੀਅਨ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਨੈਸ਼ਨਲ ਗੇਮਜ਼ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੋਨ ਤਗ਼ਮੇ ਲਈ ਪੰਜ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ, ਚਾਂਦੀ ਲਈ ਤਿੰਨ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਅਤੇ ਕਾਂਸੀ ਲਈ ਦੋ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਨਗਦ ਇਨਾਮ ਰੱਖੇ ਗਏ ਹਨ। ਆਲ ਇੰਡੀਆ ਇੰਟਰ ਯੂਨੀਵਰਸਿਟੀ ਟੂਰਨਾਮੈਂਟ/ਚੈਂਪੀਅਨਸ਼ਿਪ, ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਸਕੂਲ ਖੇਡਾਂ/ਖੇਲੋ ਇੰਡੀਆ ਸਕੂਲ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਅਤੇ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਮਹਿਲਾ ਖੇਡ ਮੇਲੇ/ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਪੱਧਰ ਦੇ ਖੇਲੋ ਇੰਡੀਆ ਟੂਰਨਾਮੈਂਟ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੋਨਾ, ਚਾਂਦੀ ਅਤੇ ਕਾਂਸੀ ਦਾ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਕ੍ਰਮਵਾਰ 50 ਹਜ਼ਾਰ ਰੁਪਏ, 30 ਹਜ਼ਾਰ ਰੁਪਏ ਅਤੇ 20 ਹਜ਼ਾਰ ਰੁਪਏ ਮਿਲਣਗੇ। ਇਸੇ ਤਰ੍ਹਾਂ ਹੀ ਕੌਮੀ ਖੇਡ ਸੰਸਥਾਵਾਂ ਵੱਲੋਂ ਕਰਵਾਈਆਂ ਜਾਂਦੀਆਂ ਸੀਨੀਅਰ ਨੈਸ਼ਨਲ ਚੈਂਪੀਅਨਸ਼ਿਪਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਸੋਨਾ, ਚਾਂਦੀ ਅਤੇ ਕਾਂਸੀ ਲਈ ਕ੍ਰਮਵਾਰ 40 ਹਜ਼ਾਰ, 20 ਹਜ਼ਾਰ ਅਤੇ 15 ਹਜ਼ਾਰ ਰੁਪਏ ਰੱਖੇ ਗਏ ਹਨ।
ਖੇਡਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਕਰੀਅਰ ਲਈ ਇਹ ਨੀਤੀ ਮਹਾਰਾਜਾ ਰਣਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਐਵਾਰਡ ਤੇ ਵਜ਼ੀਫ਼ਾ ਅਤੇ ਪੈਨਸ਼ਨ ਸਕੀਮ ਰਾਹੀਂ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਵਿੱਤੀ ਸਹਾਇਤਾ ਅਤੇ ਖਿਡਾਰੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਰੋਜ਼ਗਾਰ ਸਹੂਲਤ ਮੁਹੱਈਆ ਕਰਵਾਏਗੀ। ਇਸ ਤਹਿਤ 20 ਖਿਡਾਰੀਆਂ ਅਤੇ ਇਕ ਅੰਗਹੀਣ ਖਿਡਾਰੀ ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜਿੱਤਿਆ ਅਤੇ ਕੌਮਾਂਤਰੀ ਪੱਧਰ ’ਤੇ ਟੂਰਨਾਮੈਂਟਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਹਿੱਸਾ ਲਿਆ ਹੈ ਅਤੇ ਦਿਸ਼ਾ-ਨਿਰਦੇਸ਼ਾਂ ਮੁਤਾਬਕ 100 ਅੰਕ ਦਾ ਗ੍ਰੇਡ ਹੈ, ਦੀ ਚੋਣ ਹਰੇਕ ਵਰ੍ਹੇ ਕੀਤੀ ਜਾਵੇਗੀ।
ਇਸ ਨਾਲ ‘ਪਦਮ’, ‘ਅਰਜਨ’ ਅਤੇ ‘ਰਾਜੀਵ ਗਾਂਧੀ ਖੇਲ ਰਤਨ’ ਹਾਸਲ ਸਾਰੇ ਐਵਾਰਡੀ ਜੋ ਪੰਜਾਬ ਦੇ ਖਿਡਾਰੀ ਹਨ, ਚੁਣੇ ਗਏ 20 ਖਿਡਾਰੀਆਂ ਤੋਂ ਇਲਾਵਾ ਖੁਦ-ਬ-ਖੁਦ ਇਸ ਐਵਾਰਡ ਲਈ ਯੋਗ ਹੋ ਜਾਣਗੇ। ਮਹਾਰਾਜਾ ਰਣਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਐਵਾਰਡ ’ਚ ਇਕ ਟਰਾਫੀ, ਬਲੇਜ਼ਰ ਨਾਲ ਪੰਜ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਦਾ ਨਗਦ ਇਨਾਮ ਮਿਲੇਗਾ। ਇਹ ਐਵਾਰਡ ਪੰਜ ਸਾਲਾਂ ਲਈ ਇਨਡੋਰ ਇਲਾਜ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਇਕ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਪ੍ਰਤੀ ਸਾਲ ਦੇ ਸਿਹਤ ਬੀਮਾ ਕਵਰ ਦਾ ਹੱਕਦਾਰ ਵੀ ਹੋਵੇਗਾ।

