A news report dated 28 June 2021 in Bloomberg makes the assertion that India has undertaken ‘a historic shift’ towards an offensive military posture against China by redirecting 50,000 additional troops (and new equipment) to its Northern border at different locations. It goes on to suggest that whereas before commanders had to adopt a defensive posture against Chinese threats, this rebalancing from west to north provides them offensive-defence options, thereby, making the overall deterrent posture against China that much more robust. This claim also finds mention in other online news platforms and print media. While the facts mentioned in various reports are correct in a bare minimum sense, it is their interpretation of perceived effects, as also past decisions that enabled such a rebalancing, which require a more in-depth look to view the issue pragmatically.
The India-China standoff in Eastern Ladakh shows no signs of any thaw, other than disengagement at Pangong Tso and the Kailash Range. While the onset of the summer campaigning season did witness a renewed push by both sides to bolster capabilities and play mind games. It was evident last year, from the bloody fight at Patrolling Point 14 in Galwan Valley in June and shrill Chinese reactions to Indian pre-emption along the Kailash Range in August, that this was no ordinary India-China standoff along the line of actual control (LAC). By then, both countries had built up substantial forces and these have been maintained at more or less the same levels. So, coming back to the curious case of the historic shift of 50,000 troops, it has definitely not occurred all of a sudden. The build-up of infrastructure and forces has been as per a capability development plan, based on a series of classified assessments of strategic threats that have been underway since 2006-07 onward (the author has been involved in two such studies to look at transformation of the army), and directions of the China Study Group (CSG) for the development of infrastructure in the border regions with China. A quick glance at the timeline of military tensions of the past decade along the Indo-Chinese border is instructive to arrive at a few reasoned conclusions about the rebalancing of forces.
The India-China standoff in Eastern Ladakh shows no signs of any thaw, other than disengagement at Pangong Tso and the Kailash Range. While the onset of the summer campaigning season did witness a renewed push by both sides to bolster capabilities and play mind games.
The Chinese claims in Eastern Ladakh, the Central Sector (Himachal and Uttarakhand), Sikkim, and Arunachal Pradesh are well-known and documented. Ever since 1993, a series of border protocols and agreements between India and China have been signed and adhered to (though more in the breach by China), till the arrival of President Xi Jinping at the helm of affairs in 2013. That year saw a provocative build-up of troops in the Depsang Plains in Eastern Ladakh and was only resolved after a series of talks over three weeks in April-May 2013. The following year, on the eve of President Xi’s first visit to India, Indian and Chinese troops faced off at Chumar in SE Ladakh over Chinese road building activity in what India considered its territory. It was resolved after 16 days, with India building up nearly a brigade-sized force there. The most serious standoff occurred in June 2017 near the India-Bhutan-China border tri-junction in Sikkim on the Doklam plateau. It involved India intervening on Bhutan’s behalf to prevent Chinese road construction across a very narrow portion of the Torsa River, which could have allowed Chinese troops, in times of conflict, to pose a faster threat to India’s Siliguri corridor, bypassing defences. The standoff lasted over two months with both countries building up forces up to division size with reserves in depth areas. The Indian Air Force and Indian Navy were also involved. While it was resolved after parleys at the highest level, the Indian Armed Forces, having wargamed a Pak-China collusive threat scenario for nearly a decade when Doklam transpired, were now faced with the actual prospect of having to earmark dedicated forces for such an eventuality, without giving up on territorial claims in any of the disputed areas. Then, the PLA upped the ante in April 2020 in Eastern Ladakh and we are where we are today.
The recap of Sino-Indian military tensions has a two-fold objective: First, to highlight a growing threat, of which India’s strategic leadership and its military have been aware for nearly a decade (if not more), and second, to point out that if today in the Ladakh Region, and in Arunachal, India is capable of positioning additional military hardware and forces, maintaining and sustaining them over extended periods, right close to the friction points, it is because of the culmination of processes that were conceived way back at the turn of the century and given an initial impetus by the UPA government, and which have been vigorously followed through by Prime Minister Modi in both his tenures. There’s no denying the sustained and comprehensive allocation of funds for infrastructure development that the NDA government has pumped in over the last seven years. Ladakh and Arunachal are better connected by rail, road, and air than they’ve ever been. It is India’s better connectivity to its far-flung border regions that may have indirectly contributed to China’s belligerent posturing.
There’s no denying the sustained and comprehensive allocation of funds for infrastructure development that the NDA government has pumped in over the last seven years. Ladakh and Arunachal are better connected by rail, road, and air than they’ve ever been. It is India’s better connectivity to its far-flung border regions that may have indirectly contributed to China’s belligerent posturing.
There’s a plethora of force accretions and major acquisitions that’s been undertaken by all three services since 2012 with China as the primary adversary. Concentrating primarily on the Army and a few Air Force platforms, the army accretions and equipment range from additional infantry divisions for Eastern Command, the raising of the Mountain Strike Corps (the second division possibly still under strength), long range rocket and missile artillery, EW units, air defence, the M777 light gun, and logistics infrastructure for supporting additional troops in high altitude all year round and in difficult terrain. Of late, the rebalancing of forces from the West includes the reassigning of roles of the two infantry divisions of the Mathura-based offensive corps (which was a secondary charter for them in any case, under the dual tasking policy of military operations) and additional forces for the Central Sector as well as a corps headquarters for controlling all additional troops in Ladakh for offensive options. The IAF has, of course, got the heavy strategic lift and tactical special operations capability in the C-17s and C-130Js respectively, the Chinooks for quick lift of troops and logistics as per the dictates of mountainous terrain in Ladakh and the Eastern sector, along with the formidable AH-64E multi-role attack helicopter. The newest augmentation to the IAF’s offensive capabilities being the Rafale multi-role combat aircraft, the sixth batch of which was inducted recently. It is also expecting to receive the S-400 Triumf surface to air missile system as per contract from Russia later in the year.
To conclude, the direction and pace of India’s military transformation is historic, at times forced by the hand of its neighbours, but mostly due to the slow yet deliberate rebalancing process that’s been ongoing for a decade now. The security set up may have been slow to react initially but you have to grant that the threats emanating now have been identified, definitely wargamed at the strategic and operational levels for some years now and the rebalancing of forces is but the culmination of processes that may not have been visible for some years had the Chinese not shown their hand so obviously since 2017. That their belligerence has coincided with the COVID-19 pandemic and India’s tightening of reins over peripheral borders only highlights that our policies may not match expectations all the time but they do deliver when the dragon is on your doorstep.

