CHINA has numerically the largest navy in the world with an overall battle force of around 355 ships and submarines, according to a recent report of the Pentagon. This numero uno status is inextricably linked with Beijing’s expansionist moves in the maritime domain. Having established its first overseas military base at Djibouti (Africa) in 2017, China is looking to set up a base in Cambodia in the Indo-Pacific. It is also zeroing in on other countries in Asia and Africa as locations for military logistics facilities of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA). The Pentagon document states that China and Iran — along with Russia — have been conducting joint naval exercises in the Indian Ocean since 2019. China’s double standards are evident from its objection to such exercises conducted by other groups of nations. In August last year, China had held naval drills in the South China Sea ahead of an exercise involving the navies of the four Quad members — the US, India, Japan and Australia. In a veiled warning, Beijing had hoped that ‘the warships of the relevant countries will abide by international law… and avoid harming regional peace and stability.’
India can’t let its guard down in the high seas for another reason: Chinese spy vessel Yuan Wang 5 has reportedly re-entered the Indian Ocean Region, months after it docked at the Chinese-owned port of Hambantota in Sri Lanka despite New Delhi’s protestations. The ‘research ship’ poses a threat to India’s strategic security as it is capable of tracking satellites and intercontinental ballistic missiles. It’s also a cause for concern that the PLA owns and operates about half of the world’s intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance (ISR) systems, which allow it to monitor potential regional flashpoints such as Taiwan, the Indian Ocean and the South China Sea.5
Closer maritime cooperation with the US and its allies is a must for India, which should also augment its naval firepower. Navy Chief Admiral R Hari Kumar said last week that India is keeping a close watch on Chinese ships present in the region. There is a need for heightened vigil to deter the Chinese navy from indulging in any misadventure.
India’s women pilot percentage higher than global average
The number of women pilots in the country is 15 per cent, which is higher than the global average of 5 per cent, Minister of State for Civil Aviation VK Singh told the Lok Sabha. “Globally, according to the International Society of Women Airline Pilots, around 5 per cent of pilots are women. In India, their number is 15 per cent,” he said. TNS
N-plants safe from cyberattacks: Govt
The Centre said security arrangements were in place to secure India’s nuclear power plant systems from cyberattacks. Union MoS for Atomic Energy and Space Jitendra Singh said the arrangements included authorisation, authentication and access control mechanisms, configuration control and surveillance. TNS
Working for sailors’ release: EAM
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar said in the Rajya Sabha during question hour on Thursday that the Centre was in touch with the governments of Nigeria and Equatorial Guinea to secure the release of 16 Indian sailors charged with theft of oil and conspiracy. TNS
Pakistan hands over captured BSF constable to India
After several rounds of talks, the Pakistan Rangers on Thursday released a BSF constable who had inadvertently crossed the International Border near the Mauzam border outpost in Fazilka district on Wednesday morning.
Amit Prasad of 66 Battalion returned after 34 hours.
In a similar incident on December 2, a BSF man was handed over to India on the same day after a flag meet between BSF and Pakistan Rangers.
Sources said the Pakistan Rangers were suspicious over repeated incidences of jawans crossing over to Pakistan in less than a week. They said after mounting pressure by the BSF, the Pakistan Rangers, after seeking permission from the higher authorities, released the constable.
Capt Gurbachan Singh Salaria, PVC was born in a Rajput family of Sialkot and migrated to Village Jangal of Dist Pathankot.He was commissioned in Gurka Rifles.He was KIA in 1951 in Congo during UN mission while fighting terrorists.His team was surrounded by en and fought like Tigers killing 40 terrorists in single action
Outgoing Chief of Army Staff General Qamar Javed Bajwa hands over the baton of command over to the newly appointed Army Chief General Asim Munir (L), during a ceremony at the army headquarters in Rawalpindi, on November 29, 2022. ISPR/Handout via Reuters
Dr. Shalini Chawla
In recent months, Pakistan has been witnessing significant political instability, an alarming economic crisis, and efforts from the political leadership to revive its slanted relationship with the West. This periodic political instability is not new in Pakistan, and historical evidence suggests the consistent inability of the democratic leaders in Pakistan to sustain power strings for their designated tenure. The political cycle as suggested by the historical evidence is that a democratic leader receives complete support from the military establishment and comes into power promising betterment of the Pakistani awaam, but the civil-military bonhomie typically fails to last beyond 2-3 years. After coming into power, the political leadership starts asserting itself in the domains that have remained sacrosanct to the establishment, challenging the authority of the military, leading to strains in the relationship and eventually the exit of the elected leader, who invariably faces corruption charges and lands behind bars, before the military starts to back another leader of their choice. Imran Khan’s victory in the 2018 general elections and his subsequent departure in the no-confidence vote were no deviation from the past trends.
Even though the political instability has been cyclic in Pakistan, what has been different in Khan’s case is that he managed to build a support lobby for himself within the critical institutions in Pakistan, which have backed his actions and narratives against the establishment. Post his ouster, Imran Khan has been on a rallying spree and has gathered support on primarily three narratives: the anti-corruption narrative, where he has pointed fingers at the opposition party leaders for their corrupt records, the anti-US narrative, where he held the US responsible for conspiring his exit; and the anti-military narrative, where he has accused the establishment (few senior army officers) of being ‘traitor’ and corrupt. His mass following and support, which reflected in his victory in the recent by-elections, indicate that his narratives have apparently been in sync with the popular sentiments.
Khan’s support within the country has been a challenge for the Shehbaz Sharif government and the military establishment. The military’s image has suffered a serious blow in a military-run state as a result of the blatant accusations by Imran Khan, which he started to levy after realizing that the establishment is no longer willing to back him. In fact, the last time the nation saw a decline in the military’s respect and image (to this extent) was after the killing of Osama bin Laden, almost next door to Pakistan’s Kakul Military Academy, in 2011 during General Kayani’s tenure.
The newly appointed Chief of Army Staff, General Asim Munir, has some daunting tasks ahead of him. For sure, he needs to revive the army’s position and respect within society. This has been a critical factor in the functioning of the state, where the national objectives, domestic policies, ideological affiliations, and, very importantly, alliances with major powers, have been dominated by the military’s thinking and choices. The appointment of the army chief has been probably one of the most significant issues on Imran Khan’s agenda, and his efforts starting April this year have been to pressurise the regime, with the consistent display of his street power, to hold early elections. Also, Khan recently announced that his party will ‘not remain part of the current political system’. While the coming weeks and months will unfold some interesting political dynamics in Pakistan, Imran Khan cannot afford to antagonise the establishment anymore. Khan’s past ‘unpleasant record’ with Gen Munir has been a major contributor to Sharif’s calculated selection of the chief. The new chief will be focused on restoring the public’s perception of the establishment, working towards political stability (without getting overtly engaged), focusing on economic management, and continuing the momentum of the revival of Pakistan’s foreign relations.
The writer is a distinguished fellow, Centre for Air Power Studies, New Delhi
In the past 60 years, there has been no official function by the MoD to commemorate the soldiers who laid down their lives in the India-China war in 1962. Photo courtesy: MoD https://cdn.vuukle.com/widgets/audio.html?version=1.0.3 Advertisement
Ajay Banerjee
IN the past 10 days, the Indian Army commemorated separate battles of the 1962 India-China war. However, like in the past 60 years, this year, too, there was no official function by the Ministry of Defence (MoD) in the national capital to mark remembrance or commemoration for the soldiers who laid down their lives during the war.
Several retired soldiers are in favour of an official function steered by the MoD, and not just Army commemorations at several locations in the Himalayas. With the National War Memorial having come up in the national capital, an official remembrance, it is felt, would be appropriate for those who died in the war that began on October 20, 1962, and lasted till November 21. The memorial has a tablet in the name of every Indian soldier who died for the country.
Defence Minister Rajnath Singh inaugurating a memorial at Rezang La in November 2021 to commemorate the fallen soldiers. Photo courtesy: MoD
It could be a solemn wreath-laying ceremony each year to honour the 3,250 soldiers who laid down their lives in 1962, the veterans opine.
Right through the 1962 Sino-Indian conflict, Indian troops were out-numbered four to one, were ill-prepared and ill-equipped. As per records, the supply lines for ammunition had snapped, forcing commanders to order retreat. Despite that, some of them stood up and fought against the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China to the ‘last man last bullet’.
Multiple personal accounts written by military officers of those times, researchers and also the History of the Conflict with China, 1962 — produced by the MoD and released for ‘restricted’ circulation in 1993 — have a common thread. All accept that the India-China war in 1962 ended as an example of bad military planning. However, two battles — the one at Walong in Arunachal Pradesh and the other at Rezang La in eastern Ladakh — are most talked about. These have been mentioned in glowing terms in all references of the war. There were glimpses of military brilliance elsewhere too.
Honouring the heroes
India celebrates the victory of the 1971 war with Pakistan as ‘Vijay Diwas’ on December 16 and also the victory in the India-Pakistan ‘Kargil conflict’ on July 26. On both occasions, ceremonies are conducted centrally. The Navy Day celebrated each year on December 4 is to mark the attack launched by Indian warships to target Karachi harbour the same day during the 1971 war.
Can a ceremony be conducted for the war dead of 1962? Lt Gen Shokin Chauhan (retd), who was Director General of Assam Rifles, says, “I strongly suggest that soldiers who died in the 1962 war should be remembered, let’s have a ‘remembrance day’.”https://31ca2e27acc20500ff2446bb0220da6a.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-40/html/container.html
Citing the example of ‘remembrance day’ in the United Kingdom, Lt Gen Chauhan, who had commanded the premier 1 Strike Corps at Mathura, adds, “We can have one like that.”
A former Defence Secretary, who did not wish to be named, said, “It will be a political call on what sort of function can be done to honour the dead of the 1962 war.” Since the war did not end in a win, the country never remembered it by expressing it through an official function and that is the only possible explanation for the lack of a formal ceremony, the former Defence Secretary added.
Under the present system, even the Chief of Defence Staff, who heads the Department of Military Affairs, can suggest what sort of homage can be paid to the dead of the 1962 war
Air Vice Marshal Manmohan Bahadur (retd), former Additional Director of the IAF-backed think tank Centre for Air Power Studies (CAPS), says, “Our jawans fought to the Army’s credo, ‘last man last round’. It was India’s war and not the Army’s or any political party’s war.”
Growing up in the 1960s, he recalls, “one saw the trauma and shock of defeat during the war, along with tales of unprecedented valour. And to see that not even a wreath was laid at the National War Memorial on behalf of the Services is painful”.
It’s never too late to start such a remembrance ceremony, argues Lt Gen Chauhan, who also headed the ceremonial and welfare wing tasked with conducting such functions.
“The lack of a ceremony means the tablets with the names of the dead at the war memorial are just pieces of concrete, the soul is missing,” AVM Bahadur says.
Walong battle
Despite being numerically inferior, the Indian troops held back the Chinese at Walong in Arunachal for days. History of the Conflict with China, 1962 describes the battle: “A defensive battle against heavy odds, the troops fought bravely, but being out-numbered and out-weaponed in automatics and ammunition, suffered heavily.”
The Indian Army had 2,500 troops, the Chinese were five times that number, aided by artillery and automatic weapons. The Chinese launched the first attack on October 21 1962, but lost 60 soldiers. Regardless, they pressed forward and made two unsuccessful attempts to capture Walong. Each time they were repelled by 4 Sikh and a company of 2/8 Gorkha Rifles (GR).
The Sikhs attacked the Chinese on October 26. Sepoy Kewal Singh of 4 Sikh was awarded the Maha Vir Chakra (MVC).
A 10-day lull followed. The 4 Sikh Regiment and 6 Kumaon had been tasked to the area on September 21, while the 3/3 GR replaced two companies of 2/8 GR in the first week of November. The 4 Dogra fetched up on November 9. The Intelligence Bureau headed by BN Mullick assessed that “six Chinese battalions (some 4,800-5,000 men) were positioned across Lohit river”.
On November 6, the first Indian attack was launched by a company led by Capt RK Mathur of 6 Kumaon. “15 Chinese died,” read the post-war Vir Chakra citation of Capt Mathur.
The Kumaonis launched another attack on yellow pimple (a hill feature) and charged up in the face of a shower of bullets. The attack reached about 20 metres short of the top. Of the 200 Indian troops who assaulted yellow pimple, only 90 returned.
A few miles away at ‘Patrol base’ —located behind green pimple and yellow pimple — the ‘A’ company of 4 Sikh came under fire but beat back the enemy. With ammunition running out, the Sikhs were asked to withdraw. Across the Lohit, the ‘D’company of the Sikhs was attacked. It was a bitter fight. It halted only when the company commander, Lt Yog Plata, was killed. He was awarded a Vir Chakra.
On the west ridge overlooking Walong, Lt Bikram Singh of 6 Kumaon held on for hours. Only 17 of his troops survived; the rest, including Lt Singh himself, died fighting to the last bullet.
“Indian troops offered stiff resistance, but they had to vacate their positions,” says the MoD’s book.
Rezang La
The Indian Army held back an assault by the PLA at Rezang La in eastern Ladakh, located at an altitude of 18,000 feet and smack at the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China.
Rezang La sits astride the routes to Chushul to its west and Dungti to its south-east. From Chushul garrison, the road link is to Leh. The occupation of this feature would have enabled the Chinese to cut off the single road to Leh, isolating the garrison and its vital airstrip.
The battle at Rezang La waged for some 18 hours. Starting from 4 am on November 18, 1962, till about 10 pm that night, the ‘C’ company of 13th battalion of the Kumaon Regiment held on against the enemy strength of some 1,000. The commander of the ‘C’ company, Major Shaitan Singh, was conferred the Param Vir Chakra. Eight more received the Vir Chakra while four others the Sena Medal. The 13 Kumaon received the battle honour ‘Rezang La’.
A History of the Conflict with China, 1962, says: “The fight at Rezang La was hard and bitter… It was littered with the dead Chinese… The Indian soldier was defeated but not disgraced in Ladakh.”
“The company (of 13 Kumaon) had 112 men of all ranks and only 14 survived.”
The Chinese casualties are officially estimated at 500. In 1963, when the Red Cross teams went to recover the bodies, they saw the place littered with field dressings and blood marks, indicating heavy casualties suffered by the enemy.
The PLA had sent in 400 men in the first attack which was repulsed and then added more to have some 900 men surround Rezang La from three sides. The battle is seen as one of the reasons that the Chushul garrison was not overrun.
Maj Shaitan Singh had three choices — hold on to his position and fight on, break out towards the rest of the battalion but that would be at the risk of additional casualties, or lastly, surrender and save the lives of his remaining men. He stayed on and the rest is history.
Last year, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh inaugurated a new memorial at Rezang La.
“A riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma”, was a comment by Churchill on Russia. However, in today’s world this would more aptly apply to China. Enigma it is. It revels in remaining mysterious. It shrouds itself in secrecy.
The collapse of the USSR came as a shock to Chinese leadership. One of Xi’s guiding principles is: “A strong country must have a strong army.” Xi’s efforts is to revive the “Red Army spirit” in the PLA amid global geopolitical shifts, on the philosophy of “the Party controls the gun”. This stems from Mao’s idea that “political power flows from the barrel of a gun”.
In one of the lessons learnt by China from the Soviet collapse was “a top-down and unified command system is a military must. The Soviet Communist Party’s decision to abolish political education is one of the key factors that led to its collapse”. Xi has stated in no uncertain terms that loyalty to the Party is paramount. He also feels that the Soviets had converted their army into a national army from being an army of the Communist Party, which led to its inevitable collapse. As a consequence, he has clearly enunciated that the PLA is the Communist Party of China’s army, first and last. To ensure this he has reinforced the political commissar system. Xi has removed a number of senior military officers in purging the military of corruption.
As Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC), