Sanjha Morcha

Dilemma of a two-front war by Maj Gen Ashok K Mehta (retd)

Obsessed with Pakistan, India has grossly neglected the real adversary. In point-to-point skirmishes and standoffs, battle- hardened Indian soldiers will deter, if not defeat, the PLA. However, across a broad front spectrum in an unlikely all-out war, it is advantage China.

Dilemma of a two-front war
CHINA THREAT: This file photo taken on July 10, 2008, shows a Chinese soldier (L) next to an Indian soldier at the Nathu La border crossing between India and China in Sikkim. AFP

At a time when China is threatening to teach India another lesson and warning not to engage in a two-front conflict over the standoff in Doklam, our Service Chiefs, it seems, are not on the same page about fighting a two-front war especially as Beijing might try to emulate the New Delhi-Thimpu alliance in “disputed territory” with one with Islamabad in PoK. While General Bipin Rawat has more than once asserted the Army’s preparedness for a two-front war, Air Chief Marshal BS Dhanoa has highlighted the critical shortfall in the number of fighter squadrons — 32 against the required 42 squadrons — to dominate a two-front conflict, saying: “It is akin to a cricket team playing with seven players instead of 11”. The deficiency in air assets has existed for decades but this is the first time an Air Chief has related it to a two-front war. The Chief of Naval Staff, Sunil Lanba, when asked about the disparity in preparedness of the services, said: “The way national security is being handled is not commensurate with the security environment which is extremely serious at the moment”. Recently, Gen Rawat told a military audience that the military was not getting enough funds for modernisation — repeated ad nauseum by every Chief — due to the perception that expenditure on defence is a burden on the economy. This set the cat among the pigeons as Finance Minister Arun Jaitley, a regular fill-in for Defence Minister, is believed to have told Gen Rawat: “Don’t worry about funds. When you run out, call me”. In the mid-1990s, when the Naval Shipyard order books had gone dry, CNS, admiral Vijay Shekhawat went public about the Navy’s operational deficiencies, prompting Defence Minister Mulayam Singh Yadav to invite him to discuss dwindling fleet numbers. Ad hocism has become the hallmark of modernisation of the military.

Power differential

The Chinese are constantly reminding India about the power differential — military, economic and infrastructural — between them. Being obsessed with Pakistan, India has grossly neglected the real adversary. The reason for this is the institutionalised absence of strategic thinking and higher political direction of war and conflict in the face of growing threats and challenges to internal and external security. Prime Minister Modi’s boast about big  defence reforms is hollow: had he been serious about defence, he would have named a full-time Defence Minister. The appointment of a Chief of Defence Staff has not overcome the hesitation of history — read bureaucracy. The country has never produced a “Defence White Paper” or done a “Strategic Defence and Security” review. Something called the “Raksha Mantri’s Directive” masquerades as higher political direction on deterrence and war. This bit of literature drafted by the military has its origin in 1983, with periodic face-lifts to make it contemporary. The Parrikar doctrine covering surgical strikes was included in the Joint Military Doctrine, scripted by the Integrated Defence Staff, which attracted extraordinary flak from the defence community for being substandard. In its present organisation, each service essentially fights single-service combat. In the last border skirmish at Kargil, the Army’s operation was called Vijay while the IAF campaign in support was named Safed Saagar. So much for jointness.  So the Raksha Mantri’s Directive passes off as political guidance by the highest echelons of government. When I once asked a former Air Chief how he evolved his service’s span of responsibility, he replied: “Most of the time, from speeches made by the Prime Minister during the Combined Commanders’ Conferences.” Are we surprised that while President Xi Jinping who heads the Central Military Commission, has personally ordered and supervised the reorganisation of the combat formations facing India, reducing them from three commands to one command — a single Western Theatre Command headed by the powerful Gen Xhao Zongqi — the China front in India is managed by four Army and three Air commands deployed at seven locations. 

