Chandigarh, September 22

Groups based in Pakistan reportedly used a drone to drop weapons inside the Indian territory near Khalra village in Tarn Taran district earlier this month, violating Indian air space. The arms were believed to be meant for terrorists in Punjab or Kashmir, Punjab DGP Dinkar Gupta told The Tribune. He said it was the first incident of its kind.

The police had last week arrested 10 persons in Tarn Taran following a mysterious blast. The DGP said the drone incident coincided with the busting of a terror module with the arrest of four persons affiliated with the now revived Khalistan Zindabad Force (KZF) which was backed by a Pakistan and Germany-based terror organisation. Five AK-47 rifles, pistols, satellite phones and hand grenades were seized from the module members.

After initial investigations revealed that drones were being used to deliver weapons and communication hardware from across the border, the Punjab CM approached the Centre, asking that directions be issued to the IAF and BSF for counter-measures to thwart any threat from drones to the border state.

DGP Gupta said weapons were suspected to have been delivered across the border via drones by the ISI and the state-sponsored jihadi and Khalistani outfits under its command. The infiltration seemed to have been aimed at scaling terrorism and militancy in J&K, Punjab and the Indian hinterland.

Gupta said the busted module was backed by Pakistan-based KZF chief Ranjeet Singh alias Neeta and his Germany-based associate Gurmeet Singh alias Bagga  alias Doctor. With the help of local sleeper cells, they had  picked and radicalised locals and arranged funds and sophisticated weapons from across the border.

The arrested were identified as Balwant Singh alias Baba alias Nihang, Akashdeep Singh alias Akash Randhawa, Harbhajan Singh and Balbir Singh. Both Akashdeep and Baba Balwant Singh have a criminal record. The DGP said Maan Singh, now lodged in the Amritsar jail, at the behest of his handler Bagga had recruited Akashdeep Singh, when they were together in jail. Consignment recipient Baba was a Babbar Khalsa International (BKI) member, earlier arrested under the UAPA and Arms Act. Importantly, the Jammu police too had claimed some weeaks ago that three terrorists in Jammu had received a consignment of weapons from Punjab. The Punjab Police had confirmed the claim.

WEAPONS SEIZED

• 5 AK-47 rifles with 16 magazines and 472 rounds of ammunition
• 4 China-made .30 bore pistols, 8 magazines & 72 rounds of ammo
• 9 hand grenades, 5 satellite phones with the ancillary equipment
• 2 mobile phones, 2 wireless sets and Rs 10 lakh fake currency notes

New Delhi, October 6

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh will on Tuesday perform ‘Shastra Puja’ (worship of weapons) on the occasion of Dussehra after receiving the first of 36 Rafale jets in the French port city of Bordeaux, officials said.

After performing puja, he will take a sortie in the aircraft, they said.

Singh has been performing ‘Shastra Puja’ for last several years, including during his tenure as the Union Home Minister in the previous NDA government.

The defence minister will leave for Paris on a three-day visit on Monday, primarily to receive the first Rafale fighter jet on Tuesday—the foundation day of the Indian Air Force as well as the day when Dussehra will be celebrated.

Singh will perform ‘Shastra Puja’ after receiving the first Rafale fighter jet at Merignac suburb of Bordeaux on Tuesday. After performing puja, he will take a sortie in the aircraft, the officials said.

Before leaving for Bordeaux on the morning of Tuesday, Singh will meet French President Emmanuel Macron in Paris and is expected to discuss issues relating to defence and security ties between the two countries.

The ceremony to hand over the Rafale jet will take place at a facility of Dassault Aviation, the makers of the aircraft, in Merignac of Bordeaux, which is at a distance of around 590 km from Paris.

Though Singh will receive the first of the 36 Rafale jets on Tuesday, the first batch of four aircraft will come to India only by May next year.

“The defence minister will participate in the Rafale handing over ceremony at Merignac along with French Minister of Armed Forces Florence Parly. He will also perform the Shastra puja on the auspicious occasion of Vijayadashami and fly a sortie in the Rafale fighter aircraft,” Defence Ministry Spokesperson Bharat Bhusan Babu said.

Later Singh will hold the annual defence dialogue with Parly during which both sides will explore ways to further deepen defence and security ties.

On October 9, Singh will address the CEOs of leading French defence firms during which he is likely to urge them to participate in the “Make in India” in defence sector in India, Babu said.

Singh is also likely to invite them to the DefExpo to be held in Lucknow from February 5 to 8 next year.