Vidya Balan

Basking in the success of her recently released Sherni and making the nation proud by becoming the only actor from 395 new invitees to join the Academy of Motion Pictures Arts and Sciences, the governing body behind the Oscars, Vidya Balan has now achieved yet another feat as a military firing range in Gulmarg, Kashmir, is named after the actress. Honouring the varied accomplishments of Vidya, the Indian Army has named a military firing range in Gulmarg as the Vidya Balan Firing Range.

Meanwhile, Vidya along with husband and producer Siddharth Roy Kapur had attended the Gulmarg Winter Festival organised by the Indian Army in February this year. On the work front, Vidya is currently gearing up for her upcoming film with Tumhari Sulu director Suresh Triveni.

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New Delhi: The Indian Air Force (IAF) has sought to purchase 10 Counter Unmanned Aircraft System (CUASs) — known as anti-drone systems in common parlance — specifically from Indian vendors.

The force floated a Request for Information (RFI) to invite bids last week.

The RFI dated 28 June came after a first-of-its-kind attack at the Jammu air base, where two low-intensity improvised explosive devices were dropped from a drone, which exploded close to the station’s helicopter hangar and left two IAF personnel injured.

An anti-drone system was subsequently installed at the Jammu station.

According to defence sources, the procurement and the RFI for CUASs has been in works for the last several months.

In its RFI, the force said it is looking to procure 10 CUAS via indigenous routes. The systems are intended to “detect, track, identify, designate and neutralize” hostile drones, the RFI said, adding that a Laser Directed Energy Weapon (Laser-DEW) is essentially required as a “kill option”.

Also read: Army focuses on bridging capabilities against Pakistan & China, inducts 12 indigenous bridges

What the RFI states

According to the RFI, the system’s basic features listed include provision of a “multi-sensor, multikill solution” effective enforcement of ‘No-Fly’ zones for unmanned aircraft (drones) while inflicting minimal collateral damage to the surrounding environment.

