Monthly Archives: October 2022

India-born UK economist and politician Meghnad Desai predicted this week that India and China, currently engaged a high-stakes military standoff on the Doklam plateau near the Sikkim border, could soon come to a full-scale war.

Desai, a member of the British House of Lords (UK’s equivalent of the Rajya Sabha) and a known commentator on south Asian affairs, linked the Doklam standoff to events in the South China Sea and predicted that the war would be fought in multiple theatres and would involve the United States, which, Desai said, would be on India’s side.

Desai’s comments came in an interview that he gave to news agency IANS’s Saket Sharma. “Even today, nobody is contemplating that the whole Doklam thing could break anytime. We could be in a full scale war with China within a month. At that stage it will not be controllable. It may come as a surprise, but that is when the defence co-operation of India (with various countries) will bear fruit,” Desai says in the interview.

Saying that he cannot exactly predict when and where a full-scale military conflict may break out, Desai pictured a war that would be fought on multiple fronts – from the mountains of the Himalayas to the waters of South China Sea.

“I am not a jyotisi (astrologer). I cannot say what day or date but I think at this time it is very likely that we will be in a state of full-scale war with China very soon. And mind you, on several fronts, not just Doklam. It is just one frontier, they will start from all places, across the northern Himalayas,” Desai said.

THE AMERICA ANGLE

Desai, notably, said that the current standoff in Doklam should not be viewed merely as a Indo-Sino face off. He went on to say that how the Doklam standoff would ultimately get resolved depends not just on negotiations between New Delhi and Beijing but on “what happens in the South China Sea”.

“All things that follow now will have a lot to do with what happens in the South China Sea. The US has sent out enough signals. If there is war, it will be a US-China war, with India on the US side, in the South China Sea and in the Himalayas. This trio (India, China and the US) is a very combustible mixture right now,” Desai told IANS.

Desai was also asked separately and directly whether the United States would stand with India in case a war does break out between the two nuclear-armed Asian countries. “Absolutely,” the Padma Bhushan recipient said. “Ultimately, you have to understand that India cannot stand up to China without American help and support. America cannot stand up to China without Indian help. That is the symmetry in this relationship.”

‘BE WARY OF CHINA’

Expounding his assertion that India and China would soon go to war, Desai cautioned New Delhi against being complacent with judging Beijing’s military capabilities, warning that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) is not the Pakistani Army.

“I think, from past experience, we always assume that we are well prepared but you will be fighting one of the finest armies in the world. It is a very powerful army and I think they also have (much) training in mountain warfare,” Desai said.

“So, according to me, it will be a very tough fight for India. Don’t be mistaken that this will be easy. It is not Pakistan. The Pakistani Army is the same set of people. They come from the same army traditions and they have the same thinking but the Chinese are very different.”

Noting that China has been unusually “nationalistic, militaristic and aggressive” over the Doklam standoff, the noted economist went on to add, “I am sure we are not told everything that is going on. But my worry is even though India will not openly become militaristic but have we got the preparedness for it? We may have things in place. I just wish and hope that we are prepared for a very tough war which may last for a long time.”

DOKLAM STANDOFF

For nearly 50 days now, soldiers from the Indian Army and the Chinese People’s Liberation Army have been positioned on the Doklam plateau, reportedly just 150 feet away from each other.

The standoff began in mid-June when Bhutanese soldiers, objecting to the PLA construction a metal road near the India-China-Bhutan trijuntion point, sought India’s help to keep the Chinese at bay.

Indian soldiers responded by physically blocking the Chinese troops from proceeding with their construction. Since then, soldiers from the two armies have stayed put near the trijunction point, engaged a high-stakes but non-violent face off.

Beijing has responded belligerently to the issue, accusing India of entering Chinese territory (the area where the standoff is taking place is in fact disputed between China and Bhutan) and demanding a non-conditional withdrawal of Indian troops.

Chinese media, particularly the hawkish Global Times, have been even more hostile, sometimes bringing up India’s 1962 loss to China and at other times, saying that the PLA can ‘annihilate’ the Indian Army.

New Delhi, on the other hand, has largely been silent except to issue firm, carefully worded statements on the issue and there is no indication of how and when the unusual standoff might end.

ALSO READ | Doklam border standoff: Will there be an India-China war?

ALSO READ | Doklam: What China stands to lose if it goes to war with India

ALSO WATCH | Doklam standoff: Will conflict with India be disastrous for China?

In the standoff between India and China at Doklam, little has been said about north Sikkim. India is extremely vulnerable there because of geography and defunct infrastructure, especially roads. China has excellent roads and airlift capability and our Army is at a disadvantage.