Integrated command

A forward-looking proposal made by a defence committee recommending three integrated operational commands — North, West and South instead of 17 single service commands — was shot out of hand by (no guesses) the Air Force. The CDS and accompanying Joint Staff ordered by the UK in 1984 was a fait accompli. It was introduced by a political class which understood defence and strategic security. In India, countless defence reforms are languishing for want of decision making. It is instructive to recall how the two-front strategy was formally enunciated in December 2009 by the Army Chief Gen Deepak Kapoor. It followed the 2008 Mumbai terrorist attack, after Prime Minister Manmohan Singh ordered the Service Chiefs to prepare for war. Defence Minister AK Antony then had “preparation for a two-front war” added in his Directive but did little to implement it. Both in 1965 and 1971 wars with Pakistan despite the collusive threat from China, there was no cross-border intervention by China though sizeable formations of the Eastern Command remained deployed against it and forces could not be switched to the west or east for fighting in East Pakistan in 1971. In a real two-front war, swing forces in east and west will not be able to reinforce either front and only dedicated formations will fight the war. Given the paucity in current force levels, inadequate sophistry of combat support and terrain and infrastructure handicaps, it will be an uphill task to match the PLA’s strength and versatility across a 3,488-km front of undefined borders. In point-to-point skirmishes and standoffs, battle-hardened Indian soldiers will deter if not defeat the PLA. Across a broad front spectrum in an unlikely all-out war, it is advantage China unless India is prepared to rethink its “no first use” nuclear doctrine. As an offset in the western front, Gen Rawat has suggested creating a two-front situation for Pakistan: either in Afghanistan or Iran. Doklam may go the 1986 Sumdorong Chu way; the 10-month-long standoff challenging the Chinese intrusion at Thandrong, west of Tawang over the interpretation of watershed, without a shot being fired. India need not invoke its doubtful capacity to fight a two-front war; instead, speedily augment its deterrence against China. This may not win votes for Modi but it will prevent Chinese pinpricks that he famously called “toothache”.The writer is the founder-member of the Defence Planning Staff.


More troops for Darjeeling

More troops for Darjeeling
Army men patrol Darjeeling town. An additional column of the Army has been deployed at Kalimpong. PTI

Kolkata, July 10

An additional column of the Army was today deployed in the troubled Darjeeling Hills of West Bengal, taking the number of Army columns in the hills to three.While one Army column each was deployed on Saturday at Darjeeling and Sonada, troops were today deployed at Kalimpong to prevent arson by agitators.Protesters want Gorkhaland, a separate state to be carved out of West Bengal consisting of areas falling in the erstwhile Darjeeling district (split into Darjeeling and Kalimpong districts in February this year). Responding to a call by the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), which is spearheading the movement, indefinite bandh is being observed in the hills since June 12 to press for the demand.The GJM-led coordination committee of hill-based political parties was supposed to meet on July 18 to take a fresh call on the continuance of the agitation. However, for reasons best known to the GJM leadership, the meeting of the coordination committee will  be held tomorrow.This has triggered speculation that the GJM may withdraw the indefinite strike and hold talks. At least five civilians have lost their lives till now in the agitation, the government property worth several crore has been destroyed by protesters who have been setting fire to government establishments. — TNS


On Burhan death anniv, Army holds match in his home dist

On Burhan death anniv, Army holds match in his home dist
Pinglana Warriors with the trophy in Pulwama on Saturday. Tribune photo

Tribune News Service

Srinagar, July 9

While the Valley observed a complete shutdown on the death anniversary of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani, the Army organised a series of events for the youth in volatile south Kashmir.The Army organised the final of a cricket tournament yesterday in Pulwama — the home district of Burhan Wani.The Pulwama-based Army camp conducted the final of the Sher-e-Kashmir Inter-Village Cricket Tournament on Saturday. The final was played between Pinglana Warriors and Awantipora Sports XI at the Panzgom cricket ground, an Army spokesman said. Pinglana won by 30 runs.“The game organised amid the various calls given by the separatists on the death anniversary of slain militant Burhan Wani is a reflection of the increasing trust and confidence of the locals in the armed forces, desirable and warranted to bring peace and tranquillity in the Valley,” an Army spokesman said, adding that 16 teams of Pulwama district participated in the tournament that commenced on July 1.In neighbouring Shopian and Kulgam districts, the Army organised a cricket tournament and a trekking trip for a number of youths.“Despite a shutdown, around 250 youths from the volatile areas of Kulgam and Shopian participated in the cricket and trekking events,” an Army officer said.Similar events were held by the Army in central Kashmir’s Budgam district. Victor Force GOC Major General BS Raju said the events were held despite a shutdown.“By holding these events, a message has been conveyed that a large population is not subscribing to separatists and they are ready to take their neck out and be a part of the programmes which show normalcy,” Major General BS Raju said.

