The incident dates back to April 1962, when my battalion, 1st Battalion the Maratha Light Infantry, better known by its nom de guerre ‘Jangi Paltan’, was at Poona for its peace tenure after a successful deployment on the Cease Fire Line (now LoC) in the Poonch sector of J&K.
I was the youngest officer in the battalion, sporting a one star on my shoulders, which impressed no one, and as was the Army tradition, I was addressed as Mr Vijay and not by my rank!
The battalion had quickly impressed everyone in Poona, commencing with providing succour to the civil population during the Panshet Dam disaster in July 1961 and displaying its talent in ceremonial, sports and other activities.
In December, the battalion was chosen by the Southern Army Commander, Lt Gen (later General) JN Chaudhuri to capture the Portuguese Enclave of Daman, in a stand-alone operation, which was a grand success.
In early March 1962, the battalion returned to Pune, in time to celebrate the Senio Day. It commemorated the attack across the Senio river during the Italian Campaign of World War II, wherein the battalion had shown its prowess and had won a host of medals, with Sepoy Namdeo Jadhav winning the coveted Victoria Cross (VC).
Buoyed by our victory in Daman, it was decided to celebrate Senio Day on a grand scale, including organising a ‘Search Light Tattoo’. The tattoo was held in April 1962, followed by a regimental dinner in the Officers’ Mess. The Southern Army Commander was the chief guest. The piece de résistance was an enactment of the attack across the Senio river, and the cherry on the cake, marking the end of the enactment, was the spotlight on Namdeo Jadhav, sporting the VC medal on his chest.
Although General Chaudhury had earlier regretted attending the dinner, he consented to have a drink in the mess. It was a convivial evening; the setting had class; and the balmy weather of Poona added to it. It reminded me of Victorian era parties, as described in books I had read, which perhaps triggered what happened a few minutes later. When the Army Commander decided to leave, I succumbed to Dutch courage and my thoughts about parties during the Victorian era. I went up to him boldly and said: ‘Sir, no one leaves the Jangi Paltan mess after having only one drink.’ There was a sudden hush, but General Chaudhury, appearing more amused than angry, asked me to introduce myself. I blurted out that ‘I was Sir Vijay, but in the paltan I am called Mr Vijay!’ He laughed, which lightened the tense atmosphere, and said: ‘Sir Vijay, not having just one drink is also a norm in my regiment, but since I have another appointment, and Army Commanders are never late, I must go now. But I want to commend you for your boldness. Don’t lose it!’
Since then, I was known as Sir Vijay in the paltan! The values of that era, where such indiscretions, especially by junior officers, were laughed away and condoned, sadly do not exist now.
Stationed as the Defence Attache (DA) at the Embassy of India in Tokyo in the early years of this century provided me with a unique opportunity to observe China from foreign shores. An iconic Shinto shrine of Japan is the Yasukuni, in the heart of Tokyo and a cause of acrimony with China. Yasukuni honours the war dead of the country and their names are interred there, duly approved by the Emperor’s decree. In 1973, the names of officers and soldiers of the Japanese Imperial Army, who had been part of the occupation force in Manchuria in the 1930s, were also included. This created a furore in China. Most foreign dignitaries and diplomats avoid visiting Yasukuni to avoid annoying Chinese sensibilities.
Being a nationalistic shrine, in 2005, Yasukuni decided to honour the late Justice Radha Binod Pal, an Indian judge who was part of the 12-member War Crimes Tribunal, constituted in 1946 for conducting the trials of Japanese military commanders. The verdict of guilty was announced by this court with a lone dissenting judgment of Justice Pal, who felt it was a travesty of justice. This act greatly endeared the good judge to the Japanese. More than half a century later, the shrine decided to install a memorial to Justice Pal. An invite was received by the Indian Embassy to take part in the ceremony, and clearance from the MEA in Delhi was obtained.
The honouring of Justice Pal was a great event and one felt proud. Unknown to me, there were prying eyes at work! As the DA, I was responsible for organising visits by Japanese service chiefs to India. In the first half of 2006, the chiefs of all three Japanese Self-Defence Forces visited India in quick succession. This was unusual, as pointed out by an MEA official. However, these were routine reciprocal visits by service chiefs who somehow got bunched up due to frequent rescheduling and there was nothing further to it.