ROCKY ROAD TO PEACE: The highway in north Sikkim needs upkeep. Photo by the writer

Pravin Sawhney

THE crucial meeting between the National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and the Chinese leadership has not resolved the Doklam crisis. The two sides discussed “bilateral and major problems”, suggesting that diplomatic channels are functioning. While neither side wants war, it is certain that China will not accept a reciprocal withdrawal of forces.Will this lead to a long haul of armies’ face-off? Probably not. Unlike any of his predecessors, Xi Jinping dons four hats — President, Communist Party General Secretary, Chairman of the Central Military Commission and the Commander-in-Chief Joint Operations Command. He has positioned military power as the anchor of his aggressive China dream and will not wait for long before adopting detrimental measures towards India. Hence, a valid question: What next? A senior Chinese diplomat had told me on July 5 in his embassy that China had informed the Indian side about their intentions on June 1, two weeks before their road construction party started work in Donglang (Doklam for us) area. Yet, instead of diplomatic outreach, the Indian side chose military. “On June 16, Indian troops entered 183 metres inside Chinese territory (in Donglang) to block our road-building party. India has opened a pandora’s box. For the first time since the formation of the People’s Republic of China, foreign troops have entered Chinese territory… the foundation of the 19 rounds of border talks (held since 2003) would no longer be there,” he said, adding that, “While we want diplomatic channels to solve problems, we will not wait for very long.” This is a serious issue. Border talks by the Special Representatives are not capable of yielding tangible results because the five Sino-India border agreements have given Beijing enormous political, legal and military advantage with little incentive left to resolve the dispute. Yet, they have helped in upholding the pretence of normalcy allowing the two sides to continue with “development partnership,” while chanting the mantra of peace. In the 1993 agreement, the traditional border was renamed as the Line of Actual Control (LAC) — a military line which can be pushed by either side since the border is neither agreed on maps nor on the ground. This allowed the Chinese to transgress the disputed border at will since 1998 when India cited China as the reason for its nuclear tests. Prime Minister Modi had sought to correct this foreign policy blunder by publicly asking President Xi Jinping during his September 2014 visit to mutually define the LAC, which was ignored. Similarly, the 1996 agreement has laid down the bare minimum troops and equipment that each side can bring to the LAC without mutual consent. Since China has excellent roads and airlift capability, this agreement has placed the Indian Army at a grave disadvantage. Likewise, in the 2003 joint declaration, India formally accepted the Tibet Autonomous Region (TAR) as a part of China. By doing so, it diluted the Dalai Lama’s definition of Tibetan autonomy within China (to include the three provinces of Amdo, Kham and U-Tsang along with TAR). China, in return, refused to endorse Sikkim as a part of India in the joint declaration. It merely changed a few of its maps to accommodate the Indian requirement; these, going by the Chinese diplomat’s threat, can be changed again. Meanwhile, the 2013 Border Defence Cooperation Agreement (BDCA) has downgraded the Army’s border-guarding role to border policing during peacetime. Since the BDCA prohibits “tailing or following” of the other sides’ patrol which cross the LAC without being noticed, the Indian Army has been compelled to physically hold the 3,488-km border entailing huge manpower. This is not all. Unlike India which says it has 3,488-km border with China, Beijing has truncated it to a mere 2,000 km by excluding Ladakh. So, if China calls off the border talks, all confidence-building measures available to local commanders and senior diplomats in case of transgressions and intrusions too will become defunct. The consequences are all too evident. Let’s look at Sikkim, which is militarily divided into north and east Sikkim. While much noise has been made about the Indian Army holding favourable defensive positions in north-east and east Sikkim, which faces the Chumbi Valley funnel, little has been said about north Sikkim, where India is extremely vulnerable because of geography and defunct infrastructure, especially roads. Given the difficult terrain in north Sikkim, it has limited Dropping Zones (DZs), and the single road that connects it to Gangtok has weak military bridges (class 12), and the track itself (class 30 road) is non-existent in parts because of innumerable water-falls, seasonal rivers, and a longish monsoon. Despite the Army’s best efforts, the state government has not cleared the building of an alternate highway, citing environmental issues and economic viability as the reasons. Standing at the northern-most part of the Kerang plateau, one can see the flat expanse of the Tibetan plateau with excellent motorable roads on the other side. Chinese troops will have little difficulty in moving mobile forces, equipment and land-based firepower in north Sikkim. They can justify this as the quid pro quo  —if India can move troops into Donglang/ Doklam, why can’t they do the same in north Sikkim? Hopefully, China will not use the military option in Sikkim. Unlike India, they are not focussed on a battle but the war — to address their “major problem”, perhaps, of Tibet, by diplomacy, failing which by using military power to their advantage.Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been unrestrained while talking about China which is economically, politically, technologically and militarily more powerful. He was the first senior political leader to caution China to desist from its “expansionist tendencies” in his election speeches in 2014. It was the first time, Sikyong (Prime Minister of the “Tibetan government-in-exile”) Lobsang Sangay attended an Indian Prime Minister’s swearing-in ceremony. The next year, Modi became the first Prime Minister to visit Arunachal Pradesh to mark statehood celebrations. It was the first time in seven visits to Arunachal Pradesh that the Dalai Lama was accompanied by a Union Minister. The Modi government ignored Chinese displeasure on each occasion. If the previous government opted for appeasement, this government has swung to the other extreme. To quote the Chinese diplomat once again: “You (India) are not a super-power which you regard yourself to be.” The writer is the Editor FORCE newsmagazine.