Defence and security ties between India and France were on an upswing in the last few years.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi visited France in August during which both sides resolved to further enhance the already close defence ties.

Sources said a high-level team of the Indian Air Force is already in France to coordinate with the French officials on the handing over ceremony.

India had signed an inter-governmental agreement with France in September 2016 for procurement of 36 Rafale fighter jets at a cost of around Rs 59,000 crore.

The aircraft is capable of carrying a range of potent weapons and missiles.

The IAF has already completed preparations, including readying required infrastructure and training of pilots, to welcome the fighter aircraft.

The sources said the first squadron of the aircraft will be deployed at Ambala air force station, considered one of the most strategically located bases of the IAF. The Indo-Pak border is around 220 km from there.

The second squadron of Rafale will be stationed at Hasimara base in West Bengal.

A number of IAF teams have already visited France to help Dassault Aviation incorporate India-specific enhancements on-board the fighter aircraft.

The Rafale jets will come with various India-specific modifications, including Israeli helmet-mounted displays, radar warning receivers, low band jammers, 10-hour flight data recording, infra-red search and tracking systems among others. — PTI

Very few are aware that the Indian Army follows a principle akin to corporate social responsibility (CSR). It is done all over the areas of responsibility where it is deployed operationally.

That is true for the Northeast and J&K where it has experienced varying levels of insurgency like conditions, also termed terrorism or proxy hybrid war.

During the height of the Punjab insurgency in the 80s and early 90s, my unit ensured that we did our bit for the local people in the vicinity of the deployment area. The usual favourite was construction of playing fields for educational institutions to get the youth to play; we even provided sports items from meagre funds that were available.

Also, it was broadly understood that army units had the energy, organisational capability, positive thinking and goodwill to do something for the local people.

This principle of winning hearts and minds (WHAM) through created opportunities of fraternisation and deployment of some resources came from the experience of the British Army, which used this extensively during the Malaya campaign.

The rationale for it was simple. In low-intensity conflict situations or asymmetric warfare, it’s the local populations which suffer the maximum because neither can normal lives be led nor proper governance be brought to bear.

The Army targets the insurgent or terrorist but invariably and unintentionally the population gets affected with respect to its normal routine of life, self-esteem and dignity when homes have to be repeatedly searched or movement curbed.

All this gets the population against the Army. Hence the need to make up for these privations and also assist in some aspects of development, which has been lost due to the inability of the civilian administrators to reach the remote areas or even nearer ones due to persistent threats.

In 1997, a landmark decision was taken to launch a scheme called Operation Sadbhavna. The government provided a higher quantum of funds than before with which meaningful welfare could be organised for the affected population.

Four broad areas were selected for initial focus—education, medical aid, small-scale infrastructure and national integration. More domains were added later, including woman empowerment. In J&K the Army set up 43 Goodwill schools; they play a crucial role in providing quality education to the affected population.Through the medical aid schemes, medicines were provided for the conduct of medical camps in remote areas. Local doctors along with those of the Army attended to patients under the security provided by the Army.

It is to the Army’s credit that as part of small-scale infrastructure the first provisions for toilets for female children were made in government schools, under Sadbhavna.

Excursions for children, women, elders and other categories from time to time were organised to other parts of India to showcase progress and let the people aspire for the same in their areas through pursuit of peace.

Unfortunately, Sadbhavna is still tied down by too many bureaucratic procedures of accountability making it an unpopular pursuit for Army units who had to do both, fight the terrorist and look after the welfare of the population to prevent it from supporting the terrorist. Most units did not take this as a part of their professional responsibility, which by doctrine it is.

The success of Sadbhavna was essentially at the tactical level, except a few projects such as the Kashmir Premier League cricket tournament which helped stage 390 matches in three months and helped stave off a lot of street turbulence in 2011.

People who are unaware of the essence of counter-terror operations are today questioning the worth of Sadbhavna, not realising that it never had any strategic goals, only tactical ones to help the Army’s units conduct what is generically also called military civic action (MCA) and is an essential part of such ops conducted as part of asymmetric warfare.

The need is actually felt of taking MCA to a strategic level but be executed by many other agencies of the government in what is often referred to as ‘all of government approach’ to become one of the major prongs of countering hybrid conflict.

This will also enable outreach and engagement by the government in the manner done by the Army. Townhall kind of interactions with the population in different parts of the state with government officials willing to listen more than speak, even as medical and veterinary camps are conducted at the same site.

Post-August 5, 2019, there are quarters which feel that nothing needs to be done for the welfare of a population in Kashmir which has responded only through stone-throwing at our forces and support to terrorists.

This attitude is devoid of rationale and smacks of a lack of understanding of the larger social issues in a hybrid conflict zone. Stamina and will to persist are a must among the forces and the government servants if we have to effectively fight Pakistan’s proxy conflict in Kashmir. This is all a game of patience.

If Pakistan has the stamina to keep us engaged in a long war by a thousand cuts, it is absolutely incumbent that we must display the stamina to stem that offensive whether it takes a year, 10 years or 50.

So while the government of India effectively proceeds to unravel and dismantle the ecosystem of devious networks through its correctly perceived strategy, it must simultaneously continue to work on WHAM at a strategic level. The Army must never think of giving up on Sadbhavna which has helped maintain balance in its relationship with the people. Not for nothing is the population the centre of gravity of an asymmetric warfare campaign; always has been and will always remain so.

In a bid to encourage the participation of startups in the bidding process for defence contracts, the Ministry of Defence has come out with some special provisions in procurement policy which will allow such companies to submit bids for contracts valued below Rs 150 crore sans the requirement to prove their financial credentials, reports The Economic Times.

As such contracts are relatively small compared to the overall procurement requirements of the defence forces, startups will only be required to prove that they have technical expertise to fulfill the order. Moreover, this exception is specially tailored to encourage startups, and not just any new entrant.

Thus, mid to large sized firms which are making a fresh foray into the defence sector will still have to submit their financials.

The new policy change not only makes it easier for startups to participate in the government’s ambitious ‘Make in India’ programme in the defence sector, but it also creates more competition for these defence contracts, which can allow better products to eventually reach the armed forces.

The political movement headed by Sheikh Abdullah that originated in Kashmir in 1931 (as part of a British conspiracy against the Maharaja) remained to some extent unsuccessful to gain the support of Jammu especially the Hindu dominated areas. Its genesis, growth and ideological moorings made it a suspect in the eyes of the Dogra Nationalists of Jammu who looked upon it as something alien and unacceptable. Pt Prem Nath Dogra led the All Jammu & Kashmir Rajya Hindu Sabha as the main opposition party. It merged with Praja Parishad which was formed in Jammu immediately after the tribal invasion in November 1947. The genesis of the history of struggle for total integration of the state with India began with the birth of All Jammu & Kashmir Praja Parishad popularly known as Praja Parishad. The existence of Praja Parishad as a protest movement opposed the Sheikh’s major policy planks such as abolition of land-lords, anti-Dogra drive, attempts at framing a separate constitution for the Jammu and Kashmir state and a separate flag, emblem etc.

Sheikh Abdullah became the Prime Minister of J&K in March 1948. He abhorred opposition. He wanted to become de facto ruler of J&K and replace monarchy with a dynastic rule. He was an advocate of “One Party State”. He forced Nehru to introduce Article 370 in the Constitution of India to ensure Kashmiri Muslim Domination over Jammu & Ladakh. He was successful in his endeavour and went ahead with his plan of annihilation of the opposition. His cronies chanted slogans like, ‘ek Rehnama, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah, ek Tanzeem National Conference, ek Jhanda, Halwala, ek Manshoor (manifesto) Naya Kashmir’ which created an intriguing situation in Jammu and Kashmir ringing the bells of imminent danger among the pro-integration Dogras of Jammu.

Visionary Pt. Prem Nath Dogra and his colleagues felt this rat-race was dangerous for the growth of democracy as this sentiment of “ek” would lead Sheikh Abdullah to fulfil his ambition of a “Single Party State” leading to totalitarianism. For democracy to prosper in the state and for establishment of true Lok Raj, existence of a strong opposition party was essential. Praja Parishad was expected to foot the bill. Moreover, the policies of Sheikh Abdullah were exclusive confined to the welfare of Kashmiri Muslims and ignored the sentiments and interests of the people of Jammu and Ladakh region. He could not think beyond Kashmiri speaking Muslims of the Valley. His animosity with the Maharaja transformed into hatred for the Dogras of Jammu which was unjust and unfair. Unfortunately, he enjoyed the backing of the ruling party in the Centre and the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru.

Though Jammu and Kashmir comprised of three distinct culturally and geographically exclusive regions namely Kashmir, Jammu and Ladakh yet the central leadership did not look beyond Kashmir and Sheikh Abdullah. The Kashmir centric inclination of the central government was a major cause of concern for the people of Jammu. The main task to which Praja Parishad was committed was the full integration of Jammu and Kashmir State with the Indian union, like other acceding states and safeguard the legitimate democratic rights of the people of Jammu from the anti-Dogra stance of Sheikh Abdullah government.

