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Punjab, Chandigarh wake up to coronavirus-curfew disruptions Govt says efforts on for doorstep delivery of milk, vegetables in cities

Punjab, Chandigarh wake up to coronavirus-curfew disruptions

Tribune News Service
Chandigarh, March 24

The first dawn of curfew in Punjab and Chandigarh brought with it anxieties for people wondering about whether or not they would get their essential supplies such as milk. The supplies were disrupted for the most part, but attempts were being made by district administrations to start deliveries at doorstep, at least in the cities.

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Door-to-door supply of milk and vegetables was allowed in Faridkot, with the Deputy Commissioner issuing passes to vendors.

Also read: Punjab Govt clamps statewide curfew to curb spread

The Bathinda DC announced there would be no relaxation in the curfew on Tuesday in the district, but Verka would arrange door-to-door supply of milk in the city.

However, the supply of milk (including Verka) and essential items was severely affected in most parts of Punjab due to a lack of coordination between the district authorities and state government agencies responsible for supply of essential commodities.

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Moga, Patiala, and Mohali too reported disruption in the supply of newspapers and milk. As much as 12 lakh litres of milk was reported lying at the Mohali Verka milk plant alone for want of pick up.

Officials said relaxation was not being given as people in many parts of the state were not taking the curfew seriously. Relaxation for short intervals was resulting in people coming out in large numbers in public places such as parks and markets.

They said it could take a day to streamline the process of distribution of essential items.

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Chandigarh too reported similar disruptions, though newspapers were delivered in some areas.

Newspaper supply in several areas of Amritsar remained affected on Tuesday.

Vendor union leaders came at pick up points to discourage the vendors from distributing newspapers.

Milk Supply also remained disrupted in the city. Only milk vendors from the rural belt could manage to supply milk at the doorstep in parts of the city.

 


JK govt issues orders revoking Omar Abdullah’s detention Abdullah had been detained since August 5

JK govt issues orders revoking Omar Abdullah’s detention

Tribune News Service
Srinagar, March 24 

The Jammu and Kashmir government issued an order revoking the detention of former chief minister Omar Abdullah on Tuesday.

In a tweet, government spokesperson Rohit Kansal said: “Govt issues orders revoking detention of Shri Omar Abdullah.”

The National Conference leader was in detention at Hari Nivas since August 5, 2019—when Article 370 was abrogated.

Rohit Kansal@kansalrohit69

Govt issues orders revoking detention of Shri Omar Abdullah@diprjk

 In February, Omar was booked under the stringent Public Safety Act. His sister, Sara Abdullah Pilot had disputed in the Supreme Court the claim that freeing her brother will pose an imminent threat to public order.

Also read: SC notice to J-K on Sara Pilot’s plea against brother Omar’s detention

Last week, the Supreme Court had asked the Centre and Jammu and Kashmir Administration to spell out if it planned to release Abdullah.

“If you are releasing him, then release him soon or we will hear the matter on merits,” a Bench headed by Justice Arun Mishra had said.

During his detention, part of a major crackdown to prevent protest against the abrogation of Article 370, Omar grew a long beard that has dramatically changed his appearance.

Omar’s father and former chief minister Farooq Abdullah was only recently released from detention.

Omar’s political career saw him becoming the Minister of State for External Affairs during the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government in 2001-2002. He was elected as the Member of Parliament from Srinagar in 1998 and was also elected as a legislator from Ganderbal and Beerwah constituencies.


State-wise shutdowns may be only way to prepare for spike in Covid-19 | Opinion

On the one hand, shutdowns have helped in other countries. Every infectious disease model supports a total shutdown. But there are many unknowns. The virus could mutate to be less virulent as most viruses tend to.

A view of a deserted road at Hussainabad in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, during the Janta Curfew  on Sunday, March 22, 2020.
A view of a deserted road at Hussainabad in Lucknow, Uttar Pradesh, during the Janta Curfew on Sunday, March 22, 2020. (Dheeraj Dhawan / HT Photo )

In every way I can think of, India’s response to Covid19 has been exemplary. Borders have been shut early in the epidemic, public messaging has been prompt, state governments have been responsive, industry has cooperated, and the population is gearing up for a once-in-a-lifetime event.