Pakistan’s superior courts have often commented on difficulties in legally applying ideals of conduct to concrete cases. The qualities of leadership are rooted in the Islamic concept of righteous rulers, so no politcal party has amended these. Nawaz Sharif’s case proves vagaries of litigation but is there a whiff of politics too?

DOWN BUT NOT OUT: Ousted Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif addresses members of PML-N, in Islamabad. AFP

Vivek Katju

AS Pakistan Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif resigned on July 28 after the Supreme Court decision in the Panama Papers case, memories, two decades old, of his success in hounding out Sajjad Ali Shah from the office of Chief Justice of Pakistan would have come back. He may well have wondered what the world had come to when he had no alternative but bow to a decision based on one technical ground taken through a controversial judicial procedure. Back in 1997, Nawaz Sharif exercised such control over the country that for the “insult” of the Chief Justice summoning him in person to answer charges of contempt of court he had allowed zealous supporters to storm its premises, split the Bench, which by majority declared that Shah’s appointment, by then three years old, as illegal ab initio and sent their Chief packing.  All through, the army Chief Ge. Jehangir Karamat had not stirred. But that was then. This time the bisaat was totally different, except in one aspect: if Sajjad Ali Shah was a “political” judge, the whiff of politics comes from the present judgment too. The Panama Papers became public in April 2016. They revealed that Nawaz Sharif’s children — daughter Maryam who is being groomed for politics and businessmen sons Hussain and Hassan who live outside Pakistan — owned off- shore companies and lucrative properties abroad. These included four apartments in London’s posh Park Lane. For many in Pakistan, these revelations only established what was suspected all along, that Nawaz Sharif had sent abroad his ill-gotten wealth acquired from business and misuse of office. The Panama Papers provided the opposition, especially Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) Chairman Imran Khan, an opportunity to corner Nawaz Sharif. Between April and August 2016, Nawaz Sharif’s attempts to appoint commissions to investigate these charges failed. The government and the opposition could not agree on the terms of reference of a commission and Pakistan’s Chief Justice also refused to nominate judges to any commission which in law would be “toothless”. Finally, Imran Khan filed a case seeking  the Supreme Court to declare Nawaz Sharif unfit to be a Member of the National Assembly ( hence, Prime Minister) as he did not meet the tests prescribed in Articles 62 and 63 of the constitution. Most constitutions and peoples’ representation laws prescribe conditions relating to nationality, age, residence, health, absence of criminal convictions by courts, and in some cases that a person should not be in debt. Seldom do they venture into the domain of character. This was also the case with the Pakistan constitution till General Zia-ul-Haq amended Article 62 and introduced a character test. Art. 62 (1) (f) now requires Members of Parliament to be, “sagacious, righteous, non-profligate, honest and ameen”. Pakistan’s superior courts have commented many times on the difficulties in legally applying these ideals of conduct to concrete cases. However, as these qualities of leadership are rooted in the Islamic concept of righteous rulers no political party has taken the initiative to amend it. Gradually case law seems to be developing to apply them narrowly such as in cases of wrong declaration on nomination forms for elections. The courts refrain from entering into an MP’s personal conduct.Imran Khan asserted that the Panama Papers revealed that Nawaz Sharif owned properties abroad, including the Park Lane flats, and been dishonest to not disclose them in his nomination form. He further alleged that in his speeches to the nation and parliament after the Panama Leaks, he had prevaricated and contradicted himself, thus falling short of the qualities mentioned in Art. 62. The Court heard the matter for over two months. It decided, as noted by Justice Khosa who led the five-judge bench, “to focus mainly, but not exclusively, on the properties relevant to Respondent No.1 (Nawaz Sharif) and his children which were revealed in the Panama Papers”. By a majority of 3-2, it decided that the Panama Papers did not conclusively establish that Nawaz Sharif was the owner of these properties and therefore a Supreme Court monitored probe was required through a Joint Investigation Team (JIT) to establish facts. Surprisingly, the JIT included ISI and MI officers thereby involving the army which assured the nation that it will fulfil the mandate conferred by the Court. Though the majority and the dissenting judges agreed that Nawaz Sharif and his children’s claims were contradictory and deliberately confusing and incomplete,the two dissenting judges found these sufficient to disqualify him the majority three did not reach this conclusion. Strangely, the minority two inferred that while a person could  be sent to jail after establishing his guilt through a regular trial, disqualification in terms of Art 62 could be done through a lower standard. The Supreme Court Chief Justice appointed a bench of three judges who had given the majority judgement to monitor the JIT probe. The JIT gave its report on July 10 and the three-judge bench heard arguments about its tenability for a week. In violation of procedural norms, the original five-judge bench met to pronounce the judgment. The dissenting two thus had no opportunity to hear arguments on the report and yet they considered it fit as obviously did the Chief Justice that in a matter relating to the Prime Minister standard procedure could be short-circuited. Now comes the strangest part. On the issues in the Panama Papers on which the JIT extensively reported, the majority three did not obviously concur with the dissenting two and did not find the report sufficient to disqualify Nawaz Sharif.  However, as the JIT found the family guilty of misrepresentation and fabricating documents, the five unanimously ordered the National Accountability Bureau to launch corruption cases against all. In a move which can only be called dubious, the five took note of Nawaz Sharif’s chairmanship of FZE Capital, his son’s company in Dubai (which did not figure in the Panama Papers)  and held that while he did not draw any emoluments they were nevertheless his assets. This may be technically so. They held that as he had not declared them in his nomination form in the 2013 election, he was dishonest and fell short of the requirements of Art 62. No real opportunity was given to him to defend himself. The judges clearly forgot that justice has to be manifestly done. It brings no credit to the Supreme Court and can only spread speculation of bias and the unseen hand of the Generals. The writer is a former Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs.