‘Goodwill’ events across Valley

  • The Army also organised a cricket tournament and a trekking trip in Shopian and Kulgam districts
  • Despite shutdown, a number of youths took part in the events, showing that they too wanted normalcy, said Victor Force GOC Major General BS Raju

Army back in violence-hit Darjeeling

Angry Mamata lashes out at Centre for ‘non-cooperation’; orders probe into communal flare-up

Army back in violence-hit Darjeeling
Police personnel at the Sonada toy train railway station that was set afire during an indefinite strike called by the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha in Darjeeling on Saturday. AFP

Shubhadeep Choudhury

Tribune News Service

Kolkata, July 8

The Army was today called in, the second time in 30 days, as Darjeeling and neighbouring Sonada erupted after the body of a youth was recovered in Sonada. West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee, blaming the BJP-led Union Government for the crisis, said if enough CRPF companies had been made available to the state in time, violence would not have occurred in the hills.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)“There is total non-cooperation from the Centre”, she alleged at a press conference here. “The Union Government did send seven companies of central forces after trouble broke out in Darjeeling, but six of the seven companies had inherent limitations as these consisted of three companies each of SSB and women CRPF personnel,” she said. Pointing out that personnel of the SSB and women CRPF were not geared up for the job at hand, Mamata said this only showed that “there was a deliberate attempt” by the Centre to deny her help. She announced a judicial inquiry into the communal violence in Baduria and Basirhat in North 24 Parganas district as well as a probe to ascertain who was responsible for the death of a young man at Sonada on Friday night.Young Tashi Bhutia’s body was found at Sonada this morning with bullet wounds. The Gorkha National Liberation Front, which had earlier spearheaded the movement for Gorkhaland but was reduced to a fringe force following the emergence of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha (GJM), claimed that the deceased was one of its activists. “Another Gorkha martyred. Tashi Bhutia alias Khitta, a Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) cadre,  was last night martyred by CRPF in Sonada @ around 11 PM”, Neeraj Zimba Tamang, GNLF spokesman, posted on his Facebook page.Residents of Sonada took out a procession with Bhutia’s body and clashed with the police who used tear gas shells and rubber bullets to disperse the mob. Miscreants set afire the waiting room of the Sonada railway station — a heritage station on the Siliguri-Darjeeling toy train route. In Darjeeling, Gorkhaland supporters set ablaze an office of the ruling Trinamool Congress and clashed with the police at Chowkbazar. One person was reportedly killed in the violence.The Army was first deployed in Darjeeling on June 8 and withdrawn on June 24, much to the chagrin of the CM.


DG, BRO, visits Rohtang tunnel

Our Correspondent

MANALI, July 3

Lt Gen SK Shrivastava, Director General Border Roads (DGBR), visited both portals of the Rohtang tunnel to evaluate the current status and progress of the work. He visited south portal of the Rohtang tunnel at Dhundi on Sunday and north portal at Sissu today.He spent hours at the sites and had detailed discussions with his staff and the companies involved in the construction of the tunneling works. Brigadier DN Bhatt, Chief Engineer of Rohtang tunnel project, briefed him about the ongoing works and further steps taken to speed up the works.The DG, BRO, said the breakthrough of the tunnel would happen in October 2017. He said after the breakthrough other activities too would speed up and in this snow season, the remaining activities at north portal would be taken up from the south-end to further enhance the pace of work.


Sikkim standoff: India ‘trampled’ on Panchsheel pact, says China

Sikkim standoff: India ‘trampled’ on Panchsheel pact, says China
Indian soldiers showing a banner, asking Chinese troops to withdraw. Photo for representational purpose only. Tribune file

Beijing, July 5

Upping the ante on the Sikkim standoff, China on Wednesday accused India of “trampling” on the Panchsheel principles and asked New Delhi to “correct its mistakes” as soon as possible by pulling back troops.

(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)

China also claimed that India was “misleading the public” by saying that Chinese troops are building a road close to the Chicken’s Neck in the Sikkim sector which could endanger India’s access to its north-eastern states.

“I want to point that the relevant actions by the Indian side violated the purposes and principles of the UN Charter in defiance of the international law and international norms. As we all know, in the 1950s, China, India and Myanmar proposed the five principles (Panchsheel) of co-existence,” Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Gen Shuang told reporters here.

“However to the surprise of everyone, the Indian side trampled on the basic norms governing the international relations proposed by itself by illegally crossing into other country’s territory,” he said.

The Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence, known as the Panchsheel, are a series of principles which have formed the bedrock of the relationship between India and China. Their first formal codification in treaty form was in an agreement between China and India in 1954.

Geng said this time the Indian troops crossed the delineated boundary into the Chinese side and nature of the incident was “very serious”.

“China and India have been in contact through the Special Representatives mechanism to solve the boundary question but this incident, I believe, violates the spirit upheld by the Special Representatives mechanism and goes in contrast to the efforts made by the two countries,” he said.

China has already lodged a protest with India on this, Geng said.

“Indian border troops are still staying on the Chinese territory,” he said.

The situation is yet to be resolved and “India should pull back the troops that is precondition to avoid worsening of the situation”, Geng said.

“Troops should be pulled back as soon as possible to demonstrate the sincerity to improve bilateral ties so as create conditions for the normal development of bilateral relations,” he said.

“If the Indian side refuses to correct its mistakes in a timely fashion, how it proposes to win the trust of its neighbours and how it is supposed to play a bigger role in the international affairs,” he said.

“We once again urge the Indian side to abide by the boundary convention and respect the Chinese sovereignty and immediately withdraw the border troops and properly deal with the incident in a timely fashion,” Geng said.

The Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesperson claimed that the incident has nothing to do with the tri-junction between China, India and Bhutan.

“In disregard of the 1890 Sino-Britain convention, the Indian side said that Doklam is located within the tri- junction of the three countries, that is misleading the public,” he said.

“The 1890 convention said that the Sikkim section of the boundary commences from East mountain and the incident (of road building) took place about 2,000 metres away from Mount Gipmochi,” Geng asserted.

The Indian side is actually “misleading the public” by saying that the incident took place at the tri-junction point, Geng said, defending China’s road building which India and Bhutan have objected to.

India has expressed concern over the road-building, apprehending that it may allow Chinese troops to cut India’s access to its northeastern states.

Geng also said that besides former Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru endorsing the 1890 Sino-British convention on Sikkim in a letter to his Chinese counterpart Zhou Enlai in 1959, the Indian Embassy in a note to the Chinese government in February, 1960, also endorsed it.

“The note said that the boundary between Sikkim and China’s Tibet has already been delineated and there is no dispute about that in the map and in practice,” he said.

Quoting the note, Geng said, “The Indian government would like to add one more thing that the boundary has already been demarcated as well on the ground.”

“The above mentioned was written in black and white in the note from India,” Geng said.

Asked about Nehru, in his letter to Zhou, pointing out that Chinese maps showed Bhutanese territory as part of Chin, Geng said, “there is no such consent as you mentioned”.

The former prime minister had pointed out to China that it was claiming sizable part of Bhutan’s territory.

“It is not clear to us what exactly is the implication of your statement that the boundaries of Sikkim and Bhutan do not fall within the scope of the present discussion,” Nehru wrote in the letter to Zhou.

“In fact, Chinese maps show sizable areas of Bhutan as part of Tibet,” Nehru had said.

Geng said, “Since the illegal trespass of the border troops, both sides have expressed stern position. The fact is that the Sikkim section of the China India boundary has already been delineated.”

Since India’s Independence, the Indian government has repeatedly affirmed the fact that the Sikkim section has been delineated by this convention, he said.

Geng’s remarks come a day after, in unusually blunt remarks, China’s Ambassador to India Luo Zhaohui said “the ball is in India’s court” and it was for the Indian government to decide what options could be on the table to resolve the standoff.

Asked about remarks by official Chinese media and think- tanks that the conflict can lead to a “war” if not handled properly, the ambassador had said ,”There has been talk about this option, that option. It is up to your government policy (whether to exercise military option).”

Asked about Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s comments that not a bullet has been fired at the India-China boundary for two decades, Geng said, “I want to point settlement of the boundary serves the fundamental interests of the two sides.” “It is also a strategic target, two sides are working to achieve. We have been trying to explore ways to resolve the boundary question with in the Special Representatives mechanism and we have jointly taken measure to maintain peace and tranquillity in the border areas,” Geng said.

