Current Events :
Lieutenant General Sandeep Jain has officially concluded his tenure as the Commandant of the Indian Military Academy (IMA), Dehradun, and has taken up his new appointment as Chief of Staff at Headquarters Southern Command, Pune. The transition was marked by warm congratulations from Lieutenant General Devendra Sharma, GOC-in-C of the Army Training Command (ARTRAC), and personnel across all ranks, who praised Lt Gen Jain’s exemplary leadership and contributions to military training. Also Read: Meet Lt Gen Nagendra Singh: The New Commandant of Indian Military Academy Lt Gen Jain, a veteran officer from the Mahar Regiment, became the 52nd Commandant of IMA on February 1, 2024. Over his 16-month tenure, he was instrumental in enhancing the standards of leadership development and officer training at one of India’s premier military institutions. Established in 1932, IMA has long stood as a pillar in shaping the ethos and professional skills of India’s military leaders. Commissioned into the Indian Army in June 1988, Lt Gen Jain’s distinguished career spans over three decades. He has commanded a battalion in semi-developed terrain, led an infantry brigade in a strike corps, and headed a counter-insurgency force in Jammu and Kashmir as a Major General. His international experience includes serving as a Sector Commander in a United Nations peacekeeping mission and as a military observer in Ethiopia. As a Lieutenant General, he commanded the strategic 16 Corps. He has also held important staff roles in the Military Operations Directorate and the Military Secretary’s Branch. An alumnus of the National Defence College in Kenya, Lt Gen Jain has been honoured with the Sena Medal (SM), the Ati Vishisht Seva Medal (AVSM), and the Chief of the Army Staff’s Commendation Card for his outstanding service to the nation. In his new role at Southern Command, Lt Gen Jain joins a formation with a deep-rooted history in India’s military legacy. Headquartered in Pune and currently led by Lt Gen Dhiraj Seth, Southern Command has played a critical role in major post-independence operations, including Operation Polo in 1948 for the integration of Hyderabad, the liberation of Goa in 1961, and key battles in the 1965 and 1971 wars with Pakistan. Lt Gen Jain’s appointment as Chief of Staff is expected to further bolster Southern Command’s operational preparedness and strategic planning. His wealth of experience and strong leadership credentials mark a significant addition to one of the Indian Army’s most pivotal commands.
New Delhi: Retired Subedar Madhau Singh Tomar watched his daughter, Himani Tomar, don the Indian Army uniform as a reflection of his own legacy. The legacy has now been carried forward, not by a son, but by a daughter who turned dreams into discipline and service into pride.
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Hailing from the small village of Chand Ka Pura in Madhya Pradesh’s Morena district, Himani Tomar has been commissioned as a lieutenant in the Indian Army. The milestone speaks volumes about her determination and a sense of duty.
Belonging to a family already steeped in the values of service and patriotism, Himani’s journey was inspired by her roots. Her brother, Vikas Tomar, serves as a Lance Naik in the Indian Army. Now, she joins the ranks not by chance, but by choice.
While it is common to see sons follow their fathers into military service, it is far rarer and arguably more inspiring to see daughters break into this traditionally male-dominated field and flourish.
Himani’s academic journey began at Shanti Niketan School in Ambah, followed by her schooling at Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalaya, Jaura. Despite coming from a rural background, she consistently outshone expectations and proved that geography is no barrier when ambition is rooted deep.
Her dedication took her to the prestigious Armed Forces Medical College (AFMC) in Pune, where she completed her nursing graduation. Her rigorous training, both academic and physical, came to fruition as she marched proudly during her Passing Out Parade at Captain Devashish Kirti Chakra Parade Ground, where she was officially commissioned as a Nursing Officer in the Indian Army.
A Proud Day for Chambal
In addition to personal triumph, her achievement is a proud moment for the entire Chambal region. Himani’s success sends a message to every girl from rural India that no dream is too big and no goal too distant if you have the courage to chase it.
Abhilasha Barak from Haryana, And she is the first woman officer who joined the Army Aviation Corps as Combat Aviator, she was just 26-years-old when she added her name in the history by earning this prestigious position.
Her commissioning marked a landmark moment on May 25, 2022, at the Combat Army Aviation Training School in Nashik, Maharashtra. The ceremony was attended by senior officials, including Lt Gen A K Suri, Director General and Colonel Commandant of Army Aviation.
Abhilasha completed her schooling from the Lawrence School in Sanawar and then she completed her Bachelor’s Degree in Technology (BTech) from Delhi Technological University (DTU) in 2016.
Pakistan claims that they decided to target the IAF’s Rafale fighter jets first because Indian Air Force considers them to be game changers
By The Week News Desk Updated: June 06, 2025 16:41 IST
Pakistan has credited No. 15 Squadron of Pakistan Air Force (PAF), also known as Cobras, for “shooting down” six Indian Air Force fighter jets during the recent military stand-off between the two countries.
According to Pakistani media reports, PAF formally acknowledged that the Kamra-based Cobra squadron, armed with Chengdu J-10C multi-role fighter jet, led the charge of Pakistan’s air defence. Pilots from this squadron are expected to be publicly named and honoured at a formal ceremony later.