Dehradun, August 20

A day after a gentleman cadet from Bhatinda died during training at Indian Military Academy, another Gentleman cadet from Darjeeling passed away due to illness last night.Gentleman cadet Naveen Chetri (23) belonged to Darjeeling district in West Bengal and was undergoing training at Indian Military Academy, Dehradun. He was not keeping well for quite some time and was undergoing treatment at Military Hospital. He was referred to Mahant Indresh Hospital after his condition deteriorated. Naveen belonged to Cariappa Battallion of IMA. His demise comes after a gentleman cadet from Bhatinda reportedly died of exhaustion on Friday while undertaking a cross country race. A postmortem examination has been conducted on the deceased. — TNS

A file photo of Pangong Lake in the Ladakh region.

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, August 18

In a significant development, Army Chief General Bipin Rawat will review the security scenario in eastern Ladakh over the weekend.His visit comes after Indian and Chinese troops clashed at a spot, north of the Pangong Lake in eastern Ladakh, on August 15. A subsequent meeting of the military commanders of the two countries resolved to work at the ‘existing peace mechanisms’.The Army Chief will be briefed by the Leh-based 14 Corps Commander on Sunday. The Northern Command chief, entire top brass of the 14 Corps and the local Indian Air Force Commander of the Leh air base shall be part of the review.Eastern Ladakh, part of J&K, shares a 826-km frontier with China and is geographically defined as the area from Karakoram Pass in the north to Demchok in the south-east of the Ladakh region.An Indian assessment is that the Karakoram range in the country could be the possible military target for China. It can threaten New Delhi’s hold over Siachen as well as cut off the Depsang plains and Daulat Baig Oldie, an advanced landing ground for aircraft at 16,200 feet.In the past four-five years, Indian troops have been added to prepositioned locations along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), the name for the de facto border.Additions to mechanised forces and artillery guns have been made, backed by the T-72 Russian-origin tanks. The plateaus interspersed in the folds of the major mountain ranges — the Greater Himalayas, Karokaram, Ladakh and Zanskar — are ideal tank country, flat with ample places to hide in the folds of the valleys.The latest Indian stance along the Line of Actual Controlis not akin to Jawaharlal Nehru’s failed 1960-1961 “forward policy”, but it mandates holding claims line along the Line of Actual Control.The “forward policy”, as explained by Neville Maxwell in his book “India’s China war”, entailed taking up permanent positions along the high ridgelines of eastern Ladakh as per India’s perception of the boundary of 1954. The latest Indian positions are more in line with maintaining the sanctity of the Line of Actual Control.On maiden trip, Prez to visit Ladakh on MondayNew Delhi: In his maiden domestic tour, President Ram Nath Kovind will visit the Ladakh region on Monday where he will present the President’s Colours to battalions of the Ladakh Scouts, an infantry regiment of the Army. Sources said President Kovind would visit a meditation centre after the award ceremony. The President’s Colours is one of the greatest honours bestowed upon a unit in recognition of its exceptional service rendered by it to the nation, both during war and in peace. IANS

ARMOURED CORPS

1 JC242311Y RIS MAJ & HONY LT SUKHBIR SINGH 
2 JC243078H RIS MAJ & HONY LT BALWAN SINGH 
3 JC242645N RIS MAJ & HONY LT NIRMAL SINGH 
4 JC242692L RIS MAJ & HONY LT TULSI RAM YADAV 
5 JC243331Y RIS & HONY LT HARWINDER SINGH 
6 JC242368N RIS MAJ & HONY LT SANTONU GHOSH 
7 JC243137K RIS MAJ & HONY LT AMARJIT SINGH 
8 JC242711L RIS MAJ & HONY LT GOPISETTY VENKATASYAM

REGIMENT OF ARTILLERY

9 JC269426W SUB MAJ & HONY LT ANIL KUMAR SINGH 
10 JC268092A SUB MAJ & HONY LT BAHADUR SINGH 
11 JC267632F SUB MAJ & HONY LT DINESH KUMAR 
12 JC267622X SUB MAJ & HONY LT G RAVI 
13 JC270912A SUB MAJ & HONY LT JAMINI GOSWAMI 
14 JC270204N SUB MAJ & HONY LT JOGI NAGESWARA RAO 
15 JC267736H SUB MAJ & HONY LT MAHADEO ROY 
16 JC269694A SUB MAJ & HONY LT PARTHABA SAHU 
17 JC263378L SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAJENDAR SINGH 
18 JC269525Y SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAJENDRA BALKRISHNA 
                                                BAWANKULE 
19 JC269523N SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAJESH KUMAR BHARDWAJ 
20 JC270096P SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAMESH KUMAR 
21 JC269668Y SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAMESH SINGH PAL 
22 JC270433Y SUB MAJ & HONY LT SAMPURAN SINGH 
23 JC269242X SUB MAJ & HONY LT SATENDER KUMAR SINGH 
24 JC216169H SUB MAJ & HONY LT SUBHASH CHANDRA RT
25 JC268628L SUB MAJ & HONY LT VISHNU DATT TIWARI 
26 JC273074F SUB & HONY LT AJAY SINGH 
27 JC275568K SUB & HONY LT CHANDRA PAL SINGH 
28 JC274487X SUB & HONY LT D THANGA RAJ 
29 JC275170P SUB & HONY LT GOPAL DASS 
30 JC278726Y SUB & HONY LT HARI RAM 
31 JC268810L SUB & HONY LT JASVEER SINGH 
32 JC276114H SUB & HONY LT TARSEM SINGH

ARMY AIR DEFENCE

33 JC300023A SUB MAJ & HONY LT KAILASH YADAV 
34 JC299603A SUB MAJ & HONY LT YELAM PALLE VENKATA REDDY
35 JC302368A SUB & HONY LT AUTI BAPU SADASHIV 
36 JC301676N SUB & HONY LT HARMESH KUMAR 
37 JC301722X SUB & HONY LT MANOJ KUMAR SHARMA 
38 JC302512K SUB & HONY LT RAMESH SINGH

ARMY AVIATION CORPS

39 JC269999A SUB MAJ & HONY LT BIKRAM SINGH

ENGINEERS

MADRAS ENGINEER GROUP

BENGAL ENGINEER GROUP

53 JC338624P SUB MAJ & HONY LT ARJUN SINGH
54 JC338125A SUB MAJ & HONY LT BIDYADHAR PANDA
55 JC338165F SUB MAJ & HONY LT BRIJ KANT MISHRA
56 JC329800A SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAVI PAL SINGH
57 JC338123P SUB MAJ & HONY LT SHIV PRASAD
58 JC339690K SUB & HONY LT KALAM SINGH