We were nearing the end of our tenure in Japan and decided to visit China on a short holiday. Just a few days before we were to depart, I received a telephone call from the DA at the Swiss Embassy in Tokyo who was known to me and spoke Mandarin. He mentioned that there was a none-too-laudatory reference to me in the Chinese newspapers which he had perused that morning and that he would send these across along with an English translation. The newspapers arrived at the embassy. I read them with mixed feelings! The gist of it was ‘… an unholy military alliance is emerging between Japan and India and the Indian DA in Tokyo is the lynchpin for this. He led a large Indian delegation last year to the Yasukuni shrine to inaugurate a memorial to an Indian judge who did not want to punish the Japanese war criminals. The DA was also responsible for the visits by Japanese army, navy and air force chiefs to India within a span of few months…’
Considering the notoriety I had achieved, I decided on discretion being the better part of valour and set in motion the process for cancelling our bookings for Beijing
Global response to China Nations are coming together for the strategic containment of its ambitions
Unyielding: China had not bargained for the determination of the Indian Government and armed forces to fiercely resist its territorial ambitions in Ladakh.
G Parthasarathy
Chancellor, Jammu Central University & former High Commissioner to Pakistan
The strength and resilience of a country are determined by the courage and fortitude its people manifest, when they face challenges, or are threatened. The people of India faced their most serious challenge when the country was engulfed, in 1918, by a deadly flu pandemic, in which an estimated 14-17 million people died. Over a hundred years later, India, like the rest of the world, is facing a similar challenge from the coronavirus pandemic. This pandemic has been accompanied by a serious military intrusion by China. Under Xi Jinping’s leadership, China is seeking to become a dominant power in the world. China often uses its military muscle to fulfil its territorial ambitions, across its entire Asia-Pacific neighbourhood. What China had evidently not bargained for, is the determination of the Indian Government, armed forces and people to fiercely resist its territorial ambitions in Ladakh.
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar and his Chinese counterpart Wang Yi met in Moscow recently to urgently address issues pertaining to border tensions. The main decision which emerged was that both sides would avoid any action that could escalate tensions, while abiding by their past commitments and agreements to maintain peace along their border. The actionable part was that the army commanders of India and China would soon meet to continue their dialogue and pull troops back. This Chinese incursion was accompanied by crass jingoism, threats, bluff and bluster in the Chinese media against India, voiced by the Chinese Communist Party’s international mouthpiece, the Global Times.
China’s tantrums became sharper after the implications of India’s counter-moves across the Pangong lake sank in. After taking control of the high mountain tops in this region, the Indian Army has positioned itself to block Chinese forces which challenge its access to the Depsang area and the Daulat Beg Oldie airfield. India can now freely move across the region, as it has in the past. New Delhi is ready for a dialogue between military commanders. China, however, has serious issues it has to address, on its side. Areas which it now controls will be largely submerged by the coming winter snow, which commences in October. Unlike their Indian counterparts, who have lived through winter in Siachen, the Chinese do not have similar battle experience. There should be no question of any withdrawal from areas that India now controls in Ladakh, till China agrees to exchange maps on the exact location of the LAC, and serious negotiations for resolving the border issue make headway.
Then PMs Manmohan Singh and Wen Jiabao concluded an agreement in 2005 on the ‘Political parameters and guiding principles for settlement of the India-China boundary question’. The agreement noted that the ‘boundary should be along well-defined and easily identifiable natural geographical features, to be mutually agreed upon by the two sides’, and that the two sides ‘shall safeguard the interests of their settled populations in border areas’. China refuses to define the contours of the LAC that it claims to respect. It uses this ambiguity to its advantage by laying down arbitrary claims to territory without any sound historical basis, or evidence.
It is equally important now for India to make use of the fact that there is growing international concern at China’s arrogance. Unlike his predecessors, President Xi Jinping enjoys an aggressive display of economic and military muscle. China ignores international conventions and seizes, or seeks to seize, control of maritime areas of its neighbours across the South China Sea. It also behaves aggressively on territorial issues with Japan and Taiwan. Remembering its humiliating defeat, when it invaded Vietnam in 1979, China is particularly harsh in threatening Vietnam, whose ships are accosted regularly, on what are Vietnamese waters. ASEAN countries have now joined hands and demanded that China should abide by the UN Convention of the Law of the Seas, which it has been found guilty of violating by an international tribunal, whose verdict it rejected. Foreign Minister Wang Yi had a hard time when his hosts in European countries he visited recently, including Germany, France, Norway, Italy and the Czech Republic, expressed concerns on issues ranging from human rights violations in Xinjiang and Hong Kong, to Huawei’s 5G ambitions.