Pakistani military official account claims that the Chinese-supplied J-10C fighters, equipped with PL-15 BVR Beyond Visual Range (BVR) missiles brought down three Rafales, a Mirage-2000, Su-30MKI, and MiG-29.
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“The pilots involved in the operation will be honoured soon. These are some of the finest aviators in our ranks and their performance speaks for itself,” Dawn quoted a senior PAF official as saying.
The official claimed that the PAF targetted the Rafales first because the Indian Air Force “expected them to be game-changers.”
“From heroic air battles in the 1965 war, where Flt Lt Imtiaz Bhatti downed two Indian Vampires, to Cold War-era vigilance during the Soviet-Afghan War, the squadron has always remained combat-ready…Now equipped with J-10C 4.5+ generation fighters, the Cobras continue to embody precision, courage, and aerial dominance,” the PAF media directorate stated in a release.
THE Indian subcontinent, with its shared histories and contrasting histrionics, has been a theatre of geopolitical turbulence for eons. The current India-Pakistan imbroglio, therefore, remains unresolved, to say the least.
I have crossed the Wagah-Attari border as part of CII business delegations, SAARC events and on the invitation of the Lahore University of Management Sciences (LUMS) to chair a subcontinental water session. Each time, the warm hospitality of people bowled us over. The intellectual and spiritual experiences energised us, and the cuisine satiated our palate beyond compare.
And yet, the discourses on governance were careful, the presence of intelligence operatives in the shadows obvious, and the approach of our hosts, concerned with our wellbeing, watchful. But at no point did national political animosity ever surface to our discomfort. We found the neighbours to be able to laugh away their situations, those that contrasted with India’s growth story, in a self-deprecating yet light-hearted way.
During a visit to LUMS, we met Kamil Khan Mumtaz, an erudite scholar and conservation architect. He took us to construction sites, both restorative and new, which gave us an insight into the fascinating work he was doing. What was even more endearing was his admission that he drew inspiration from Bhai Ram Singh, who designed the monumental Khalsa College of Amritsar in 1892.
Most of the evidence of Sikh architecture, including that of Bhai Ram Singh, got left behind in “Lehenda Punjab” of Pakistan at the time of the Partition. Mumtaz shared masonry tips that we were able to implement in restoration work at the college. These interactions, and the varied cultural exchanges over the decades, saw festivals of Punjabi poetry and Sufi renditions, reminding the newer generations of the bonds that existed between the people. The commonalities are many, despite the politics that mars the synergy.
The Pahalgam tragedy and its aftermath have created deeper chasms. India did what was needed to be done. But one wonders what impact the pivotal change in India’s mood shall have. Will it have a sobering effect? Will Pak Generals become more aggressive? Or will they amend their policy of “a thousand cuts” to that of “ten thousand nicks.”
India is in a sweet spot economically, and a war is not what it aspires for — but it will not tolerate transgressions. However, it must resist the temptation of triumphalism. Strategic restraint and long-term vision are hallmarks of a mature power. Pakistan desperately needs to repair its faltering economy, rebuild international credibility and prioritise the welfare of its citizens, even though its leadership continues to carry the weight of historical grudges.
Peaceniks are not the flavour of the season, but ample warmongering has already been done. Living near the border in Punjab, a battleground state, one can only seek harmony rather than the destruction of life and property on both sides of the Radcliffe Line. Enough blood has been spilled. Give peace a chance!
There is a need to pay greater attention to how the world views India’s neighbour
PAKISTAN is a failed State. Pakistan should be declared a terrorist state. Pakistan’s economy is sinking. Pakistan has been internationally isolated. We have dehyphenated ourselves from Pakistan. Even Prabowo Subianto, President of Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority nation, delinked his visit to India from a trip to Pakistan. For a decade now, the Indian public has been fed this narrative. A leading New Delhi think tank even published a paper by one of its senior scholars, titled, ‘Jaishankar Makes it Clear: Pakistan is Now Just a Sideshow for India.’
What accounts for this hesitation on the part of the so-called ‘international community’ to call a spade a spade?
On June 4, less than a month after the two nations were engaged in hostilities focused on terrorist groups based in Pakistan, the United Nations Security Council named Pakistan as vice-chair of its Counter-Terrorism Committee. This comes on top of a series of minor and major diplomatic victories for Pakistan over the past month. It is time to pay greater attention to our relations with our neighbour and to how the world views Pakistan.
The first diplomatic shock came when on May 9, two days into the cross-border hostilities, the executive board of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) voted to extend an over $2-billion loan to Pakistan. India was the only member of the board that abstained. All others, including all members of the Group of Seven, voted to give Pakistan a breather. The only Indian official who publicly criticised the IMF board for this decision, Raksha Mantri Rajnath Singh, did so almost as an afterthought. The IMF decision was followed by financial support from the World Bank and the Asian Development Bank.