ਓਲੰਪਿਕ ਜੇਤੂਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਮਿਲੇਗੀ 15000 ਰੁਪਏ ਮਹੀਨਾ ਪੈਨਸ਼ਨ

ਸੂਬਾ ਸਰਕਾਰ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜਿੱਤਣ ਵਾਲੇ ਵੈਟਰਨ ਖਿਡਾਰੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਪੈਨਸ਼ਨ ਵਜੋਂ ਵਿੱਤੀ ਸਹਾਇਤਾ ਦੇਵੇਗੀ। ਓਲੰਪਿਕ ਵਿੱਚ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂ ਖਿਡਾਰੀ ਨੂੰ 15 ਹਜ਼ਾਰ ਰੁਪਏ ਪ੍ਰਤੀ ਮਹੀਨਾ ਪੈਨਸ਼ਨ ਮਿਲੇਗੀ, ਜਦਕਿ ਏਸ਼ੀਆਈ/ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰਮੰਡਲ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ 7500 ਰੁਪਏ ਪ੍ਰਤੀ ਮਹੀਨਾ ਅਤੇ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰੀ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂਆਂ ਨੂੰ 5000 ਰੁਪਏ ਪੈਨਸ਼ਨ ਮਿਲੇਗੀ, ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੇ ਪਿਛਲੀਆਂ ਪੰਜ ਕੌਮੀ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਘੱਟੋ-ਘੱਟ ਦੋ ਤਗ਼ਮੇ ਜਿੱਤੇ ਹਨ। ਇਹ ਸਹਾਇਤਾ 40 ਸਾਲ ਦੀ ਉਮਰ ਪੂਰੀ ਕਰ ਚੁੱਕੇ ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਖਿਡਾਰੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਮਿਲੇਗੀ, ਜੋ ਮੁਲਾਜ਼ਮ ਨਹੀ ਹੋਣਗੇ ਜਾਂ ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਦੀ ਸਾਲਾਨਾ ਆਮਦਨ ਛੇ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਤੋਂ ਵੱਧ ਨਹੀਂ ਹੋਵੇਗੀ। ਕੋਚਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਪ੍ਰੇਰਿਤ ਕਰਨ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਓਲੰਪਿਕ, ਵਿਸ਼ਵ ਚੈਂਪੀਅਨਸ਼ਿਪਾਂ, ਏਸ਼ੀਅਨ ਅਤੇ ਰਾਸ਼ਟਰਮੰਡਲ ਖੇਡਾਂ ਵਿੱਚ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂ ਖਿਡਾਰੀਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਸਿਖਲਾਈ ਦੇਣ ਵਾਲਿਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਵੀ ਨਗ਼ਦ ਇਨਾਮ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ। ਜਿਹੜੇ ਕੋਚ ਘੱਟੋ-ਘੱਟ ਇਕ ਸਾਲ ਖਿਡਾਰੀ ਨੂੰ ਸਿਖਲਾਈ ਦੇਣਗੇ ਅਤੇ ਜਿਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਕੋਚਾਂ ਦੇ ਸਿਖਲਾਈ ਪ੍ਰਾਪਤ ਖਿਡਾਰੀ ਮੈਡਲ ਜਿੱਤਣਗੇ, ਉਨ੍ਹਾਂ ਨੂੰ ਉਸ ਨਗਦ ਐਵਾਰਡ ਦੇ 40 ਫੀਸਦੀ ਦੇ ਬਰਾਬਰ ਨਗਦ ਇਨਾਮ ਦਿੱਤਾ ਜਾਵੇਗਾ, ਜਿਸ ਦੇ ਵਾਸਤੇ ਇਸ ਨੀਤੀ ਦੇ ਹੇਠ ਖਿਡਾਰੀ ਹੱਕਦਾਰ ਹੋਣਗੇ।