“What is shocking is that the India border troops entered into the Chinese side of the delineated border in the Sikkim section which is serious in nature,” he said. PTI

 

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Rs 3,800 cr spent, missiles not inducted: CAG

Rs 3,800 cr spent, missiles not inducted: CAG

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, July 28

The Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) today said Rs 3,800 crore had been spent on missiles that were yet to be inducted. Half of these missiles have absorbed moisture due to wrong storage, while 30 per cent have failed tests, it has said.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)In its report tabled in both Houses of Parliament today, the CAG said, “The strategic missile system for the IAF in the “S” sector was to be put in place between June 2013 and December 2015. Till date, however, none of the missile systems has been installed.” In December 2010, the MoD concluded a contract with BEL for the delivery of six squadrons of this missile system. Though the CAG did not give any name, this reportedly refers to surface-to-air missile Akash and the “S” sector is a description of the eastern part of the country, including a location in the foothills of Bhutan. Akash is a medium-range SAM that travels at 3,000 kmph to hit incoming aerial threats.The CAG termed it as an “abnormal delay in the creation of infrastructure required for installation of the missile. About Rs 4,000 crore has already been spent for the purpose”.The report blames the IAF and the Ministry of Defence-owned public sector giant Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL) for the delay.The missiles were received at six IAF stations between April 2014 and June 2016, after delay of six to 18 months. The, IAF released 95 per cent of the payment (Rs 3,809 crore) by March 2016, which included creation of infrastructure like storage, workshop etc.“The strategic missile system delivered by BEL was deficient in quality”, the CAG said. Of the 80 missiles received up to November 2014, 20 missiles were test fired during April-November 2014. Six of them (30 per cent) failed the test. “Missiles fell short of the target, had lower than the required velocity, besides malfunctioning of critical units,” the CAG said.So even as missiles arrived in 2014, the infrastructure to store such weapons could not be completed at any of the six sites till October 2016.The life span of missiles is 10 years from the date of manufacturing and these have to be stored in air-conditioned environment at 23°C. Between April 2014 and May 2016, the storage was in conditions that did not have that facility. “During periodic checks of missiles, it was found that there was moisture ingress in 71 missiles,” it said.“Till the missile system is commissioned, a significant part of their serviceable life would have been over, without contributing to operational readiness and its strategic purpose,” the report said.


‘30% failed test’Of the 80 missiles received up to November 2014, 20 missiles were test fired during April-November 2014. Six of them (30 per cent) failed the test. — CAG report


PLAYING CHINESE CHECKERS

A new book argues that the way to handle Sino­Indian friction is to use military power more strategically

Even when our troops are not facing off somewhere in the Himalayas, no country weighs more on India’s strategic conscious than China. India has little institutional knowledge of China. And Beijing’s decision-making is a black box. The result in India is a wide array of opinions about how best to handle the Middle Kingdom. The two authors of Dragon on our Doorstep argue the way to handle Sino-Indian friction is to use military power more strategically, using a toughened border stance to send messages to China and make peace with Islamabad. While this has pie-in-the-sky elements, the bit about Pakistan would not have been out of place in Manmohan Singh’s foreign policy.

The China policy outlined here starts with the Sino-Indian border. They argue that since Rajiv Gandhi’s time, successive Indian governments have taken away border management from the generals and handed it to the diplomats. “Consequently, all border agreements thereafter demonstrated an ignorance of military understanding and its correlation with foreign policy.” When New Delhi then opted to counter Beijing on the global stage, it sought to keep the border out of the headlines and created a fiction about its stability. In a “policy of appeasement,” they argue, Indian officials negotiated border management agreements that tied the hands of the military in an attempt to preserve an uneasy truce along the de facto border. “India’s political and military leaders, in cahoots with its diplomats, have sold falsehoods to their own people on the border issue,” the authors charge. For example, India’s claim its troops also intrude into Chinese territory is patently false and all such intrusions are ‘strictly one-sided.”

The fallout: a declining Indian military capacity. This is a specific meaning for the authors and they return to it repeatedly. According to this, New Delhi’s has come to see defence in terms of amassing weapons and a more holistic sense of military power has been allowed to wither. The army’s diversion to counter-insurgency operations, the civilian authorities unwillingness to let the military to be involved in strategic policy-making and so on have all fed into this process of atrophy. Bizarrely, the authors see even the 2003 Line of Control ceasefire as having contributed to this decline. The ceasefire, they argue, was “a masterstroke” by Pakistan because “the artillery fire was a morale booster for troops on the Line of Control.”