71 JC370518K SUB MAJ & HONY LT ASHOK KUMAR
72 JC371976M SUB MAJ & HONY LT DEEP RAM SHARMA
73 JC376510N SUB MAJ & HONY LT GODHAN SINGH
74 JC375589P SUB MAJ & HONY LT HARI KISHAN
75 JC376944N SUB MAJ & HONY LT HARI SHANKER YADAV
76 JC376471A SUB MAJ & HONY LT JAI KISHAN
77 JC375591M SUB MAJ & HONY LT JAI NARAIN
78 JC376873X SUB MAJ & HONY LT KAMATA PRASAD DWIVEDI
79 JC376517X SUB MAJ & HONY LT PARITOSH PAUL
80 JC376509Y SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAM PRABHAT TRIPATHI
81 JC376522H SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAM PRAWESH PRASAD
82 JC375671K SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAM VAKIL
83 JC376994Y SUB MAJ & HONY LT SANJAYA KUMAR MOHANTY
84 JC374961P SUB MAJ & HONY LT SANJOY GHOSH
85 JC371965A SUB MAJ & HONY LT SUNAHARI LAL
86 JC370977H SUB MAJ & HONY LT VINOD KUMAR CHANDEL
87 JC380510L SUB & HONY LT PARDEEP KUMAR
88 JC379311L SUB & HONY LT PARKASH CHAND CHANDEL
 

INFANTRY

THE BRIGADE OF GUARDS

THE GRENADIERS

THE RAJPUT REGIMENT

133 JC479852F SUB MAJ & HONY LT DEVENDRA SINGH SIKARWAR
134 JC479667N SUB MAJ & HONY LT MOHD MAHROOF,SC
135 JC479701H SUB MAJ & HONY LT VIRENDER SINGH AHIR
136 JC480821N SUB & HONY LT BEERENDRA SINGH
137 JC480541A SUB & HONY LT SURENDER SINGH
138 JC480729P SUB & HONY LT VINOD SINGH

192 JC590200X SUB MAJ & HONY LT KAMAL KISHOR GHILDIYAL
193 JC590197H SUB MAJ & HONY LT SHRI PRASAD THAPA, SM
194 JC590306K SUB & HONY LT SOORBEER SINGH GUSAIN
 

THE JAMMU AND KASHMIR LIGHT INFANTRY

195 JC593468A SUB MAJ & HONY LT ASHOK KUMAR
196 JC593045M SUB MAJ & HONY LT KAMAL SINGH
197 JC593728A SUB & HONY LT LAL CHAND
198 JC593921M SUB & HONY LT PRITAM SINGH
199 JC593628P SUB & HONY LT RAFIQ AHMAD MALIK
200 JC593998P SUB & HONY LT SABAR HUSSAIN
201 JC593534X SUB & HONY LT VIJAY KUMAR

ARMY SERVICE CORPS (SOUTH)

213 JC665068M SUB MAJ & HONY LT BHIM BAHADUR THAPA
214 JC664817L SUB MAJ & HONY LT G BALAJI
215 JC665064W SUB MAJ & HONY LT JANG BAHADUR SINGH
216 JC642180M SUB MAJ & HONY LT MADHUSUDAN BISWAS
217 JC664539H SUB MAJ & HONY LT NEMI CHAND KHATI
218 JC664034M SUB MAJ & HONY LT PRITPAL SINGH
219 JC664625N SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAM DULARE
220 JC642432N SUB MAJ & HONY LT SHYAMAL KUMAR BISWAS

ARMY SERVICE CORPS (ANIMAL TRANSPORT)

221 JC681299M RIS & HONY LT AWADH KUMAR
222 JC681290X RIS & HONY LT MATTA THAVITI NAIDU REDDY
223 JC681291A RIS & HONY LT NAGENDRA PRASAD
224 JC681324A RIS & HONY LT SUSANTA KUMAR PRADHAN

ARMY MEDICAL CORPS

225 JC696636N SUB MAJ & HONY LT ARVIND KUMAR
226 JC693693K SUB MAJ & HONY LT BACHAN SINGH
227 JC696551X SUB MAJ & HONY LT DHIRENDRA PRASAD RAI
228 JC695949A SUB MAJ & HONY LT GOPAL SINGH
229 JC695897P SUB MAJ & HONY LT JAI KARAN
230 JC696578P SUB MAJ & HONY LT KESHAV SINGH
231 JC695901M SUB MAJ & HONY LT MANGE RAM
232 JC696554L SUB MAJ & HONY LT RAMA KRISHNAN V K
233 JC695747Y SUB MAJ & HONY LT SATBIR SINGH
234 JC696497P SUB MAJ & HONY LT SHRI CHAND
235 JC696500K SUB MAJ & HONY LT SRIBASH SAHA

236 JC725792H SUB MAJ & HONY LT AMBA LAL JANGID
237 JC725661X SUB MAJ & HONY LT BHOORE SINGH
238 JC725858N SUB MAJ & HONY LT BRIJ MOHAN
239 JC726393L SUB MAJ & HONY LT CHANDI PRASAD
240 JC725689X SUB MAJ & HONY LT GOPAL SINGH RATHORE
241 JC725756X SUB MAJ & HONY LT PARBAT SINGH SISODIYA
242 JC724013H SUB MAJ & HONY LT VIJENDER SINGH
243 JC730369M SUB & HONY LT M RAJEN KUMAR SINGH
244 JC727990M SUB & HONY LT PRADIP KUMAR PANDA
245 JC722336M SUB & HONY LT RUKMANI KUMAR TRIPATHI RT