The CUAS should also generate a composite air situational picture for the operator and generate alerts based on user defined parameters.

This means that the inputs from different sensors will be consolidated on a single screen to enable a composite understanding of the situation for the controlling agency and the commander, explained sources.

It should be possible to mount the CUAS on indigenous vehicles with cross country capability and powered by indigenous electrical power supply systems, and to transport it by air and road.

The system should have a phased array radar (for detection of the UAV); radio frequency sensor (for detecting the UAV frequency); and an electro optical and infrared (EO/IR) system for detection and tracing a hostile UAV by way of visual and heat signatures.

It should have a soft kill option, which can include a Global Navigation Satellite Jammer System and RF Jammer, and a hard kill option (Laser-DEW).

Soft kill refers to jamming the communication or navigation signals used by a drone. Hard kill refers to its physical destruction.

The RFI sought to know if the system would be able to jam radio frequency communication between the target drone and its controller, and also jam satellite-based navigation systems used by the drone such as GPS, Glonass etc.

It also asked the vendors about the range at which the Laser-DEW could destroy micro- and mini-UAVs, its dwell time, and how many targets it can engage in quick succession.

ThePrint earlier reported that the Services are yet to buy anti-drone systems in large numbers. The Navy was the first to place an order for Israeli anti-drone system Smash 2000 Plus, which turns assault rifles into smart weapons, enabling first-shot hits and anti-drone operations.

What is a CUAS?

These systems detect and intercept hostile drones and unmanned aerial systems, which can be used for intelligence gathering or smuggling contraband, or to deploy explosives.

CUASs are deployed to protect military bases, airports, critical infrastructure and other important sites.

Typically, there are two main aspects to an anti-drone system — the detection of a rogue drone, and its destruction with weapon system, or jamming its communication signals.

The detection takes place via radars, or/and radio frequency sensors and EO/IR systems. Modern anti-drone radar systems may use multiple radar technologies depending on the range required, size of the zone to be protected, and number of simultaneous targets.

To destroy a hostile drone, a CUAS can include jammers and be armed with different weapon systems. For the latter, anti-drone systems could use guns or missiles along with a targeting system to destroy a drone. Similarly a high-powered laser or microwave could also destroy a rogue drone.

(Edited by Amit Upadhyaya)

Also read: India Rafale deal under scanner in France, judge appointed to probe alleged corruption: Reports

New Delhi: Chief of Army Staff (COAS), General MM Naravane will embark on a four-day visit to the United Kingdom and Italy from July 5 to 8.

He will be inaugurating the Indian Army Memorial in the famous town of Cassino and will be briefed at the Italian Army’s Counter IED Centre of Excellence at Cecchingola, Rome.

As per the Ministry of Defence, during the four-day visit, he will be meeting his counterparts and senior military leaders of these countries with an aim of enhancing India’s defence cooperation.

His visit to the United Kingdom is scheduled for two days (July 5 and 6) during which the COAS will interact with the Secretary of State for Defence, Chief of Defence Staff, Chief of General Staff and other dignitaries.

He will also be visiting various army formations where he will exchange ideas on issues of mutual interest.

During the second leg of his tour (July 7 and 8), the Army Chief will be holding important discussions with the Chief of Defence Staff and Chief of Staff of the Italian Army.

Also read: Drones pose new challenge, more state and non-state actors will use them: Army chief Naravane

Henceforth, drones may be Pakistan’s preferred means for executing attacks due to the inherent advantages of deniability and economy of effort. Therefore, there can be no let-up on our side in ensuring foolproof protective and counter measures. A strategic message must go to Pakistan that lack of a strong Indian response cannot be taken for granted.

High time: Tech-based counter drone systems should be deployed across vulnerable areas to detect and destroy hostile drones. File photo

Lt Gen Philip Campose (Retd)

The June 27 terror attack on the Jammu airfield, using two small quadcopter drones, could well signify an escalation of the terrorist threat from Pakistan, which employs multiple dimensions — land, air, water and cyber — to reach the targets in India.

In the past, terrorist modules have mostly used the land route to infiltrate and reach their targets. Occasionally, maritime routes have been used — the Mumbai terror attack of November 2008 being the most prominent example.

