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Lt Gen Katiyar takes over as GOC 1 Corps

Prior to this appointment, he was posted as Director General Staff Duties at Army Headquarters

Lt Gen Katiyar takes over as GOC 1 Corps

Lt Gen Manoj Kumar Katiyar (left) takes over as GOC 1 Corps.

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, April 5

Lieutenant General Manoj Kumar Katiyar has been appointed as the General Officer Commanding of 1 Corps, a strike formation responsible for undertaking offensive operations against both Pakistan and China.

Prior to this appointment, he was posted as Director General Staff Duties at Army Headquarters. He took over from Lt Gen CP Cariappa today. 

An alumnus of the National Defence Academy, Lt Gen Katiyar was commissioned in 23rd Battalion of the Rajput Regiment in June 1986, which he later commanded along the Line of Control in Jammu and Kashmir as well as in Arunachal Pradesh. He also commanded an infantry brigade along the western borders and a mountain division.

Besides attending the National Defence College, New Delhi, he is also a distinguished graduate of the National War College, USA. He served as an instructor in the Indian Military Training Team in Bhutan and at the Defence Services Staff College, Wellington.


Congress seeks probe into Rafale deal after French media claim bribes were paid

Surjewala cites the news report that alleged payment of 1.1 million euro bribes to Indian firm Defsys Solutions

Tribune News Service
New Delhi, April 5

The Congress on Monday demanded an independent probe into the Rs 60,000 crore Rafale jet deal after a section of the French media citing the national anti-graft agency claimed 1 million Euro commissions in the same.

Addressing reporters here, Congress media head Randeep Surjewala also asked the government whether or not it was in order that a ban be placed on Rafale makers Dassault for paying bribes and also a case registered.

“India’s biggest defence deal of 36 Rafale fighter aircraft from France’s Dassault Aviation is a sordid saga of loss to public exchequer, squandering of national interests and violation of Defence Procurement Procedure. The devastating sensational revelations in the last evening report of French News portal Mediapart.fr have now revealed the existence of middleman, payment of commission and red flags raised by the French Anti-Corruption Agency – AFA.”

Surjewala cited the news report that alleged payment of 1.1 million euro bribes to Indian firm Defsys Solutions and said the French anti-corruption bureau had asked Dassault tough questions on the payments.

“Dassault balance sheet said the money was a gift to the client. But when confronted, Dassault told the French anti-corruption agency that it paid an Indian firm that was engaged to prepare 59 models of Rafale. No answers were forthcoming when the French officials asked Dassault why would it engage an Indian firm to make models when it was manufacturing the jet itself?”

Noting that ​Defsys Solutions, India, is actually a company undertaking assembly of flight simulators and optical and electronic systems, Surjewala asked the PM whether he would invoke integrity clause of the DPP to black list Rafale as provided by the rules.

“Defence Procurement Procedure as also the stated Indian government policy envisages that there will be an ‘Integrity Clause’ in every defence purchase contract. There can be no middleman or payment of commission or bribe. Any evidence of middleman or commission or bribery has serious penal consequences of banning of the supplier defence company, cancellation of contract, registration of FIR and imposition of heavy financial penalties on the defence supplier company. Will this happen now?” asked Congress.

What is this about

10th April, 2015 – Prime Minister Narendra Modi announces purchase of 36 Rafale aircraft off the shelf during his visit to France. 

23rd September, 2016 – Modi government signs a formal agreement with France to buy 36 Rafale aircraft for US$ 8.7 billion or €7.8 billion, i.e., Rs 60,000 crore. 

An investigation conducted by French anti-corruption agency – AFA has now revealed that after signing of the deal in 2016, Dassault, the manufacturer of Rafale has paid 1.1 million euro to a middleman Defsys Solutions, India

​Amount shown as expenditure by Dassault as “gifts to clients”.

30th March, 2017: Dassault tells French anti-corruption agency that this was payment for manufacture of 50 models of Rafale.

AFA asked Dassault – (a) Why it asked an Indian company to make models of its own aircrafts and that also at €20,000 per piece?