Sheikh’s continued discriminatory policies helped in Praja Parishad becoming popular in Jammu region among all sections including the Muslims. This growing popularity of Praja Parishad created panic in the Abdullah camp and he resorted to strong arm tactics to supress the growth of Praja Parishad since it posed a strong challenge to his political ambitions. Several activists were expelled from the State including the author’s grandfather Advocate Bishan Das Mahajan of RS Pura along with his family.
The leaders of Praja Parishad , considered a threat by Sheikh Abdullah, were put behind the bar in February 1949. Section 3 of Ranbir Penal Code (RPC), which is known as ‘Daffa Tun’ i.e. put in lockup without any trial, was slapped on Pt. Dogra and his colleagues. They were shifted to Srinagar jail to face severe winter cold. The extent of the NC rulers pique towards Praja Parishad could be gauged from the fact that on the jail’s account board the activists were listed as “Enemy Agent”.

By mid – 1949 Sheikh imprisoned as many as 294 Parishad workers. In May 1949, Praja Parishad started ‘Satyagrah’ for ensuring the release of Pt. Dogra. Though Abdullah wanted to crush this movement but he could not do so and finally he yielded to the pressure of the ‘Sataygrah’ and was forced to release Pt. Dogra from Jail on 8th October 1949 with the intervention of some nationalist leaders in Delhi. The atrocities of Sheikh on ‘Satyagrahis’ were such that incapacitated many of them including Pt. Dogra.

But this was not an end of the persecution and high handedness of Abdullah government. His hatred against the nationalists was aggravated by the fact that Parishad’s demand for full integration clashed directly with the demand of National Conference for complete autonomy of the state. As many as 15 youths were shot dead and some others injured at various places for hoisting the Indian Tricolour. The agitation launched by Parishad also included the demand for abolishing of permit system for entering or leaving the state.

Many may argue the timing of this article and need for it being written now under the changed circumstances. A reference to the beautifully worded poem of the famous poet Henry Wadsworth Longfellow will not be out of place. “Heights by great men reached and kept were not attained by sudden flight but they, while their companions slept, were toiling upward in the night.” Now that the full integration has been achieved and Art 370 has lost its relevance, it is imperative for the present generation to know many sacrifices made and struggles launched by their predecessors which acted as the enabler of present landmark achievement.

The party tirelessly tried to unite the people of Jammu with a view to foil the attempts of those who either favoured autonomy or tried to separate the state from Indian Union. By 1951 the Party had become a power to reckon in the areas of Jammu and the only one which was in any real sense the opposition party. Praja Parishad always opposed the setting up of a separate Constituent Assembly for the state. It favoured the application of Indian Constitution.

Despite being opposed to a separate constitution for the state, a special session of the party held on May 8, 1951, decided to contest the elections to the constituent Assembly of the State. Because of the large scale rejection of nomination papers of its candidates and nefarious manipulation of the elections by Sheikh Abdullah, party decided to boycott the elections in protest. The party in spite of its strong support base did not have a single member in the constituent assembly which under Sheikh’s leadership went ahead with framing a constitution that promoted the concept of ‘State within a State.’

National Conference (NC) and its leader Sheikh did everything to ensure that all the members of NC would be there in Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly. Sheikh dubbed the members of Praja Parishad as communal ignoring the fact that many Muslims were also contesting on the ticket of Praja Parishad. Praja Parishad turned into a mass movement and it played a key role in opposing separatist and communal politics in Jammu and Kashmir. Parishad always favoured the complete and total integration of Jammu and Kashmir with India and was opposed to Article 370.

Emboldened by the support he enjoyed from Nehru and after signing of Delhi Agreement, Sheikh started hoisting the National Conference flag in official functions and atop government buildings. However, in keeping with his habit of double-speak he implemented the Agreement only in part to further his agenda of autonomy. On January 15, 1952, Sheikh delivered a speech in an official function at Gandhi Memorial College, Jammu and hoisted National Conference Flag alongside the National Flag asking the students to salute it but the students objected to it. This infuriated Abdullah and he ensured that the students were penalized. This was followed by 38 days of hunger strike by students in 1952. On February 8, 1952 people in Jammu came out in solidarity with the protesting students that further infuriated Sheikh and he imposed curfew and arrested Pt. Dogra. This was followed by intense public pressure that forced Delhi to act and ensure the release of Pt. Dogra and others.

It soon turned into a public movement against the despotic rule of Sheikh and his anti-national activities. The movement found support nationally in form of Bhartiya Jan Sangh which was formed in 1951.

Another mass movement was launched by Parishad in November 1952 against the separatist and communal politics of Abdullah. Jan Sangh President Dr Syama Prasad Mookerjee announced in December 1952 to launch a nation-wide agitation for the abolition of Article 370. On May 8, 1953 he decided to enter J&K violating the prevalent permit system and was arrested by Sheikh as soon as he set foot on the soil of the state. Mookerjee intended to lead the ongoing full-blown public agitation in Jammu. The agitation had a powerful slogan: Ek Desh mein Do Vidhan, Ek Desh mein Do Nishaan, Ek Desh mein Do Pradhan, nahin challenegey, nahin challengey. He was jailed and tortured at Srinagar under the despotic rule of Sheikh which led to his mysterious death on 23 June 1953. An estimated 10,000 activists were imprisoned in Jammu, Punjab and Delhi, including Members of Parliament leading to an uproar in India.

Blinded by his ambition, Sheikh indulged in competitive communalism and worked towards establishment of independent Muslim majority state claiming that India was not secular enough. Parishad opposed it tooth and nail and accused that Sheikh was not Indian enough. Sheikh was finally arrested in August 1953 after he made secessionist speeches at RS Pura on April 10 and on 13 July stating in public, “Kashmir should have sympathy of both India and Pakistan…It is not necessary for our state to become an appendage of either India or Pakistan.”
Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad, who succeeded Sheikh implemented all the provisions of Delhi Agreement thus facilitating greater integration with the Centre. Praja Parishad movement largely subsided after these events. Parishad finally merged with Jan Sangh in 1963 and two years later National Conference merged with Congress.

Ever since then Jan Sangh and later Bharatiya Janata Party has been struggling and agitating for ending the special status of the state which not only promoted separatism, religious militancy and was the major cause of rampant corruption and under development of the state. Re-entry of Sheikh Abdullah in state politics in 1975 under an agreement with then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and subsequent Rajiv-Farooq accord and Rahul-Omar bonhomie gave a new fillip to the demand for greater autonomy and saw rise of jihadi and radical forces in Kashmir.
The historic decision of August 5, 2019 is the result of the struggle and sacrifices of three generations of Praja Parishad, Jan Sangh & BJP workers. BJP as successor of Jan Sangh remained focussed and committed to abolition of Article 370 and full integration of the state with India. Many accused BJP of using it only as an election plank to woo voters in the Hindi heartland but all of them have been proved wrong.

J&K unit of BJP recently held a function to honour the activists and family members of those who were associated with the Praja Parishad agitation. A noble gesture to recognise the sacrifices and contributions of those great men whose dream of full integration of the State has at last been achieved.
My effort at recollecting history will be incomplete without acknowledging the hard work and dedicated effort of Kul Bhushan Mahotra, incharge Library Department of state BJP who has compiled three books which will prove as a treasure for those who want to study in detail the genesis of the Praja Parishad movement and abolition of Article 370.

(The author is a Jammu based political commentator and columnist. The article is based on personal accounts and available literature. He can be contacted at anil5457@gmail)
Brig Veteran Anil Gupta

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NEW DELHI: Indian army chief General Bipin Rawat and Indian air force head Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria last week once again threatened Pakistan with strikes, whipping up war-hysteria over occupied Kashmir.

According to a report by Indian daily The Times of India, the top Indian commander said that Indian troops would go across the Line of Control, referencing a controversial strike in Balakot that Pakistan claims only shelled some trees.

In response to a question about the use of nuclear weapons, General Rawat said that nuclear weapons were not weapons of war fighting, and that those proclaiming they would use them in conventional warfare were not in a right state of mind.

“They are not weapons for war fighting. I find it difficult to comprehend when someone proclaims he will use them for conventional war fighting or if he is attacked. Will the world community ever allow you to use nuclear weapons like this?,” he questioned, according to TOI.

Earlier in September, Indian air force chief Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria had said that the Indian air force was ready for action against Pakistan and had purchased the new Rafale aircraft in this context.

“Rafale is a very capable aircraft, once we induct it, it will be a game-changer in terms of our operational capability. It will give us an edge over Pakistan and China,” Bhadauria told Indian media after taking over as Indian air force chief last month.