The one shortfall has been in testing, as many public health experts have been reiterating for weeks now. Thankfully, that gap has now been bridged and we will have better eyes on the ground starting Monday when private laboratories start testing people. Yet, the question that is uppermost in the mind of every Indian, including those in the senior leadership of this country, is whether we should shut down large parts of the country, if not the whole country, for a period of time to stamp out transmission.

It’s a tough call.

On the one hand, shutdowns have helped in other countries. Every infectious disease model supports a total shutdown. Our own estimates from IndiaSIM, an agent-based model that has been constructed on Indian data over many years, suggests that a full and complete lockdown for three weeks could reduce the number of infections by as much as 80%.

But there are many unknowns. The virus could mutate to be less virulent as most viruses tend to. Killing is not part of their plan, it’s just an unintended side-effect. Also, it is possible that increased temperature and humidity may give us a break in the way that new, albeit unpublished data from Tsinghua University in China indicates, although no serious scientist would bet on it. Also, our models suggest that a shutdown would have to be at least three weeks long to have its full effect, although even a two-week full shutdown would have a partial effect.

On the other hand, a shutdown would exact tremendous economic costs across India. And it is not clear that a shutdown would work in India. On Saturday, we saw images of hundreds of thousands of migrant workers heading back to their home villages in the rural hinterland. Quite likely, they have taken the virus back with them to areas with weak health care facilities. How likely is it that they will be quarantined in their homes? Or will they be spreading the infection to their neighbours? As has often been said, all disease models are wrong, but some are useful. What we mean by that is that these are meant to guide our thinking but not meant to be followed blindly. Disease models cannot consider the impact on livelihoods or national morale. They cannot take into account the effect of hunger and despair because of a lockdown on people’s ability to withstand disease. They cannot predict challenges to law and order from an irate population that has lost hope.

What are the alternatives to a shutdown? We should certainly emphasise the main messages of social distancing, avoiding gatherings larger than 10 people and increase, rather than decrease, the availability of public transportation. We should remember to wash our hands, stay home when sick and make sure that our elderly and small children are sheltered at home. We should remember to cough into our elbows or not spit.

A state level lockdown or even stopping traffic across states is likely to be far more effective. The railways and inter-state bus shutdown that has been announced probably has the best effect of all measures, even if it inconveniences people — but the economic damage is far less than a full lock down of the country.

Covid19 is a true Black Swan event and we may have to take it on the chin. India needs at least a million ICU beds and oxygen equipment and probably half a million ventilators nationwide, in every district, to blunt the impact when it happens. We need temporary treatment of about 10,000 beds on average in every state capital and 1,000 in every district capital. But this is within India’s capacity to prepare for. We organise both the largest elections in the world and the largest immunisation campaigns. It may be better for us to prepare for mitigation at massive scale and with a population which is not hungry and impoverished.

Epidemiology would suggest a total shutdown; economics would recommend restrictions on movement and a focus on mitigation.

My own vote would probably be to take the route of state-wise shutdowns. This would allow us to rebuild the economy, maintain the public health messaging, keep social distancing, vastly expand testing and surveillance, and prepare our population for a spike in cases. That way, we will be ready when it does arrive — and it will be an opportunity for the nation to come together as one in its response.

Ramanan Laxminarayan is director of the Center for Disease Dynamics, Economics & Policy and a senior research scholar at Princeton University. The views are his own.


Indian Air Force may lease aerial refuelling tanker craft

The doors to leasing military hardware were opened for the first time last week with the government unveiling a draft policy on arms acquisition that allows the armed forces to go in for leased capability to cut down on costs associated with purchasing weapons and systems.

Indian Air Force Illyushin II-MKI with Sukhoi fighters demonstrating mid-air fuelling during the show ‘Exercise Iron Fist’ on March 8, 2016, in Pokhran, Rajasthan.

The Indian Air Force (IAF) is considering, for the first time, leasing aerial refuelling tanker aircraft to extend the reach of its fighter jets instead of a direct purchase against the backdrop of previous failed attempts to buy new tankers, two officers familiar with the move said on Sunday on condition of anonymity.

The doors to leasing military hardware were opened for the first time last week with the government unveiling a draft policy on arms acquisition that allows the armed forces to go in for leased capability to cut down on costs associated with purchasing weapons and systems.

“The IAF has made two attempts to buy tankers during the last decade-and-a-half. On both occasions, we were close to signing the deal but things fell through because of the high acquisition cost. Leasing is a good option to fill the capability gap,” said one of the officers cited above.

The IAF operates a fleet of six Russian-origin Ilyushin-78 tankers that are plagued by maintenance problems and the force urgently needs at least six more.

“We are finalising the requirements for the proposed lease of tankers to boost our in-flight refuelling capabilities. We are looking at aspects such as whether we should opt for a wet [the lessor provides crew and maintenance] or dry lease. Leasing will be a better option as our budget is under pressure,” said a second officer.

Leasing has been introduced in the draft Defence Procurement Procedure (DPP)-2020 as a new category for acquisition in addition to the existing ‘Buy’ and ‘Make’ categories in order to substitute huge initial capital outlays with periodical rental payments.

Leasing is permitted in two categories—where the lessor is an Indian entity and is the owner of the assets and where the lessor is a global entity. The provision of leasing in the draft DPP governs military equipment that is not deployed during the war—transport fleets, trainers and simulators.

“Tankers are a force multiplier and the IAF has been pressing for more inductions for the past 15 years. Finance has been and still is the issue. Leasing is a good option. It will save the flying hours of the IAF-owned aerial refuelling tanker aircraft for wars, with the leased ones doing the very substantial task of training and long ferries for exercises abroad,” said Air Vice Marshal (retired) Manmohan Bahadur, additional director general, Centre for Air Power Studies.

According to an August 2017 Comptroller and Auditor General of India report, the desired serviceability of the Il-78 fleet should have been 70% by the IAF’s own standards but it stood at 49% during 2010-16—barely half of the planes were available for missions at any given time during that period.

American (Boeing KC-46A), Russian (Il-78) and European (A330 MRTT) military contractors were expecting the IAF to float a global tender for more tankers. Israel Aerospace Industries’ Bedek Aviation Group was also looking at participating in the contest with its Boeing 767-200 multi-mission tanker transport—a conversion of the Boeing aircraft by Bedek Aviation.


82 districts under lockdown over Covid-19: What is shut and where

As the number of Covid-19 positive cases soared in the country, the government put in place stringent measures, locking down districts to check the spread of Sars-CoV-2 virus.

The government has already said that private sector workers in New Delhi must work from home this week unless they are providing an essential service. Most public transport will also be halted.

Tracking Coronavirus Outbreak: Live Updates

The 82 districts, where Covid-19 cases have been reported, are under complete lockdown. The Union Home Ministry said these 82 districts in 17 states are places from where Covid-19 cases have been under reported and are under complete lockdown, but state governments can extend the list of districts as they deem fit.

Here’s a look at what is shut where and what is not:

To carry out basic essential transactions, the Indian Banks’ Association (IBA) has asked banks to open only selective branches in areas that have been placed under lockdown.

The association asked the CEO of banks to empower their regional or zonal or circle heads to take appropriate decision in the matter. The association had earlier asked customers to use online and mobile banking channels for making their transactions.

Except Karnataka, private vehicles are allowed in states across the country. Grocery shops, fuel stations, LPG agencies, telecom services, hospitals and pharmacies are open in almost every state.

All schools, colleges, trains, inter-state bus services and offices are closed. Most of the states have also banned dine-in eateries, while some like Maharashtra and Rajasdthan have kept these open. Except Delhi and Uttar Pradesh, local bus services are also banned. 

Now, let’s take a look at measures taken by various state governments as part of national lockdown.

Delhi:

Services of Ola and Uber will not be available in Delhi till March 31 amid the lockdown announced by the state government to contain the spread of coronavirus disease Covid-19.

“Uber is complying with all Central and State Government directives related to its services for containing the spread of Coronavirus,” an Uber spokesperson said in response to a query.

An Ola spokesperson said the company “will enable a minimal network of vehicles to support essential services in cities, wherever applicable, as part of this national effort to reduce the contagion of COVID-19”.

The lockdown in Delhi will continue till March 31. The total number of coronavirus cases in the national capital on Sunday increased to 30, said the Union health ministry.

The city’s borders will remain sealed during the lockdown, but essential services related to health, food, water and power supply will continue, and 25 per cent of the DTC buses will run to transport people associated with essential services.

Uttar Pradesh:

Sixteen districts in Uttar Pradesh, including capital Lucknow, have been locked down till Wednesday amid a spurt in Sars-CoV-2 cases.

The districts where the lockdown has been enforced in the first phase are Lucknow, Agra, Gautam Buddha Nagar, Ghaziabad, Varanasi, Allahabad, Kanpur, Aligarh, Moradabad, Lakhimpur Kheri, Bareilly, Azamgarh, Meerut, Gorakhpur, Saharanpur and Pilibhit.

“I appeal to all the citizens that they should stay indoors and not venture out of their homes. Unnecessary crowding and gathering at public places should be avoided. We are standing at a juncture where even a slight laxity can prove to be harmful,” Chief Minister Yogi Adityanath said.

Maharashtra:

The state has seen highest number of Covid-19 patients in the country. Among the steps taken by the state government, all kinds of gatherings and travel are banned.

The police in Pune have passed an order restricting assembly of five or more people in the city to avoid the spread of coronavirus. The order passed under Section 144 of CrPC restricts people to assemble at one place or organise any such event/programme where five or more people’s gathering can be expected.

West Bengal:

The West Bengal government on Sunday announced lockdown in the state, including rural and urban areas, till March 27.

“The state will be on lockdown till March 27 until further orders in order to prevent the spread of coronavirus,” read the order issued by the government.

The state government announced that no public transport including taxis and autorickshaws, except for vehicles going to and from hospitals, airports, railway station, bus terminals/bus stands and good carrying food and essential commodities, will be allowed to be on streets.

Jharkhand:

The Jharkhand government on Sunday announced a lockdown in the state till March 31 in wake of the surge in coronavirus cases in the country, said government officials.

During the lockdown, the movement of all public transport is prohibited and all shops, commercial institutions, offices, factories, godowns, weekly markets will remain closed.

Odisha:

The Odisha government on Sunday suspended all inter-state bus services amid a lockdown imposed to contain the further spread of coronavirus disease Covid-19.

The inter-state bus operation to and from Odisha will remain suspended till further orders, these buses coming from other states will not be allowed to reach their destination in Odisha after 11 am on March 23, said a government order.

Similarly, no inter-state bus will be allowed to operate to other states from Odisha after 11 am on Monday.

Bihar:

The Bihar government on Sunday announced a lockdown till March 31 to prevent the possible spread of Covid-19.

Chief Minister Nitish Kumar said the lockdown is being enforced in all districts, sub-divisional and block headquarters and municipal towns. It came into effect immediately.

Kumar urged people to “extend their full cooperation” to the state government’s campaign to curb the spread of the disease.

Karnataka:

The state government on Sunday announced lockdown of nine districts and the suspension of operations of public transport all across the state.

These nine districts are Bengaluru, Bengaluru rural, Kalburgi, Mysore, Mangalore, Kodagu, Chickballapur, Dharwad and Belagavi. They will remain under lockdown till March 31.

The suspension of public transport all across the state, however, is only in place till Monday, Karnataka home minister Basavaraj Bommai said.

Haryana:

The Haryana government on Sunday ordered lockdown for seven of the state’s 22 districts, including Gurgaon and Faridabad, till March 32 and suspending all public and private transport and various non-essential services there with the positive coronavirus cases reaching 12.

According to a state government notification, issued on Sunday, the lockdown in the seven districts – Gurugaon, Faridabad, Sonipat, Panipat, Jhajjar, Rohtak and Panchkula – was enforced at 9 pm.

Testing has expanded in the country of 1.3 billion people after the number of infected people reached 396 on Sunday.

The World Health Organization has called for “aggressive” action in Southeast Asia, fearing that a major outbreak could cripple the region’s health care systems.


Claim of nation-building by the elite is suspect

Habeas corpus petitions are gathering dust since August last year. The urge to not disturb the State has not gone. But the main idea behind all this is that the judiciary and the legislature, or to be more specific, the government, should work together for the project of nation-building. It needs to be rejected. Cowardice and bullying are two sides of the same coin and they define the character of our elite.

Claim of nation-building by the elite is suspect

Apoorvanand

Professor, Delhi University

THE city flourishes when its great institutions work together,’ says the cardinal to the newspaper editor during a friendly chat in the rectory in the movie Spotlight (2015). The city in question is Boston. The cardinal is Bernard F Law and the editor, newly arrived at The Boston Globe from The Miami Herald, is Martin Baron. He politely dissents from the cardinal’s vision of civic harmony, arguing that the paper should stand alone.

The background of this interaction is the large-scale and intensive investigation by the Spotlight section of the newspaper The Boston Globe into the charges of sexual abuse by the clergy of the church. The investigation threatens to shake the foundation of the church.

The investigation is on and a party is hosted in which Martin Baron meets Cardinal Law. The cardinal starts a conversation with Martin. He doesn’t refuse. But the conversation starts and ends in a minute. The actual dialogue is as under—

Cardinal Law: If I can be of any help, Marty, don’t hesitate to ask. I find that the city flourishes when its great institutions work together.

Martin Baron: Thank you. Personally I’m of the opinion that for a paper to best perform its function, it really needs to stand alone.

This dialogue has remained etched in my mind. For the city to flourish, its great institutions need not work in tandem but they need to stand on their own, in Martin Baron’s words, ‘stand alone’.

This scene has never left me. When Ranjan Gogoi said that he had accepted his Rajya Sabha nomination to ensure that the judiciary and legislature work together for the task of nation-building, it resurfaced. Felt like telling Ranjan Gogoi that he must remember that he does not belong to the judiciary anymore. He would soon be part of the ruling political class. Second, nation-building is not the role of the judiciary.

We should be suspicious of any claim of nation-building, especially when it comes from one of the elite. They want to build the nation in their image. Cowardice and bullying are two sides of the same coin and they define the character of our elite.

The polite firmness of Martin, the editor, stumps Cardinal Law. He gives up on him. But in the case of India, our unfortunate country, every cardinal knows that there are very few Martins!

In the last few years, the dialogue between the two kept returning on several occasions. One was when the newly enthroned Prime Minister was speaking at a conference of the chief ministers and the chief justices of all high courts. At that conference, PM Modi said the judiciary should be cautious about delivering perception-driven verdicts, especially when perceptions were sourced from ‘five-star activists’.

A response, courteous and yet with candour, was what was expected from the justices. But we were too naive to nurture such hope.

Earlier at the conference, it was the then Chief Justice of India HL Dattu who described the relationship between the judiciary and the executive as that of siblings who hold each other’s hands and correct each other when needed. The judiciary, he said, was open to ‘suggestions, change and dialogue’ to improve the administration of justice.

So, this deference to the government is not an invention of Gogoi. And he would not be the last judge to disappoint us in this regard.

The scene from the film Spotlight came back when the Supreme Court threw open Court No. 1 for the Prime Minister. Gogoi had just taken the chair of the CJI. No Prime Minister had expressed such a desire, so there was no precedent of a response to such a request. Many from the legal community had expressed their uneasiness even then.

There are in the public domain dozens of articles criticising Gogoi for his judgments which were aligned with the political agenda of the ruling party. Be it the total disregard for urgency in matters of habeas corpus or reading down of Article 370, or the judgment on the purchase of the Rafale jets or the judgment on the Ayodhya dispute, the Supreme Court under the leadership of Gogoi failed the nation. But was he alone?

The arrogance that our lordships display when a commoner is before them turns into servility before the powerful. That is why Gogoi could throw Harsh Mander out of his own petition. That is the reason Gogoi could brush aside the case of the attack on Kanhaiya Kumar that was raised by Prashant Bhushan.

The attack on Kanhaiya in the Patiala Court was not a light matter. It was the Supreme Court which had taken cognisance of it and had sent a team of senior lawyers, asking them to submit a report on the happening. For some undisclosed reason, the court lost interest in it and never considered the report given by the aforementioned team.

Gogoi was still fresh in his chair. Yet, the manner in which he dismissed the request to constitute an SIT to probe the attack should have alarmed us. This is what he told Bhushan, ‘We don’t think we will flog a dead horse to life.’ Brushing aside the plea by Bhushan that ‘if this kind of incidents go unpunished… and it involves contempt of court,’ Justice Gogoi said, ‘Forget it… constituting a Special Investigation Team (SIT)… we don’t think we will.’

It was Gogoi who championed the idea of the NRC with a zeal which was hard to explain. He declared the NRC to be the base of the future of India. Even when he was in chair he declared, ‘NRC, as it will finally emerge, is not a document of the moment — 19 lakhs or 40 lakhs is not the point. It is a base document for the future — kind of a reference document to determine future claims.’

It had become very clear that the court under Gogoi had decided to be the troubleshooter for the executive. But we should not forget that Gogoi was not alone, when one by one all this was being done. And what he did continues. Habeas corpus petitions are gathering dust in the registry since August last year. The court overturned the bail given to 21 ‘anti-CAA protesters’ given by the Karnataka High Court, disregarding its observation that the police had not given conclusive evidence of their presence at the protest site and had ordered FIRs against the police officers instead. The most recent instance is the reluctance of the Supreme Court to defend the order of the Allahabad High Court, in which it had asked the UP government to remove the banners carrying the names and photographs of the anti-CAA protesters.

The urge to not disturb the State has not gone. But the main idea behind all this is that the judiciary and the legislature, or to be more specific, the government, should work together for the project of nation-building. It needs to be rejected.


Gogoi in Rajya Sabha

Gogoi in Rajya Sabha

The independence and impartiality of the judiciary hinge on whether it can keep the executive at arm’s length. Though the Constitution says that the State shall take steps to separate the judiciary from the executive, successive Union governments have chosen to disregard this Directive Principle. In February last year, the government, in reply to a question in the Rajya Sabha, had ruled out a cooling-off period for retired judges before their appointment to tribunals or commissions. This stand was diametrically opposite to the view expressed by senior BJP leader Arun Jaitley in 2012, when the UPA-II was in power. Backed by then party chief Nitin Gadkari, Jaitley had claimed that pre-retirement judgments were influenced by the desire for a post-retirement job. Both had sought a two-year gap between a judge’s retirement and his subsequent appointment by the government.

Since a political party usually has one opinion when it’s in the Opposition and a contrasting one when it’s at the helm, it’s hardly surprising that Justice Ranjan Gogoi has been nominated to the Rajya Sabha, just four months after he retired as the Chief Justice of India (CJI). In fact, there is an air of inevitability about post-retirement sinecures for those holding constitutional positions.

The Congress, which is raising a hue and cry over Justice Gogoi’s nomination, is in no position to take the moral high ground as it had itself sent former CJI Ranganath Misra to the Upper House on the party ticket in 1998. It was the Justice Misra Commission of Inquiry, set up by the Congress government months after the 1984 anti-Sikh riots, that had given the clean chit to the party and dubbed the violence as a ‘spontaneous reaction of the people at large.’ Less than two years after he retired as the CJI, Justice Misra had been appointed the first chairperson of the National Human Rights Commission by the Narasimha Rao-led Congress dispensation. A cooling-off period alone, however, can’t make the judiciary impervious to the executive’s pulls and pressures. It all boils down to following the Constitution — invoked these days at the drop of a hat — in letter and spirit.


Cries of shame No more post-retirement nominations for judges

Cries of shame

THE Chief Justice of India is ranked sixth in the warrant of precedence and he administers the oath of office to the President of India. The recent fall in prestige of a previous occupant of this high office has been singularly steep: from the majestic court room no. 1 to seat no. 104 in the sixth row of the Rajya Sabha, which erupted on Thursday in unprecedented cries of shame. A presidential nominee in the Rajya Sabha, be it Sachin Tendulkar or Raja Ramanna, normally evokes awe, and even admiration. Their entry into Parliament is a moment of celebration. But unfortunately, the oath-taking of former Chief Justice of India Ranjan Gogoi turned into an occasion for derision, with the Opposition walking out, alleging quid pro quo. The son of a former Congress Chief Minister, Gogoi cannot be a stranger to political barbs and bouquets, but this nomination has only brought disrepute to the judiciary and the legislature.

A judge’s reputation rests forever on his judgments and not in retirement sinecures. The late Arun Jaitley, while speaking in the very same Rajya Sabha as its Leader of Opposition, presciently pointed towards a grave danger: ‘The desire of a post-retirement job influences pre-retirement judgments. It is a threat to the independence of judiciary.’ Jaitley’s old concern, and Gogoi’s new controversy, ought to trigger a movement to institutionalise a permanent bar against post-retirement jobs for judges and those holding constitutional positions to avoid the ugly sight of a former Chief Election Commissioner shouting slogans or a former Comptroller and Auditor General of India rushing into the well of the House.

Union Law Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad has put up a spirited defence against allegations by the Congress of the government compromising the judiciary’s integrity by quoting copious examples of Congress’s misdemeanours. But that is no justification because it is a sad fact that the Congress had dragged pliable constitutional functionaries through all possible legal loopholes. Gogoi’s own defence is weaker still. He is blaming the controversy on some ‘lobby’ of lawyers whom he had every opportunity to expose while he presided over the judiciary. This is a new low in our lowly public life.


Tricity in lockdown till March 31 No need to panic | Essential services to continue | All non-essential establishments closed


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J&K shuts down till March 31 to fight Covid

J&K shuts down till March 31 to fight Covid

A view of deserted Jahangir chowk in Srinagar on Sunday during Janata Curfew to prevent the spread of Covid -i9. Tribune photo: Mohammad Amin War

Tribune News Service

Srinagar, March 22

Essential services

  • The department of food civil supplies and consumer affairs also issued a list of 16 essential services and commodities, which include groceries, fresh fruits and vegetables, petrol and diesel at pumps, milk and dairy products, medicines and other pharmaceuticals, banks and ATMs, and newspapers.

The UT administration on Sunday ordered shutdown of J&K beyond the ‘janata curfew’ to contain the spread of Covid.

The decision follows the announcement of declaring 16 services and commodities as essential, which can remain open during the curbs.

“In view of the need to prevent the spread of Coronavirus and to break the transmission chain, it is necessary to enforce social distancing, i.e. prevent/ minimize close contact between people,” reads Chief Secretary BVR Subrahmanyam’s order to all deputy commissioners.

Subrahmanyam directed the DCs to shutdown all establishments and services in the UT, except those essential.

An aerial view of the deserted Moulana Azad Road near Lal Chowk in Srinagar. Tribune photo

“The DCs shall issue orders under Section 144 CrPC and also under the Disaster Management Act 2005 to shutdown all establishments except those providing essential commodities/services in their district from 8 PM Sunday, March 22, till 6 pm Tuesday, March 31,” he said.

The department of food civil supplies and consumer affairs also issued a list of 16 essential services and commodities, which include groceries, fresh fruits and vegetables, petrol and diesel at pumps, milk and dairy products, medicines and other pharmaceuticals, banks and ATMs, and newspapers.

“All goods vehicles, including those carrying essential items, shall be allowed to ply during the shutdown period with proper permits and passes issued by the administration, which will make necessary arrangements for this purpose,” Subrahmanyam said.

The Chief Secretary said the district administration would also make appropriate arrangements for persons engaged in providing essential services to travel to their place of work without hindrance.

The DCs have also been directed to restrict all assemblies of more than 3 persons at public places and ensure strict implementation of these instructions with immediate effect.

The administration has asked the divisional commissioner to monitor for compliance.