ਨਵੀਂ ਖੇਡ ਨੀਤੀ ਦੇ ਕੁੱਝ ਜ਼ਰੂਰੀ ਨੁਕਤੇ

* ਓਲੰਪਿਕ ’ਚ ਚਾਂਦੀ ਦਾ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂਆਂ ਨੂੰ ਡੇਢ ਕਰੋੜ ਰੁਪਏ ਮਿਲਣਗੇ
* ਏਸ਼ਿਆਈ ਸੋਨ ਤਗ਼ਮਾ ਜੇਤੂਆਂ ਲਈ ਰਕਮ 26 ਲੱਖ ਤੋਂ ਇੱਕ ਕਰੋੜ ਰੁਪਏ ਕੀਤੀ
* ਮਹਾਰਾਜਾ ਰਣਜੀਤ ਸਿੰਘ ਐਵਾਰਡ ਤਹਿਤ ਪੰਜ ਲੱਖ ਰੁਪਏ ਦਾ ਇਨਾਮ ਮਿਲੇਗਾ

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Supreme Court has upheld most of the provisions of the Aadhaar Act thus avoiding the fate of telecom and coal licences where its wholesale cancellation approach had sent both sectors into the NPA shoebox. In Aadhaar at stake was the taxpayer’s money in the project as well as his right to adequate privacy. Both seem to have been preserved. Aadhaar’s designers walk away with bouquets after the court ruled out profiling because of inbuilt safeguards. The 4-1 majority judgment also ruled out the possibility of obtaining a duplicate Aadhaar card, was satisfied with the adequacy of defence mechanisms for authentication and felt the data obtained was minimal while benefits, especially to the marginalised, large.

But for the political executive that was muscular, proactive and overbearing in trying to make it mandatory in all services, the order should serve as timely catnip. Aadhaar as a project will survive but only in matters of state-government welfare schemes and PAN but not for school admissions, banking and mobile services. The striking down of Sections 33 and 57 and the reading down of Sections 33 (1) and 33 (2) was very nearly an endorsement of the Rajya Sabha’s concerns that were pointedly overlooked while packaging the Aadhaar legislation as a money bill.

Now that Aadhaar survives in a watered down, truncated version, the executive needs to follow up appropriately. As a first step, Aadhaar cards should be delinked from mobile connections and bank accounts, which the court has said was unconstitutional. Hopefully, the government’s narrow escape with regard to the money bill approach will dissuade it from taking this route again to avoid going through the test in Rajya Sabha. Court adjudications at the end of the day are a matter of judgment and the executive needs to heed the dissenting opinion, especially the warning that the absence of an independent regulatory framework compromises data protection. As for the ‘right to privacy’ zealots, some of their assumptions and apprehensions were, in hindsight, overblown. But thanks to their perseverance, a balance was struck.

Ironing the wrinkles in Aadhaar

Abhijit Bhattacharyya
Supreme Court Advocate 

People of India created, and gave to themselves the Constitution. Constitution created Parliament. Parliament created Aadhaar. Judges of the Supreme Court interpret the legal validity or invalidity of the law created by Parliament. Hence the Constitution of India is supreme, unlike the British system in which Parliament is the creator of the constitution, though unwritten.