(b) Why was this expenditure then entered as “Gifts to Clients”?

(c) Were these models ever made? If yes, where and when were they displayed?

Reportedly, no reply came.


Amarinder, Sidhu slam Piyush Goyal on agri issues

Chandigarh, April 4

Former minister Navjot Singh Sidhu on Sunday targeted Union Food Minister Piyush Goyal on the issue of Direct Bank Transfer (DBT) to farmers for procurement at his hometown Patiala. About the same time, Punjab CM Capt Amarinder Singh issued a statement also targeting the Centre while seeking restoration of Rural Development Fund (RDF) at 3 per cent of the MSP.

“It is not the first time that Sidhu has held a press conference on important issues. Today, his tone was conciliatory. But the timing is intriguing. It seems more like a fight for political space,” observed a senior PPCC leader. Sources say Sidhu is keen on the post of PPCC chief but his associates maintain he has never sought any position. — TNS

Read also:


Rafale deal faces new controversy over ‘suspicious payments’ to middleman arrested by ED

Rafale jet | Image by special arrangement

afale jet | Image by special arrangementText Size: A- A+

New Delhi: A fresh controversy seems to be building up over the 2016 Rafale deal with a French media report alleging that the country’s anti-corruption agency, the Agence Française Anticorruption (AFA), found suspicious payments made to a company owned by a middleman who was arrested by India’s Enforcement Directorate in 2019 in connection with the VVIP chopper scam.

The allegation is that the manufacturer of the Rafale aircraft, Dassault Aviation, had paid about one million Euros to Defsys Solutions for 50 models of the aircraft which were to be given as “gifts”. The category of ‘gifts’ by defence companies is treated as a serious matter in France. This resulted in the company having to explain the cost.

Models of Rafale gifted by Dassault Aviation are on display at various commands and bases of the Indian Air Force (IAF), including at the Air Headquarters. The giant model at the Air Headquarters was manufactured in France while the rest were made in India.

The report by Mediapart.fr says it “understands that during a scheduled audit of the group, the agency’s inspectors found that Dassault had agreed to pay one million euros to a middleman just after the 2016 signing of the Rafale fighter jet deal. That middleman is now accused of money laundering in India in another defence deal. The company said the money was used to pay for the manufacture of 50 large replica models of Rafale jets, even though the inspectors were given no proof that these models were made. Yet against all apparent logic, the AFA decided not to refer the matter to prosecutors”.

Industry sources said that Rafale explained the process to the French anti-corruption watchdog and the “query was settled”.


Also read: IAF inducts Rafale, here’s how the deadly fighter jets will boost India’s air power


What the AFA found

The AFA, which functions in a capacity similar to India’s Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG), was set up in 2017 with the aim of checking whether large companies implemented the anti-corruption procedures set out under Sapin 2, the French anti-corruption law. However, unlike CAG, the AFA also audits private firms.

The report said AFA auditors combing through Dassault’s 2017 accounts found an item of expenditure costing 508,925 euros entered under the heading ‘gifts to clients’.

The amount “seemed disproportionate in relation to all the other entries” under the same heading, said the subsequent confidential report of the AFA audit, which Mediapart claimed it had seen.

“The sum is indeed huge for a gift. Though French law does not set out precise limits, legal precedents suggest that giving a watch or an expensive meal costing several hundred euros can be enough to constitute corruption,” it said.

The report added that Defsys Solutions, which received the payment, belongs to the family of Sushen Gupta, who was arrested by the ED. According to the report, Gupta family members “acted as middlemen in the aeronautical and defence industries for three generations”.

It also highlighted Sushen Gupta “operated as an agent for Dassault, had worked on the Rafale contract and had allegedly obtained confidential documents from India’s Ministry of Defence”, and cited a report by CobraPost.


Also read: The big questions about the Rafale deal you didn’t know whom to ask


Defsys Solutions made models, maintains simulators

According to industry sources, Defsys is not a banned company and does business with various defence companies including Israeli ones, besides Dassault Aviation.