They also cite the Pakistani and Chinese military approvingly despite strong evidence that the former has officer-soldier problems on the battlefield while the latter is almost a business conglomerate. Linked to this, and argued on firmer grounds, is a critique of India’s state-owned defence industries with their addiction to imports and inability to make guns or even boots.

With so much malaise afflicting India’s foreign and defence policy, it is no surprise Beijing does not take New Delhi too seriously.

The proposed solutions to India’s China dilemma are daring if suspect at a time when China’s Belt-Road Initiative could decisively change the geopolitics of the continent and its successes in the South China Sea have emboldened it to become more aggressive.

They argue India has three strategic options regarding China. One is to lean towards the United States to counter China’s greater strength, but there is scepticism about Washington’s dependability. The other is to dramatically reform India’s military and boost overall capacity –easier said than done. Finally, India can simply act as if has a greater global profile and bluff its way with China as long as it can. None of these are well-defined in the book and some of the assumptions behind them are questionable. They see Russian relations as a model for India, ignoring the degree Moscow is now at Beijing’s beck and call. They see the Indo-US nuclear deal as a failure, falling into the common misconception it was actually about nuclear technology.

It is difficult to swallow the argument that “India needs to understand that the road to managing an assertive China runs through Pakistan.” Settle Kashmir and it will “open the floodgates of opportunities.” There is some logic to this. However, the authors whitewash the difficulties involved and fail to consider the likelihood that the Pakistani military will remain hostile to India despite a settlement.

Where the book hugs the Indian border or talks about the nitty-gritty of its military, it is convincing and stimulating. As it moves into the more rarefied air of diplomacy or international relations, the more fanciful it sounds. There are many gaps. It is never clear what actually motivates China’s leadership to do what it does. Pakistan’s internal drivers are also hazy. However, despite a tendency for the text to stray into unrelated areas, the book remains largely true to its larger argument and is brave enough to argue, for example, that the Armed Forces Special Powers Act is detrimental to the military.


Doklam crisis: India pushes for dialogue with China

Doklam crisis: India pushes for dialogue with China
Sushma Swaraj, External Affairs Minister

Simran Sodhi

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, July 20

India today played cautious and maintained that talks were the way forward when it came to resolving the month-old Doklam standoff. China has maintained that Indian troops need to withdraw as a pre-condition for any ‘meaningful dialogue’ to begin.Gopal Baglay, official spokesperson for the Ministry of External Affairs, today chose not to directly answer questions on the Chinese pre-condition for talks but emphasised that ‘diplomatic channels’ had not been impeded. India’s response to the situation so far has been mellow, in contrast to the Chinese posturing which has been overly aggressive.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)The spokesperson said Bhutan wants China to go back to the status quo that existed on the ground before June 16 and in essence India also wants that status quo to be restored. Speculation has been rife that differences between India and Bhutan have arisen over the Doklam crisis.“Differences between India and China should never become a dispute…We’ve said diplomatic channels are available and have been available. To the best of my understanding they have never stopped,” said Baglay when asked whether India will approach any international bodies such as the UN to intervene in the dispute.Earlier in the day, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj made a strong statement in the Rajya Sabha and demanded that China withdraw its troops for the talks to begin. “We are saying that if a dialogue is to be held, then both should withdraw (their troops),” she said. The Chinese action “is a challenge to our security”, Swaraj said, adding that India was not doing anything unreasonable.She added that foreign countries are with India. “They feel that China is being aggressive with a small country like Bhutan. Bhutan has protested, including in writing. All the countries feel India’s stand is right and the law is with us,” Swaraj added.

Beijing ‘threatens security’ at tri-junction

  • In the Rajya Sabha, External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj said China intends to unilaterally change the status of the tri-junction with Bhutan, posing a challenge to India’s security
  • On the standoff at Doklam, she referred to the written agreement between India, China and Bhutan in 2012 that the three nations would together decide on the boundaries at the tri-junction point
  • She said China had been constructing roads earlier too, but now they had brought in bulldozers and excavators. “We are saying that the matter can be resolved through talks, but both sides have to first take back their armies,” she said

PRINT MEDIA DEFENCE RELATED NEWS:::HEADLINES 20 JUL 2017

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