Then spoke US President Donald Trump. In the first of a dozen statements so far, he claimed credit for getting the warring neighbours to declare a ceasefire. He persisted with his claims even after India officially denied that the US had anything to do with the ceasefire. To rub salt into Indian diplomatic wounds, President Trump not only equated India and Pakistan as good friends of the US but claimed that both are important countries because they are nuclear powers and that they would now trade with each other and the US to avoid future conflict.
While many countries supported India in its battle against terrorism, only two — Israel and Afghanistan — named Pakistan as its sponsor. Within days, Beijing hosted a trilateral with Pakistan and Afghanistan and made the two make up. That left only Israel, accused today of conducting genocide against a hapless people, supporting India. Even Russia spoke with a forked tongue. Days after the Pahalgam terror attack, External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar mocked the European Union, saying that India was seeking “partners not preachers”. Sure, no one preached after that. However, few partnered.
Many in India are aghast. What accounts for this hesitation on the part of the so-called ‘international community’ to call a spade a spade? Why has there been no whole-hearted condemnation of Pakistan or at least a more genuine expression of solidarity with India? Why did Prime Minister Narendra Modi have to depute multi-party delegations of members of Parliament around the world to do the work of India’s ambassadors?
The point is that it was not always like this. The international community stood with India when in 1999 it repulsed Pakistani soldiers attired in mufti at Kargil. The global opinion on the status of Kashmir changed after that, with US President Bill Clinton giving his imprimatur to the Simla Agreement that sanctified the Line of Control as a virtual border. Clinton visited India for five days and Pakistan for five hours. He praised India and admonished Pakistan.
Again, in November 2008, after the terror attack in Mumbai, the entire world stood with India. Pakistan was shamed for its role on both occasions because its role was manifest and, equally importantly, the world gave Indian statements due regard. Statements made by the governments of Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Manmohan Singh were taken seriously in all major capitals of the world. Neither had to waste national resources to fly 50 parliamentarians around the world to convince them of our case. Professional diplomats did that job.
The Union Government’s inability to identify the nationality of the terrorists involved in the Pahalgam attack and clearly establish Pakistan’s culpability has handicapped Indian diplomacy this time. Equally, many countries are wondering whether Indian domestic politics has not played its part in weakening India’s case on cross-border terrorism. The Indian State was viewed as a secular and democratic state and the governments of Vajpayee and Singh as responsible governments that deserved international support. The Indian case in this regard has become weaker and international opinion less charitable.
The first task of national security and foreign policy management has to be the correct sizing up of one’s enemy. Second, to ensure adequate contact at different levels that facilitates an exchange of credible information. By shutting down all diplomatic, business and civil society engagement with Pakistan, India has deprived itself of the means to acquire a balanced assessment of its neighbour and the ability to influence opinion across the border.
While the economic gap between the two countries has certainly grown, Pakistan is not a basket case. It has a sizeable economy, a sizeable industrial and agricultural base, links with major economies and a competent military.
In a recent interview with The Print’s Swasti Rao, a European diplomat reminded Indians of the many strengths and capabilities of Pakistan’s air force. Apart from its hard power, Pakistan has always enjoyed the soft power of its elite. In a highly feudal and unequal society, Pakistan’s elites continue to be groomed to interact with confidence and class with their Western interlocutors. India’s new middle class that now populates its politics and diplomacy is no match.
The drills, conducted on May 7 and again on May 31 under Operation Shield, exposed critical gaps in the country’s civil defence readiness, particularly in Punjab, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Jammu & Kashmir
n the wake of the Pahalgam terror attack, the Union Home Ministry is fast-tracking a proposal to revive and modernise Border Wing Home Guards Battalions in frontier states, aiming to strengthen India’s civil defence infrastructure.The battalions — originally created to serve as auxiliary forces to the Indian Army and the Border Security Force (BSF) during times of external aggression — have, over time, become largely defunct, barring Rajasthan. Officials say the units in several border states are now barely functional.
Highly placed sources informed The Tribune that the long-pending proposal had gained urgency following the April 22 terror strike in Pahalgam, in which 26 persons were killed, and India’s retaliatory military operation, Operation Sindoor, against Pakistan. It has also been spurred by concerns raised during recent national-level mock drills assessing preparedness for external aggression and natural disasters.
The drills, conducted on May 7 and again on May 31 under Operation Shield, exposed critical gaps in the country’s civil defence readiness, particularly in Punjab, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Jammu & Kashmir. The revived Home Guards plan is among the key remedial steps being expedited, officials confirmed.
According to official data, there are currently 15 Border Wing Home Guards Battalions — six in Punjab, four in Rajasthan, two in Gujarat and one each in Meghalaya, Tripura and West Bengal. These units are meant to assist the BSF in guarding international borders and coastal areas, preventing infiltration and protecting critical infrastructure during wartime.
The proposed overhaul includes fresh recruitment, modernised training modules and stricter deployment protocols, making the Home Guards a more effective civil defence backup.
Home Guards are raised under the Home Guards Act and Rules of the states/union territories, comprising citizens from diverse backgrounds who volunteer their time in service of community safety and national preparedness.