According to sources in the French industry, Dassault Aviation gave around 25 models to the Indian side, which are on prominent display at various locations, including at the residence of top officers. This is a historic practice.

In 2019, a scale model of a fully armed Rafale was placed outside the IAF chief’s house, replacing an earlier model of the Su 30 MKI.

The procurement of the models was said to have been done as part of the Make in India initiative.

Defsys is contracted to carry out maintenance of Rafale simulators at both the Ambala base and the Hasimara base where the second squadron of the Rafale will be based.

The simulators are manufactured by Sogitec Industries, a subsidiary of Dassault Aviation.

(Edited by Manasa Mohan)


Also read: With a new report on PMO’s role in Rafale negotiation, where does the story go from here?


HOW IMRAN KHAN TIED HIMSELF IN KNOTS PLACING KASHMIR OVER TRADE

Pakistan is in a fix. The Imran-Bajwa dispensation is at a loss over the pressing priorities of the nation. Between cotton yarn (plus sugar) and Kashmir, what holds greater significance for the country, the Pakistani establishment is so puzzled to decide that it made a mockery of itself before the world making two conflicting announcements in two consecutive days.
On March 31, the Imran Khan government affirmed that it would import cotton from India and admitted that the 19-month-long restrictions had affected its small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) adversely. Pakistan’s Finance Minister Hammad Azhar also informed that the Economic Coordination Committee (ECC) has allowed the private sector to import five lakh tonnes of sugar from India.
The next day, Pakistan Prime Minister Imran Khan reversed the ECC decision saying that the current circumstances between the two countries were not conducive to trade. The new decision was announced after the Cabinet meeting in which Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi reportedly emphasised that the resumption of trade was not possible until India restored the special status of Jammu and Kashmir.
Now, what astonished everyone is — what made Pakistan take a U-turn in just 24 hours? Neither the constitutional autonomy of Kashmir was changed between 31st March and 1st April, nor the high-powered committee, ECC, was unaware that article 370 was scrapped way back in 2019. What is even more interesting that the approval document on trade was duly signed by the Pakistan Prime Minister, which rules out the option of making newly-appointed Finance Minister Hammad Azhar a fall guy for the fiasco
So the question is who in Pakistan triggered the volte-face on trade with India? Was it the final call of Army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa that forced Imran Khan from signing off the trade proposal?
On the contrary, it was General Bajwa who recently in his speech at the Islamabad Security Dialogue, referring to the geo-economics of South Asia, pushed for stronger trade relations in the region, and recognising the Kashmir dispute, called for burying the past and move forward.
Notably, the February 25 announcement by Pakistan to observe the 2003 ceasefire agreement at the Line of Control would not have come about without the nod of General Bajwa. Weeks before that, on 3rd February, the Pakistan army chief in a speech at Air Force academy had highlighted the need to “extend a hand of peace in all directions”.
In truth, both General Bajwa and Imran Khan seem on the same page on improving trade ties with India, as a day before the Army chief’s famous speech in Islamabad, the Pakistan Prime Minister also had expressed the same sentiment.
Economy in shambles but Pakistan busy in Kashmir gamble
Undeniably, the reason behind the change of Pakistan’s stance is the state of its economy, which is in shambles. In 2020, the GDP of the country slipped to minus 1.5%. The country is facing sustained economic sanctions imposed by the global terror financing watchdog Financial Action Task Force (FATF) for sponsoring terrorism. From Saudi Arabia to Egypt to Turkey to Iran, Pakistan has been scurrying for financial assistance.
Pakistan’s slide into misery started after the Pulwama attack, when India withdrew Most Favoured Nation (MFN) status to Pakistan, raising the customs duty on all goods exported from Pakistan to 200% with immediate effect. The formal trade between the two countries dropped to almost nil after Pakistan decided to suspend bilateral trade with India in August 2019, following the abrogation of article 370.
Essentially, Imran Khan has tied himself into knots by making Kashmir a precondition for reopening the trade. Even though he knows that India won’t change its stance on Kashmir. Perhaps he is also aware that Pakistan needs India more than India needs Pakistan to strengthen its economy. One can only hope that Imran Khan stops playing to the gallery and be serious if he is keen on rebuilding ties with India. First, Pakistan should show its seriousness by dismantling the terror infrastructure on its soil and putting an end to breeding terrorists against India.