Therefore, when Parliament, being the creation of the Constitution, makes law, it has to pass legal scrutiny to ensure that it doesn’t override the basic features of the Constitution. The importance of today’s court verdict emanates therefrom. Nevertheless, prima facie does exist a real danger of writing on a 1,448-page verdict without fully going through it (it would have taken a minimum of two days to read and digest). Prudence, therefore, demands to refer to salient features which are in public domain.

The most striking feature of the Aadhaar verdict today, undoubtedly, is the sole dissenting voice from the Bench, which stood 4-1. If true, that ‘Aadhaar as a money bill’ is a wrong perpetrated on the Constitution, being ‘politically expedient but constitutionally impermissible’ and that ‘Section 139AA of Income Tax is unconstitutional’, Aadhaar is likely to re-emerge as live issue for future, and further Supreme Court litigations. It’s a situation in which minority logic makes majority language a future cause of legal action. 

The stamp of constitutional validity on Aadhaar, however, is the biggest news, striking down of a few sections thereof notwithstanding. In overall perspective, the judiciary has reiterated the supremacy of the State’s role, rather Parliament’s role, in making law, through the government, in certain basic welfare schemes reaching the comparatively marginalised section of society.

In contrast, the striking down of Section 33(2) pertaining to national security exemption for disclosure of Aadhaar information is unlikely to go down well with a section of departments and officials dealing with the issue of State. Prima facie, though it runs in tune with the spirit of democracy of the Indian Union, nevertheless, there also could be situations challenging enough, cropping up before the Supreme Court.

The best part of the verdict emanates from delinking it with the education system. That is a welcome relief for both parents and children as it was creating an incurable headache of sorts all around the countryside. The court certainly deserves a big ‘thank you’ from millions.

The two most important points around which the entire Aadhaar came up for lengthy litigation now need to be looked into. First, right to individual privacy, which could also be thought of as an extension and continuation of right to individual liberty, falling under fundamental rights as guaranteed by the Constitution vide Articles 12 to 35; and second, the PAN-Aadhaar interfacing which has been raised by the dissenting judge of the 4-1 verdict.

No doubt ‘right to privacy’ does not have an exclusive and explicit existence in the Constitution, yet the first, third, fourth and fifth Amendment, along with several Supreme Court verdicts, recognise its existence and importance. Articles 19, 21 and 22 constitute a robust enough bulwark against State encroachment into an individual’s fundamental rights.

Yet when Aadhaar was introduced, there emerged legitimate concerns pertaining to the intrusion of the State into a citizen’s right to privacy, linked to fundamental rights. The counter argument here too could be considered, being the points of ‘devil’s advocate’! Which fundamental right be considered eternally sacrosanct and unlimited in a diverse society of historically fissiparous forces? Secondly, did not the fundamental right to property undergo transformation in the past? Between property and privacy, which supersedes whom? Are they contradictory? Or complementary?

Having said that, one is constrained to point out that the very linking or interfacing of PAN and Aadhaar has its own dynamics, which in a way amounts to the indirect entry of Aadhaar in places even when and where it is not required to be present vide the verdict of the Supreme Court.

The question is, how is it possible? It is not only possible, it will be reality, especially for the 5 crore income tax payees, though not necessarily for the rest of the 120 crore heads who fall below the income tax net. Section 139AA of the Income tax Act makes the PAN-Aadhaar link mandatory for annual tax returns for all — company and individual. However, though Aadhaar is not mandatory for opening a bank account, the production of PAN before bank officials would automatically reveal the Aadhaar number and identification of the potential tax-paying client of the bank. That by itself would amount to the entry of the client, with automatic exposure of his Aadhaar to the bank.

To be fair to the law and the verdict thereon, however, the majority of Indians have been exempted from undergoing the process of production of Aadhaar to the banks, which more often than not did not inspire the desired level of confidence, especially among those using small and common banks.

All in all, the verdict cannot be said to be an exercise in futility; all the more because the judiciary has asked the government to ensure that the security of privacy is not breached. The entire issue began with it. Law of the land in India is usually made with the best of intentions, excellent ideas and high hopes. However, the traditionally weak implementation thereof along with a system of non-diminishing corruption (in the past) has ruined many a plan, thereby making law more a liability than an asset. Hope the verdict brings brighter days for the country.