China’s focus on relations with India is predominantly aimed at redrawing its borders, while marginalising Indian influence regionally and globally. It has also sought to exploit India’s rule-based trade and investment policies. Developing countries across Asia and Africa are now finding that they are unable to repay credits (described as ‘aid’) extended by China. They are then compelled to grant China access to their mineral resources, electrical power, and ports for military use. Across our Indian Ocean neighbourhood, such fears are rampant in countries ranging from Tanzania, Kenya and Ethiopia to the Maldives, Sri Lanka and Myanmar. New ‘enthusiasts’ for Chinese assistance, like the Oli regime in Nepal, will soon be compelled to join those already disillusioned about Chinese aid. China’s much-touted One-Belt One-Road project, which includes CPEC, is turning out to be a white elephant. Despite this, China will continue its policies of backing Pakistan militarily, economically and diplomatically on the Kashmir issue. India has no choice but to deal with these challenges.
A key element in India’s strategy to deal with Chinese assertiveness and territorial expansion is the formation of Quad, comprising Australia, Japan, the US and India. China is already showing signs of concern and nervousness at this development. Quad should associate Vietnam and Indonesia in its maritime security activities. It should also have a European dimension, through a close association with France. Strategic containment of China’s ambitions requires a significant measure of global cooperation.
The Chinese don’t believe any more in the Maoist doctrine that power grows out of the barrel of the gun. That was too crude a formulation, fit only to mobilise an illiterate peasantry. Some power also comes through talking to someone else who is powerful enough. India needs to convince China that it is powerful enough to create problems for the latter
M Rajivlochan
Historian
There are a few things about China that India needs to remember as it stares down the greatest power in Asia. China does not believe in any boundaries or maps created by the imperialist West which simply means that it will not agree to any map that came into being because of the imperial British, though the map may have been researched and drawn by an Indian working for the Geological Survey of India.
Throwing maps at China on the negotiating table has gained nothing in the past and will gain nothing in the future. Guided by historian Sarvepalli Gopal, the foreign policy makers used maps for over a decade to convince China to keep out of Tibet and Arunachal Pradesh. It did not work. Gopal was one of the most accomplished Indian historians, brought back to head the historical division of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Incidentally, he was also the son of Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan and one of my teachers. His young colleague in this failed enterprise to convince China, Parshotam Mehra, would later head the department of History at Panjab University, where he could not persuade anyone to become either a China specialist or a specialist in Central Asia. One of their key tasks was to collect evidence about India’s border with China and help demarcate it. China refused to acknowledge such knowledge of colonial provenance, walked into the plains of Aksai Chin in eastern Ladakh and into the mountain valleys in the eastern reaches of the Himalayas.
The second thing to remember about China is that, like the now dead-and-gone Union of Soviet Socialist Republics that was headed by Russia, it claims that it does not believe in or practise imperialism. Imperialism is a product of the capitalist West and abhorred by the Soviets and the communists. In reality, in the name of spreading the Soviet form of government, Russia managed to occupy and colonised some 30 nationalities in the early 1920s. Millions were killed. Some regions, like the mountainous Chechnya, lost almost 90% of their population. Thousands kept getting killed for the next seven decades before the USSR was wound up. China’s expansion of influence beyond the river valleys of its south is much akin to the creation of the USSR but with a significant difference — these territories, speaking diverse languages, economically interdependent, were connected through a broad Buddhist-Confucian thought, much like the historical nation of India, connected with what broadly can be called Buddhist-Hindu ideas.
Which brings us to the most important third point: that having shunned Western imperialism and capitalism, China firmly believes in and practises the age-old principle that has been followed on a small-scale before the British colonised us. That principle continues to live with us in many forms. In north India, it is summarised as ‘might is right’ or jiski lathi uski bhains. Of course, the Chinese do not believe any more in the Maoist doctrine that power grows out of the barrel of the gun. That was too crude a formulation, fit only to mobilise an illiterate peasantry. Some power also comes through talking to someone else who is powerful enough. Which means that India needs to convince China that it is powerful enough to create problems, were China to persist with what India considers is bad behaviour.
Some power for the Chinese also comes from occupying the Himalayas and the 2.5 million square km of the cold desert plateau of Tibet, south-west of the Chinese river valleys. Today, the Chinese are industrially strong, have invested in research, continue to invest in translational research, and hope to become world leaders in artificial intelligence (AI) by 2025, which is what makes them physically capable of holding on to the Tibetan plateau, irrespective of the wishes of India or the Dalai Lama.
India’s problem with China starts only when China moves south of the Tibetan plateau, into the territory of the south-flowing rivers, as it has been doing since 1951. For, this land, south of Mount Kailash, has been part of the historical nation of India which speaks hundreds of languages, follows different social customs and cultural practices, but is still considered one nation.
Strategists have still not pointed out that the compulsions of democracy, the constant needling by the Congress and the press, have ensured that the government in India does not have the option any more to allow China to occupy any portion of the south-flowing rivers.
In a sense, by pushing southwards, first at Burtse in September 2015, then at Doklam in 2017, China signalled its plan for enhanced military control of the Tibetan plateau. The Burtse stand-off in northern Ladakh lasted all of five days. The face-off at Doklam lasted almost three months after which the Chinese backed off only to return a year later. Few in India, other than the specialists, talked of these developments. The occupation of the banks of the Pangong lake this year has caught the public imagination. The stone-age clash in the Galwan valley only firmed up public interest.
Such public interest and the logic of winning the next election were something which the Chinese had not factored into their strategic calculations.
They also made a serious miscalculation about the industrial and military strength of India. India does not have the strength to win any large-scale war with any country. But it has always had the capacity to give a befitting riposte. In this face-off, it took India just a few weeks to amass over 50,000 troops, fully operational, against the Chinese.
Moreover, India sent clear signals that it would not hesitate to escalate matters and was willing to challenge the Chinese in the air and the sea.
This was a very different India from the one adept at getting conquered, so long as it was allowed to survive. ‘Be like grass, bend before the wind’, was a popular saying in Punjab till recently.
This India is willing to invest time, money and mental energy in defending itself and ensuring dignity for its people. What also goes in its favour are two little appreciated facts. First, India has a young population, is rebooting itself to overthrow the tentacles of mediocrity that have held it back. Second, economic forecasts project that China’s growth will slow down during the next 10 years, from 6.1% in 2019 to 3% in 2030. It means that the costs to China for a sustained face-off with India become so much more. If India were to keep working for getting the Chinese out of Aksai Chin and also push for the independence of Tibet, the costs begin to escalate in ways that are favourable to India.
Honey-trapped, Rewari man held for ‘passing’ military info to Pakistan through social media
Military Intelligence Lucknow and STF Haryana on Thursday arrested a civilian employee of Military Engineering Services (MES) in Rewari, Haryana.
Sanjay Yadav
Gurugram, September 17
The STF, Haryana, in collaboration with Military Intelligence, Lucknow, have arrested a civilian employee of Military Engineering Services (MES) posted in Jaipur from Dharuhera in Rewari late last night for allegedly passing classified information to Pakistani Military Intelligence unit after allegedly getting honey-trapped on Facebook.
Interrogation is under way and an FIR has been registered at Dharuhera police station in Rewari district.
According to the STF, the accused is deployed at the military engineering wing’s multi-tasking staff (MTS) in Jaipur and he was allegedly passing secret information to a Pakistani intelligence agency through social media. Sources claim that he was honey-trapped.
Following a tip-off from Military intelligence, Lucknow, inspector Anand Yadav of STF conducted a raid late last night and arrested 30-year-old Mahesh Kumar from Dharuhera bus stand when he was returning home by bus from Jaipur.
He was reportedly in touch with operatives of Pakistani Military Intelligence unit for two-and-a-half years and has received money on multiple occasions. Examination of his mobile device and his joint interrogation are in progress.
“We have registered case with Rewari police. The Military Intelligence tipped us off. He was passing information but any further details can’t be shared, “said B Satheesh Balan, IG of STF, Haryana.
“The accused was nabbed by STF but now our CIA unit is interrogating him to find out more information and his modus operandi. We took him on remand and probe is on,” said Abhishek Jorwal, SP, Rewari.
Number of COVID-19 cases in Army, Navy and IAF are 19,839: MoS Shripad Naik
The number of COVID-19 cases in Army, Navy and Air Force are 16,758, 1,365 and 1,716 respectively, Minister of State for Defence Shripad Naik said in a written reply in Lok Sabha on Wednesday.
The number of deceased due to COVID-19 in Army and IAF are 32 and three, respectively and nil in Navy.
All deaths while in service have been awarded terminal benefits, he said.
Govt permits up to 74 pc FDI under automatic route in defence sector Foreign investments subject to scrutiny on grounds of national security
The government has permitted foreign direct investment (FDI) of up to 74 per cent under automatic route in the defence sector with a view to attracting overseas investors, according to a press note issued by the DPIIT on Thursday.
However, foreign investments in the defence sector would be subject to scrutiny on the grounds of national security and the government reserves the right to review any foreign investment in the sector that affects or may affect national security, the Department for Promotion of Industry and Internal Trade (DPIIT) said in the note.
As per the current FDI policy, 100 per cent overseas investments are permitted in the defence industry — 49 per cent under the automatic route, while beyond that government approval was required.
According to the Press Note 4 (2020 series): “FDI up to 74 per cent under automatic route shall be permitted for companies seeking new industrial licences.”
It also said infusion of fresh investment up to 49 per cent, in a company not seeking industrial licence or which already has government approval for FDI in defence, shall require “mandatory” submission of a declaration with the defence ministry in case change in equity/shareholding pattern or transfer of stake by existing investor to new foreign investor for FDI up to 49 per cent, within 30 days of such change.
Proposal for raising FDI beyond 49 per cent from such companies will require government approval, it added.
“The decision will take effect from the date of FEMA (Foreign Exchange Management Act) notification,” it said. — PTI
Border standoff: India says China should work with it for complete disengagement in eastern Ladakh MEA refers to consensus arrived at September 4 and September 10 meetings
An army convoy carrying military material on its way to Ladakh amid border tension with China, at Manali-Leh highway, on Thursday, September 17, 2020. PTI
New Delhi, September 17
India on Thursday said China should sincerely work with it for complete disengagement of troops at the earliest from all friction areas, including Pangong lake, and take steps to de-escalate the situation in eastern Ladakh.
External Affairs Ministry Spokesperson Anurag Srivastava said India hoped the Chinese side would strictly respect and observe the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and not make further attempts to “unilaterally” change the status quo.
At a media briefing, the MEA spokesperson also referred to the consensus arrived at separate meetings between defence ministers and foreign ministers of the two countries in Moscow on September 4 and September 10, respectively.
“There was consensus between the ministers of the two sides, during both the meetings, that there should be quick and complete disengagement of troops from all friction areas along the LAC,” Srivastava said.
“Both sides should, therefore, focus on easing tensions in the friction areas by refraining from any actions that may lead to an escalation in the situation. This requires strict adherence to the bilateral agreements and protocols and not making unilateral attempts to change the status quo,” he said. — PTI
Over 400 youths inducted into Army’s Punjab Regiment The jawans took oath on the Guru Granth Sahib and the Bhagwad Gita
The jawans took oath on the Guru Granth Sahib and the Bhagwad Gita. Image only for representational purposes.
Ramgarh (Jharkhand), September 18
As many as 404 youths have been inducted into the Army’s Punjab Regiment in Jharkhand’s Ramgarh district.
The induction programme was held at the Kilahari Drill Square in the Punjab Regimental Centre here on Thursday, a statement said.
The jawans took oath on the Guru Granth Sahib and the Bhagwad Gita, after undergoing a nine-month training programme, it said.
The centre’s deputy commandant, Colonel Tarun, congratulated the jawans and asked them to follow the gallant traditions of the Punjab Regiment and the Indian Army. PTI
The induction programme was held at the Kilahari Drill Square in the Punjab Regimental Centre here on Thursday, a statement said.
The jawans took oath on the Guru Granth Sahib and the Bhagwad Gita, after undergoing a nine-month training programme, it said.
The centre’s deputy commandant, Colonel Tarun, congratulated the jawans and asked them to follow the gallant traditions of the Punjab Regiment and the Indian Army. PTI
A Rafale jet at the induction ceremony in Ambala. | Photo: Praveen Jain/ThePrint
Ambala: The operational induction of Rafale into the Indian Air Force (IAF) is an “important step” in the wake of the border tensions, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh said Thursday in a reference to the ongoing crisis at the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China.
Singh called it a strong message for the world, especially for those who challenge India’s sovereignty.
On Thursday, the French-made Rafale jets were inducted into IAF’s Squadron No. 17, also known as Golden Arrows, in Ambala, which is home to the first squadron of Rafale fighter jets.
“The induction is a very important step in light of the prevailing security conditions that prevail, or I would say, that have been created along India’s borders,” Singh said in an address to IAF personnel at the Ambala Air Station.
French Minister of Armed Forces Florence Parly and IAF chief Air Chief Marshal R.K.S. Bhadauria also attended the induction ceremony.
Singh said the IAF plays an important role in maintaining military deterrence and their actions will be decisive in any future war. “While the prevailing situation on our boundaries has caught our attention, we should not ignore the threat of cross-border terrorism,” he added.
IAF chief Bhadauria said the Rafale aircraft can rapidly access all areas of interest due to its deployment.
“What we see is a result of decisive action by the government to break the impasse over the MMRCA deal. Today, the Rafale has been operationally inducted. We are good to go,” he added.
Singh congratulated IAF personnel for the swift and decisive action taken by them near the LAC recently. He said the rapid deployment of IAF assets at forward bases created a trust that our Air Force is fully prepared to meet its operational obligations.
The defence minister reiterated the resolve of not compromising India’s sovereignty and territorial integrity under any circumstances, and the country’s determination to make all possible preparations for it.
“The intentions of military are as strong as it can be,” he said.
Singh said strengthening India’s defence is aimed at achieving international peace and stability, adding it does not want to take any step that can endanger international peace.
“We have the same expectation of our neighbours and other countries of the world.”
Rafale has flown in Leh, completed bombing practice
IAF sources told ThePrint the Rafale has completed bombing practice in various test fire ranges across the country and also carried out high-altitude flying in Leh since landing in India on 29 July after a 8,500-km journey from Merignac in France.
“The aircraft has been operationally inducted. The Rafale has test fired the MICA and carried out flying with other fighters in the inventory. The Rafale has also flown in Leh as part of the high altitude flying,” a source said.
On Thursday, the Rafale was given a water cannon welcome as Defence Minister Rajnath Singh and his French counterpart stood watching.
The defence minister described the Rafale as a “game changer”, which is armed with the Meteor air-to-air missiles besides the long range air-to-surface Scalp missile and the Hammer.
At the ceremony, the fighter carried out aerobatics to show off its flying capabilities. There was also a multi-faith prayer that was conducted for the aircraft that was procured under a Rs 59,000 crore government to government deal in 2016.
Another set of four Rafale fighters jets are expected to land in the country by the end of October.
The mean machine
This is the first foreign induction by the IAF in 23 years into its inventory of seven types of fighters.
Known as a 4.5 generation aircraft, the Rafale is considered to be one of the finest fighters in the world and is described as an ‘omnirole’ aircraft. This means the Rafale can take up several missions on a single flight.
With its avionics, radars and weapon systems, the Rafale is the most potent aircraft in the South Asian region, much ahead of the F-16s that Pakistan uses or even the JF-20, the 5th generation Chinese ‘stealth’ aircraft, which is yet to see combat.
Rafale are combat-proven having flown multiple missions in Afghanistan, Mali, Libya, Iraq and Syria.
Making the IAF Rafale more potent than the others of the same make is the fact that the 36 aircraft to be inducted into the IAF will also have 13 Indian specific enhancements. These will be integrated once the full delivery is done by 2022.
The enhancements include Israeli helmet-mounted display, ability to start in very cold and high altitude areas like Leh, among others.
With the MBDA-made Meteor missile, the jet would be able to shoot down an enemy aircraft, even if over 100 km away, without even crossing the Indian air space. This is the highest range of an air-to-air missile in the region.
The 1,300 kg, 5.1 metre-long Scalp can be carried in either one-missile or two-missiles configuration on the Rafale and has a range of 600 km. The IAF has also opted for the French HAMMER air-to-ground precision-guided weapon system under emergency procurement.
With a range of 3,700 km without mid-air refuelling, Rafale comes with a 10-tonne empty weight. It is fitted with 14 hard points and five of these are capable of drop tanks and heavy ordnance.
The total external load capacity is 9.5 tonnes, which means the Rafale can lift the equivalent of its own empty weight in payloads, which makes it very efficient. With a maximum speed of nearly twice the speed of sound, the landing ground run is 450 metres without drag-chute.
The twin-seater trainer version of the Rafale came with initials ‘RB’ on its tail, standing for the initials of Air Chief Marshal Rakesh Bhadauria, the IAF chief. It was a tribute to Bhadauria for working out the Rafale deal as the force’s deputy chief earlier.