CORPS OF ELECTRONICS AND MECHANICAL ENGINEERS

REMOUNT AND VETERINARY CORPS

274 JC797559L RIS MAJ & HONY LT SURENDRA PAL SINGH

THE INTELLIGENCE CORPS

275 JC810877W SUB MAJ & HONY LT CHUNI LAL SHARMA
276 JC811310M SUB & HONY LT SATISH CHANDER
277 JC811427L SUB & HONY LT YASHPAL SINGH

THE PIONEER CORPS

280 JC829445W SUB & HONY LT SHISH RAM

DEFENCE SECURITY CORPS

281 JC841406K SUB MAJ & HONY LT NAN BAHADUR
282 JC842683F SUB & HONY LT JAI BHAGWAN
283 JC842767P SUB & HONY LT SUK DHOJ GURUNG

284 TJ4692M SUB & HONY LT HAWALDAR YADAVA
285 TJ5229H SUB & HONY LT MAHAVIR SINGH RAJPUT
286 TJ5353K SUB & HONY LT NARAYAN LAL
287 TJ5180X SUB & HONY LT SRI AMRIT LAL PATEL

The government of Bhutan today rejected Chinese claims that it had conveyed to Beijing through the diplomatic channels that the Doklam area was not its territory, news agency ANI reported.

“Our position on the border issue of Doklam is very clear. Please refer to our statement which has been published on the web site of Bhutan’s foreign ministry on June 29, 2017,” ANI quoted its official sources in the Bhutanese Government as saying.

On Wednesday, China’s top diplomat on the border dispute, Wang Wenli, reportedly told a visiting Indian media delegation that Bhutan has conveyed to Beijing through the diplomatic channels that the area of the standoff is not its territory although she did not provide any evidence in support of her claim.

“After the incident, the Bhutanese made it very clear to us that the place where the trespassing happened is not Bhutan’s territory,” Wang Wenli was quoted as saying by news agency PTI.

Wang Wenli further alleged that the Bhutanese find it very strange that the Indian border troops are on the Chinese soil and claimed that her views have been gleaned from Bhutanese state media and legal blogs which have “more convincing information”.

According to ANI, its official sources in Bhutan government have firmly denied Chinese claims by pointing out that Thimphu had clearly stated its stand on this matter in a statement on June 29, 2017 which was also posted on the web site of Bhutan’s foreign ministry.

“Bhutan has conveyed to the Chinese side, both on the ground and through the diplomatic channel, that the construction of the (motorable) road inside Bhutanese territory is a direct violation of the (written) agreements (of 1988 and 1998) and affects the process of demarcating the boundary between our two countries,” the Bhutanese foreign ministry statement said.

ANI further quoted its sources as saying that the statement is clear that the agreements of 1988 and 1998 also state that both sides “will refrain from taking unilateral action, or use of force, to change the status quo of the boundary and Bhutan hopes that the status quo in the Doklam area will be maintained as before 16 June, 2017.”

India has also supported the statement issued by the government of Bhutan and pointed out that the construction of the road inside Bhutanese territory is a direct violation of the 1988 and 1998 agreements between Bhutan and China and affects the process of demarcating the boundary between these two countries.

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, August 28

India and China today agreed to “expeditious disengagement” of border personnel at Doklam, bringing to an end a tense standoff since June 16 at the plateau located at the Sikkim-Bhutan-China tri-junction.The announcement that the process of disengagement “has since been almost completed under verification” comes ahead of the September 3-5 BRICS Summit in China. Prime Minister Narendra Modi is likely to attend the annual meeting of the multi-lateral grouping.