This drone attack is the first known case of the use of the aerial route, possibly employing ‘off-the-shelf’ autonomous drones equipped with GPS sensors to bypass the checkpoints on the land route as well as the perimeter fencing and protective measures.

Alternatively, if these drones were ground-controlled, it implies that the controllers could be within a few kilometres of the target area. Such use of the aerial route by Pakistani terrorists to deliver explosive payloads to the target area poses special challenges due to the enhanced potential of wreaking damage to sensitive targets and assets — as experienced at the Russian bases of Hmeimim and Tartus in Syria and Caracas (Venezuela) in 2018 and in the Saudi oilfields in 2019. To that extent, the attempted drone strike can be described as a sudden escalation in terrorist capacity and efforts.

Defence installations, especially those close to the border, have been the preferred targets of Pakistan-based terrorist organisations because of the publicity and support it fetches them. Moreover, if these attacks are successful, as has happened on some occasions, it could lead to the lowering of the morale of the targeted units and the general public.

Significantly, the protective measures implemented by the forces after the January 2016 attack on the Pathankot airfield, based on the recommendations of the committee convened to review the security of the defence installations, have largely succeeded in preventing infiltration along the land and maritime routes from reaching the military targets.

To that extent, in keeping with the global trends, the use of armed drones was predictable, more so as there were recent reports of elements from Pakistan using drones for smuggling or carrying weapons across the border.

The Indian Air Force was fortunate that the drone attack against the Jammu airfield caused negligible damage. Nonetheless, the message was clear. Possibly, in view of the recent lack of success of their human terror modules in executing attacks, Pakistan has introduced another low-cost means of carrying out such attacks against Indian targets. The use of drones also enables deniability by Pakistan state agencies, which, predictably, will deny totally or ascribe responsibility to non-state actors.

This latest incident, therefore, can be described as another in the long list of hostile and provocative actions against India by Pakistan, which, as usual, has feigned ignorance about the attack. It appears that the aim of this attack was not only to cause damage/casualties and instil insecurity in military units close to the border but also to try and compel India and its armed forces to divert disproportionate attention and resources to deal with this threat.

On a higher plane, it would not be far-fetched to infer that the strike could be aimed at diverting capital funds from those aimed at modernising the Indian military to further beefing up protective measures opposite the Pakistan borders. Thus, the Indian security establishment and the armed forces must learn the right lessons. What are the lessons learnt from the latest drone-based terror strike?

First, it has been validated once again that Pakistan and its proxies will continue to carry out cross-border terror attacks against sensitive targets in India, especially against security establishments in the vicinity of the border. Henceforth, drones may be the preferred means for executing such attacks due to the inherent advantages of deniability and economy of effort.

Therefore, there can be no let-up on our side in ensuring foolproof protective and counter measures. More importantly, whatever its intent, a strategic message must go to Pakistan that lack of a strong Indian response cannot be taken for granted and Pakistan would invite appropriate retaliation across multiple dimensions if it continues with such misdeeds.

Secondly, it is time that a review of the security of defence and other sensitive establishments close to the border is conducted, this time with focus on the aerial threat from drones. Low-technology drones, due to their small size and ‘dumb’ nature, pose special challenges for detection and engagement by conventional systems. While technology should play a leading role in dealing with the threat, the thrust should also be on low-cost, easily deployable physical measures which would be easier to implement. The responsibility for coordinating measures to deal with the aerial threat should be with the Indian Air Force. Air defence assets and counter-drone measures of the other services should be coordinated by the Air Force.

Thirdly, it is high time that technology-based counter-drone systems are deployed across vulnerable areas to detect and destroy hostile drones. Counter-drone technology involving radars, acoustic mechanisms, radio frequency devices and electro-optical methodology, or a combination of such sensors, should be deployed at the earliest. Priority for such induction should be given to sensitive installations with high-value assets close to the border.

Over the last few years, especially after armed drones achieved a devastating effect in sub-conventional conflicts in West Asia and in conventional war conditions in the Azerbaijan-Armenia conflict, it is a given that both state and non-state actors would choose to acquire and employ armed drones in conflict situations.

Hence, the efforts to induct armed drones into the armed forces’ inventory should be given an impetus. To that extent, available conventional systems must be reconfigured to deal with this sub-conventional threat.

Finally, this attack should serve as a wake-up call to our security establishment. We have to be prepared for the eventuality that the next attack(s) may be more sophisticated and lethal, using better technology and more dangerous payloads. Nonetheless, our response should focus on simple, easily implementable and cost-effective strategies.

Care should be taken to ensure that our response is measured and nuanced, in keeping with the actual threat that has unfolded or may evolve. A disproportionate response or extensive diversion of the existing resources would only support the interests of our adversaries.

To start with, reactive measures appropriate to the threat as well as some active measures using simple, cost-effective technology should be implemented immediately within the ambit of the protective measures that are already in vogue. Simultaneously, options for possible retaliation should be planned for and honed.

London: Chief of Army Staff Gen M M Naravane has met UK’s Chief of Defence Staff Gen Sir Nicholas Carter and exchanged views on defence cooperation between the two countries.

Gen Naravane arrived on a two-day visit to the United Kingdom on July 5, the Indian High Commission here said in a statement.

During the UK leg of his European tour, Gen Naravane is also scheduled to meet UK Secretary of State for Defence Ben Wallace and Chief of General Staff General Sir Mark Carleton-Smith.

“General MM Naravane COAS interacted with General Sir Nicholas Carter, Chief of Defence Staff, CDS and exchanged views on bilateral defence cooperation,” Additional Directorate General of Public Information of the Indian Army tweeted on Tuesday.

Earlier, Gen Naravane inspected the Guard of Honour provided by the Grenadier Guards on Horse Guards’ Parade Square as part of his welcome by the British Army.

The Army chief will visit British Army formations and engage on subjects of mutual interest.

During the second leg of his Europe tour on Wednesday and Thursday, Gen Naravane will be holding important discussions with the Chief of Defence Staff and the Chief of Staff of the Italian Army.

“Additionally, the Chief of Army Staff will also inaugurate the Indian Army Memorial in the famous town of Cassino and will be briefed at the Italian Army’s Counter IED Centre of Excellence at Cecchignola, Rome,” the Indian Army had said in a pre-visit statement. –PTI

Also read: General MM Naravane to inaugurate Indian Army Memorial in Italy

Srinagar, July 5

The process of recruitment for two women battalions in Jammu and Kashmir has started with the police announcing their test timetable on Monday.

The chairman of the Police Recruitment Board announced the schedule for conducting the physical standard and endurance tests of the candidates belonging to the Jammu division and Ladakh, who applied under the Scheduled Caste category against the vacant posts in the UT. “The physical endurance test/physical standard test of candidates belonging to Ladakh, who have applied for the post of constables in two women battalions, shall be conducted between July 26 and August 3,” a notification said. — PTI

Shared 900 papers linked to defence, national security

Tribune News Service

Jalandhar, July 6

The Punjab Police today busted a major cross-border espionage network with the arrest of two Army personnel on charges of spying and providing classified documents to the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) of Pakistan.

Those arrested have been identified as Sepoy Harpreet Singh (23) from Cheecha village in Amritsar and Sepoy Gurbhej Singh (23), a native of Punian village in Tarn Taran.

Harpreet, who was posted in Anantnag, joined the Army in 2017 and belonged to 19 Rashtriya Rifles, while Gurbhej belonged to 18 Sikh Light Infantry and was working as a clerk in Kargil. He had joined the Army in 2015.

DGP Dinkar Gupta said the Jalandhar (Rural) police led by SSP Naveen Singla, while investigating an NDPS case, recovered confidential documents related to the functioning and deployment of the Army from cross-border drug smuggler Ranvir Singh, who was arrested with 70 gm heroin on May 24.

He said during interrogation, Ranvir disclosed that he got the documents from Sepoy Harpreet Singh, a friend, as they both belonged to the same village. “Ranvir lured Harpreet with financial benefits for sharing defence documents, following which the latter induced his friend Gurbhej into spying activities,” he said, adding since Gurbhej was working as a clerk in 121 Infantry Brigade Headquarters in Kargil, he could get easy access to the classified documents containing both strategic and tactical information relating to the Army.

He said the two had already shared photos of over 900 classified documents — pertaining to defence and national security — to Ranvir over a period of four months between February and May. Ranvir had further passed those on to Pakistan intelligence officers.