INDIA, CHINA NEED TO STRENGTHEN BORDER CBMS, SAYS ENVOY

China’s Envoy to India, Sun Weidong
Lesson of last year’s border incident profound and such incident should not be repeated: Sun Weidong
India and China need to strengthen confidence-building measures in border areas and avoid a repeat of last year’s border crisis, China’s envoy to India Sun Weidong has said.
“Maintenance of peace and tranquillity need our joint efforts,” Mr. Sun said. “The border disputes can only be resolved through dialogue and negotiations… In case of an incident, a timely communication through military and diplomatic channels should be undertaken to avoid any action that may complicate or escalate the situation. We should strengthen confidence-building measures to jointly maintain peace and tranquillity in the border areas. The lesson of last year’s border incident is profound and such incident should not be repeated.”
He made the comments in a “virtual dialogue” with columnist Sudheendra Kulkarni, the transcript of which was released on Sunday by China’s Embassy in New Delhi.
On last year’s clash in the Galwan Valley which marked the worst violence on the border since 1967, Mr. Sun said: “Neither China nor India would like to see it happen. Both sides are willing to resolve issues and de-escalate tensions through dialogue and consultation.” The disengagement at Pangong Lake was “conducive to building mutual trust and further easing the situation on the ground”.
He said both sides had “the political will to resolve the boundary question” and “should actively push forward boundary talks and strive to reach a fair, reasonable and mutually acceptable solution”.
While the Chinese envoy called on both sides to view relations “in a comprehensive way rather than limited to one part” and said “the boundary question is not the whole story of China-India relations”, India has made clear that relations cannot continue as normal unless there is peace and tranquillity in border areas.
Last year’s crisis, India has said, was triggered by China’s mobilisation of a large number of troops in forward areas and multiple transgressions across the Line of Actual Control (LAC) that went against a number of border agreements that had helped keep the peace.
India last year placed curbs on Chinese investment and banned more than 200 Chinese apps, underlining that trade and investment could not proceed as normal in light of last year’s border crisis.
Mr. Sun said “complete decoupling” or “selective decoupling”, in his view, “will not be realistic and harm others without benefiting oneself”. “We hope that India will treat all as equals in its opening-up and refrain from imposing restrictions on specific countries or regions, over-stretching the concept of national security to exclude companies from specific countries,” he said.
Last year, two-way trade reached $87.6 billion, of which India’s exports to China were $20.8 billion, up 16%. “It shows that the Chinese market will always welcome marketable commodities,” he said. “China has been India’s largest trading partner for consecutive years and India is China’s largest trading partner in South Asia. This is the result of the market functions and enterprises’ choices,” Mr. Sun said.


Tackle Maoists with a top-down approach

One way out is to get the Army to depute senior officers (from colonels to generals) with experience in counter-insurgency operations to command the CRPF paramilitary men under the Home Ministry. If the Army can provide officers for the NSG and Establishment 22, which are under the Home Ministry or the PMO, then why not for anti-Maoist operations?

Tackle Maoists with a top-down approach

SIMILAR PATTERN: Hundreds of policemen from various cadres have been killed in attacks by Maoists, mostly in the past two decades. PTI

Maroof Raza

Senior Journalist

The latest ambush by Maoist rebels on a large contingent of security personnel in Bastar is yet another well-planned and ruthlessly executed attack in a long line of similar attacks in the Maoist-infested regions of central India.

Hundreds of policemen from various cadres have been killed in attacks, mostly in the past two decades, by well-armed Maoist rebels in the region. Often, the pattern of their ambushes is similar to that of the past. It’s either on a large posse of security personnel making their way back to camp after a tiring few days of operations in the jungles and when their guard is down. Or, it is an attack on a police camp, which can never be quite completely fortified.

But there are ways to prevent such massacres. This requires a top-down approach, and not a bottom-up one, to address the challenges across the several states where insurgency has existed for at least three decades, much like the way the Indian Army has been deployed in the north-eastern states.

Maoist insurgents have been expanding their footprint across the heartland over the past three decades and their red line of rebellion now runs from Pashupati (in Nepal) to Tirupati (in south India). At its height, the Maoist insurgency was visible in over 200 districts across, most severely, in central India.

And though our earlier Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has stated on record on more than one occasion that the Maoist insurgency “was the single biggest internal security challenge ever faced by our country”, Delhi’s efforts then and now have been a piecemeal exercise.

One problem is the federal nature of India, and the resistance of state governments. It limits what the Central government can do to tackle the challenges comprehensively. One state’s insurgent cannot be a vote bank for another state! Sadly, politics often takes precedence over the safety of citizens, and, in this case, the overstretched policemen operating in these areas, without an adequate senior police leadership.

A decade ago, a DGP of the CRPF had told me that it was a challenge for him to get enough CRPF senior officers (IGs and DIGs) to move out of the comfortable cities that they were based in to command their forces on the battlefields. Since IPS officers neither have the experience nor the inclination to battle insurgencies, they are reluctant to be based in operational areas and their troops are devoid of effective leadership, unlike the Army officers who have to command their troops from operational areas.https://5bf0bad335ac4e31633b1db594d17f2a.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-38/html/container.html

One way out is to get the Army to depute senior officers (from colonels to generals) with experience in counter-insurgency operations to command CRPF paramilitary men under the Home Ministry. If the Army can provide officers for the NSG and Establishment 22, which are under the Home Ministry or the PMO, then why not for anti-Maoist operations? Moreover, with the Army being so top heavy, the opening of new avenues for officers will be an opportunity for them, many of whom are doing the job that one brigadier or major-general did decades ago in the corps/command/Army headquarters. And those JCO/NCOs retiring at a relatively young age, with experience in CI Ops can be offered the opportunity to serve in the Maoist-infested zones.

There would be the usual objections — from the Army headquarters and the CRPF — about how this can create inter-service manpower and budgeting issues, but if there is a will, there will be a way. A year ago, a Chinese incursion on the LAC led us to abandon the plans and doctrines that seemed to have been etched in stone. What will it take us to wake up to the threats posed on the lives and limbs of the policemen who are sent into the jungles, again and again, to be slaughtered? A decade ago, the then Home Secretary RK Singh wanted to up the ante by asking for 30,000 men from the Army’s Rashtriya Rifle units and helicopters. But he had run into opposition in Delhi, with the Army Chief reluctant to apply “quick-fix-solutions” by using excessive force.

And with the Maoists having shot down an IAF helicopter in Chhattisgarh’s Sukma district a decade ago, the reluctance to use helicopters — even for non-aggressive operations like reconnaissance and movement of troops to reinforce operations — gathered momentum in New Delhi. This must now be reviewed.

Historically, insurgencies have been contained and eliminated by a three-part strategy that involves: (a) The use of necessary military force to counter the aggressiveness of insurgents; (b) and while military operations are being enforced — although this could take from a few months to few years — the government must have ideas and initiatives ready, with plans for infrastructure upgrades that would address the basic grievances of the alienated people, who took to arms in the first place. (c) finally, when military operations are reduced to a minimum and the ground situation is under control with the implementation of such initiatives, then ‘talks’ must be initiated to address the political demands of the locals, with fixed timelines for political deliverables.

Essentially, there are two ways to confront insurgencies. One is to manage it at a low-key level, like New Delhi has done for decades in the North-East. The other is to go hammer and tongs, as the Sri Lankan forces eventually did against the LTTE, to finish off any serious resistance by the Tamil militants.

Above all, to successfully battle an insurgency, all major governmental agencies must be on the same wavelength. For the armed forces to distance themselves from the challenges of this grave challenge by claiming that this is not their battle (while the insurgencies in the North-East and Kashmir are) shows double standards. The PM and the National Security Adviser would do well to exercise their authority to get the forces to participate in and collectively address a problem that cannot have a knee-jerk approach, notwithstanding strong political warnings that translate to little on the ground.