Edit:Border standoff

Emphasising that India always maintained it is only through diplomatic channels that differences on such matters can be addressed, Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) spokesperson Raveesh Kumar said: “Our principled position is that agreements and understandings reached on boundary issues must be scrupulously respected.”(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)The MEA was responding to questions following reports quoting Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson Hua Chunying that Indian soldiers and equipment had been pulled back to the Indian side of the border and the Chinese side continued to patrol the Doklam area. “The Chinese side continues to uphold sovereignty and territorial integrity according to the historical convention,” she said.There was no mention by either side whether the construction of the road, which India objected to, would be stopped by China.The dispute leading to a face-off at the border began after Indian troops stepped on to a territory held by Bhutan, preventing a Chinese team from constructing a road near the plateau. While New Delhi said it significantly changed the status quo having “serious security implications” for it, China insisted India must pull back its troops before any discussion.Earlier, India announced that both sides maintained diplomatic communication and during these exchanges, New Delhi was able to express its views and convey its concerns and interests.The MEA said India’s policy remained guided by the belief that peace and tranquility in the border areas was an essential prerequisite to further development of bilateral relationship.Meanwhile, sources in the Indian Army said while its troops disengaged around noon, its “operational alert” across the 3,488-km-long Line of Actual Control (LAC) will continue during the month.Vigil will continue, the sources said, adding that operational moves on the Indian side would continue. China recently created a western theatre.

Concerns conveyed, says New Delhi“In recent weeks, India and China have maintained diplomatic communication in respect of incident at Doklam. We were able to express our views and convey concerns and interests… On this basis, expeditious disengagement of border personnel at face-off site has been agreed to, and is ongoing”— An MEA statementIndia has pulled back: Beijing“On the afternoon of August 28, the Indian side pulled back all Indian troops and equipment to the Indian side of the boundary and the Chinese personnel have verified this… The Chinese side will continue to exercise its sovereignty and uphold its territorial integrity in accordance with historical conventions” — Chinese spokesperson

Members participating in the Victory Run from Delhi to Dras to pay homage to Kargil martyrs on the conflict’s 18th anniversary during their flag-off from Chandigarh by former Army Chief Gen VP Malik on Saturday. Tribune photo: Manoj Mahajan

Expedition marks 18th anniversary of Kargil conflict

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, August 5

To commemorate the 18th anniversary of the 1999 Kargil conflict and pay tributes to martyrs, a victory run is being organised where 18 soldiers are undertaking a duathlon (run-cycle-run) from New Delhi to Dras in Jammu and Kashmir from July 30 to August 29.The aim is to create a world record for the longest duathlon, covering 1,400 kilometers. It was flagged off on its next leg by Gen VP Malik (retd), who was the Army Chief during the conflict, from the Chandigarh War Memorial here on Saturday.A simple ceremony was held at the memorial, where a wreath was laid in the memory of the martyrs of the Kargil War and the expedition flag was handed over to the team leader, Wg Cdr Paramvir Singh, an ultra-endurance athlete. The team includes a female member, Lt Col Lipsa.The first leg of 574 km from Delhi to Manali via Chandigarh will take 12 days. From Manali, the team will begin cycling and cover 557 km to Leh with a detour to Khardung La – the highest point on the route at 5,358m. Finally, after the only day of rest and acclimatisation at Leh, they will begin running again and cover 270 km to culminate at Dras, where the Kargil War Memorial is located.This would not only be the most challenging duathlon in the world but also the longest duathlon ever, involving steep uphill and downhill gradients, extremely hot and humid weather in the plains to cold temperature in Ladakh and the effects of the high altitude, requiring the highest levels of endurance, both physical and mental.

DGP BS Sandhu. ANI

Chandigarh, August 27

Maintaining law and order will be the top priority for the Haryana Police on Monday, when the quantum of Dera Sacha Sauda chief Gurmeet Ram Rahim Singh’s sentence will be announced, state DGP BS Sandhu said today even as the toll in Friday’s violence rose to 38.To ensure there was no repeat of violence that erupted in Panchkula last week when thousands of Dera followers gathered around the CBI court that convicted Singh in a rape case, all routes to the Sunaria jail in Rohtak, where the self-styled godman has been lodged, have been sealed.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)Addressing a press conference here, DGP Sandhu said that in Haryana, only Sirsa, where the sect is headquartered, was now under curfew.“The top priority now is to ensure that law and order is maintained when the sentencing of convicted Dera Sacha Sauda chief takes place in Rohtak tomorrow,” he said.The DGP added that the death toll in the violence that broke out in Panchkula and Sirsa after the conviction of the dera chief on Friday had risen to 38.While 32 persons died in the violence on Friday at Panchkula, six others died at Sirsa, where curfew was still in place, he said.The dera chief is now lodged in the Sunaria jail in Rohtak, where the special CBI court judge will be flown from here for the pronouncement of the sentence.On Friday, the court had convicted the dera chief in a rape case.In Rohtak, foolproof arrangements have been made and all routes leading to the jail have been sealed, DGP Sandhu said.Asked about a 35-year-old cameraman of a news channel being attacked today at Sirsa allegedly by dera followers, Sandhu said a case has been registered in this regard.He sought to assure media persons that the police will give them full protection, but urged them to take precautions when they venture out into sensitive areas. — PTI