The DGP said Ranvir used to send classified documents to either Pakistan ISI operatives directly or through Gopi, the main drug smuggler from Dauke village in Amritsar having links with Pakistan-based drug-smuggling syndicates and ISI officials.

Following Ranvir’s disclosures, the police have arrested Gopi, who has confessed to having transferred classified documents to Pakistan drug smuggler, identified as Kothar and an alleged Pak ISI operative, Sikander, in lieu of supply of heroin and financial benefits, said the DGP.

SSP Naveen Singla said the Army authorities had handed over both Army men to the Jalandhar (Rural) police.

The drug connection

• Jalandhar (Rural) police recovered classified papers linked to Army from drug smuggler Ranvir Singh in an NDPS case
• Ranvir claimed he got documents from Sepoy Harpreet Singh, a friend, who further lured Sepoy Gurbhej Singh
• Gurbhej worked as a clerk at 121 Infantry Brigade headquarters in Kargil and got easy access to classified documents, said DGP
• The documents were shared either with ISI operatives directly or through Gopi, a drug smuggler with links to Pak drug syndicates and ISI

Opposition parties have consistently alleged corruption in the deal

File photo of a Rafale fighter jet.

Ravi S Singh
Tribune News Service
New Delhi, July 5

The controversy and political polemics on Union government’s purchase of 36 Rafale jet fighters from France gathered storm ahead of Parliament’s Winter Session with BSP chief Mayawati on Monday asking the government to come clean on the matter.

The Opposition parties have consistently alleged corruption in the deal. They had targeted Prime Minister Narendra Modi. 

Congress and Left parties have made a fresh demand for a probe into the Rafale purchase deal by a Joint Parliamentary Committee (JPC) in light of French government instituting a Judicial Commission to probe into allegations of corruption in the Rafale deal.

The Congress and the CPI(M) have given broad hints to raise the issue in Parliament during the Monsoon Session.

However, Mayawati took a jibe at the Congress with regard to corruption in arms purchase deals during its regime, making it clear in public perception that her stand on the Rafale was autonomous, and not influenced by it (Congress).

“Probe into the allegations and counter allegations on commissions in purchase of arms for defence is not new, rather it is a new continuation of the same old chapter starting from the Congress regime,” Mayawati tweeted in Hindi.

She added that the present government should come clean on the Rafale deal and put the controversy surrounding it to rest.

“The news of the institution of judicial probe set up by the French government on allegations of corruption in the purchase of Rafale fighter jets by the Indian government has made national and international headlines due to which the issue has become topic of fresh discussions. It would be better if the Union government takes appropriate cognisance of it,” Mayawati added.

Gen Naravane arrived on a two-day visit to the United Kingdom on July 5, the Indian High Commission in London says

Gen MM Naravane. PTI file

London, July 6

Chief of Army Staff Gen MM Naravane has met UK’s Chief of Defence Staff Gen Sir Nicholas Carter and exchanged views on defence cooperation between the two countries.

Gen Naravane arrived on a two-day visit to the United Kingdom on July 5, the Indian High Commission here said in a statement.

During the UK leg of his European tour, Gen Naravane is also scheduled to meet UK Secretary of State for Defence Ben Wallace and Chief of General Staff General Sir Mark Carleton-Smith.

“General MM Naravane COAS interacted with General Sir Nicholas Carter, Chief of Defence Staff, CDS and exchanged views on bilateral defence cooperation,” Additional Directorate General of Public Information of the Army tweeted on Tuesday.

Earlier, Gen Naravane inspected the Guard of Honour provided by the Grenadier Guards on Horse Guards’ Parade Square as part of his welcome by the British Army.

The Army chief will visit British Army formations and engage on subjects of mutual interest.

During the second leg of his Europe tour on Wednesday and Thursday, Gen Naravane will be holding important discussions with the Chief of Defence Staff and the Chief of Staff of the Italian Army.

“Additionally, the Chief of Army Staff will also inaugurate the Indian Army Memorial in the famous town of Cassino and will be briefed at the Italian Army’s Counter IED Centre of Excellence at Cecchignola, Rome,” the Indian Army had said in a pre-visit statement. PTI