Chhattisgarh attack

Centre, state must work in sync to quell Maoist insurgency

Chhattisgarh attack

Even as the powers that be are busy sticking the ‘urban Naxal’ label on all kinds of people, be it students or protesting farmers, the real Naxals keep striking deep in the forest at regular intervals. – File photo

Even as the powers that be are busy sticking the ‘urban Naxal’ label on all kinds of people, be it students or protesting farmers, the real Naxals keep striking deep in the forest at regular intervals. Twenty-two security personnel were killed and 31 others injured in a Maoist ambush in Chhattisgarh’s Bastar region on Saturday. Bastar has been the epicentre of major Maoist attacks in recent decades, including the deadliest one that claimed the lives of 76 CRPF men in April 2010. Several other states are also grappling with the menace. In May 2019, insurgents had triggered an improvised explosive device in Maharashtra’s Gadchiroli district, killing 15 members of a police quick response team.

According to reports, an unverified intel input lured the security forces into the Maoists’ lethal trap. This grave lapse needs to be probed thoroughly so that responsibility can be fixed and another disaster avoided. The Chhattisgarh incident has elicited the usual platitudes from the state and Central governments about giving a ‘befitting response’ and ‘never forgetting the sacrifices of the martyrs’. Undoubtedly, the killings have belied the tall claim that Maoist insurgency is on its last legs.

Naxal/Maoist violence has claimed more than 12,000 lives in the country, including those of around 2,700 security personnel, in two decades. There is no denying that a lot has to be done to break the back of the terrorists, right from snapping their supply of money, arms and ammunition and ensuring development in the infested areas to giving a cutting edge to the security forces in terms of intel, training and equipment. It’s also imperative to weaken local support for the insurgents by providing adequate education and job opportunities to residents. The blame game between the state and the Centre is uncalled for. Both have to work in close coordination to root out insurgency. At the same time, the noxious practice of raising the bogey of Naxalism to vilify protesters has proven to be counter-productive while targeting real culprits.

Covid surge

An alarming second wave demands adult vaccination

April is all set to be a challenging month for the people and government alike with Covid-19 restrictions getting expanded and lockdown measures reintroduced in some states. A sudden surge in coronavirus cases, the steepest since September 16 last year, with the country recording over one lakh cases on Monday, has meant that a return to normalcy is going to take a while longer, ironically when the trajectory was expected to head south aided by vaccine optimism. But with only 10 states accounting for a majority of the cases, the government has preferred instead a national campaign beginning today to ensure community participation, Covid-appropriate behaviour, personal hygiene and sanitation to check the spike even as some countries like France and Bangladesh have seen a weeklong lockdown being implemented. The rise in infections itself has been attributed to a severe decline in Covid protocol, pandemic fatigue and lack of effective containment measures. The impact on employment in business and industry will also unfold gradually, with restrictions impacting the workforce and output. Railway stations in states like Maharashtra have witnessed a rush of migrant workers bound for their home states.

The government, unwilling to fritter away the gains of managing the pandemic, has deputed health teams to visit the states witnessing a surge, with directives to curb the mortality rate and ramp up healthcare infrastructure. Faced with the task of rejuvenating the economy, emphasis is being laid on testing, tracing, treatment and vaccination to prevent the situation from getting out of hand that makes the task of protecting the economically vulnerable groups even more onerous.

The health authorities should get down to micro-managing the vaccination, zeroing in on regions witnessing the spike and taking steps that are required to avoid disruption to life. While the Centre has delegated to the states the discretion to take decisions based on local conditions in this case, frequent resort to restrictive measures will call for scrutiny. A fair bit of responsibility will also lie with the people by ensuring that they abide by the desired norms.


Haryana arhtiyas oppose DBT, may boycott purchase

Haryana arhtiyas oppose DBT, may boycott purchase

Additional Chief Secretary Sumita Misra at the Karnal grain market on Monday. Tribune photo

Parveen Arora

Tribune News Service

Karnal, April 5

Arhtiyas have opposed the Direct Benefit Transfer (DBT) to farmers against the payment for grain procurement and threatened to boycott wheat buying from April 8 if the payment was not resumed through them.

In a state-level meeting of arhtiyas held here, the Haryana State Anajmandi Arhtiyas’ Association also demanded dues of the last paddy season, 12 per cent interest on the delay in releasing the payment and permission to farmers residing in border areas to sell their crop in Haryana.

Ashok Gupta, state president of the association, said: “The state government had told us that the payment will be transferred as per the will of farmers. A majority of farmers have already given their consent to transfer their payment through arhtiyas while registering their crops on the Meri Fasal, Mera Byora portal. In spite of this, the government has said it will credit the payment in the bank accounts of farmers.”

“The state government has time till April 7 to meet our demands, otherwise we will boycott the procurement from the next day,” he said.

The state government has assured arhtiyas that they would continue to get their commission even if farmers are directly paid for their produce. This, however, is not the concern of arhtiyas.

Gupta said: “Arhtiyas are like ATMs to farmers, who borrow money from us in times of crisis. They pay off the debt after having sold their crop. If the state government pays farmers directly, we won’t get our money back. Payment through arhtiyas is a guarantee that we will get out money back.”

Rajnish Chaudhary, president, Karnal Arhtiyas’ Association, raised another concern related with the DBT scheme. “Last season, the Agriculture Department had transferred the payment to wrong bank accounts. Till now, farmers have not received the money,” he said.

He further said payments were pending because “I” forms were not available online. “The state government should start a portal on the lines of CM window to address the grievances of arhtiyas and farmers.”

After the state-level meeting, a delegation of arhtiyas led by Gupta left for Chandigarh for a meeting CM Manohar Lal Khattar. After having met the CM, Gupta said arhtiyas were adamant on their demand.


Govt’s assurance

The state government has assured arhtiyas that they would continue to get their commission even if farmers are directly paid for their produce. This, however, is not the concern of arhtiyas.


Won’t allow Guru Teg Bahadur’s statue in Delhi, Sikh bodies tell Centre

Say idol worship against tenets of religion

Won’t allow Guru Teg Bahadur’s statue in Delhi, Sikh bodies tell Centre

Manjinder Singh Sirsa, DSGMC chief

GS Paul

Tribune News Service

Amritsar, April 4

The Centre’s proposal to set up a ‘memorial’ or a ‘statue’ dedicated to the 400th birth anniversary of Guru Tegh Bahadur outside Gurdwara Sis Ganj Sahib, Chandni Chowk, in old Delhi, has triggered a controversy.

Live Gurbani kirtan from Amritsar’s Gurdwara Guru Ke Mehal begins

Following reports in this regard, the Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee (DSGMC) has lodged its protest with the Prime Minister’s Office (PMO) asking it to immediately drop the proposal of erecting a statue or any kind of structure outside Gurdwara Sis Ganj Sahib or anywhere else in Delhi.

Not consulted

We will never allow the Centre to have direct intervention in our religious matters. Neither the SGPC nor the DSGMC was taken into confidence before planning this proposal. — Manjinder Singh Sirsa, DSGMC chief

The DSGMC and Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) said the installation of the statue of the Guru would defy the Sikh ‘rehat maryada’ which prohibits creating idols of Gurus.

Delhi Sikh Gurdwara Management Committee president Manjinder Singh Sirsa has shot off a letter to PM Narendra Modi contesting that the statue of Guru or any memorial could not be built without taking the Sikh body into confidence.

Special coins, stamp to mark 400th anniversary of Guru Tegh Bahadur

“We will never allow the Centre to have direct intervention in our religious matters. Nothing can be built outside the historic shrine. The statue culture is certainly against our tenets and any kind of structure about which we don’t have an idea will create unrest. Such a proposal will end up hurting Sikh sentiments and hence this proposal should be withdrawn. Ironically, neither the SGPC nor the DSGMC was taken into confidence before conceptualising a proposal that directly relates to the Sikh religion,” he said.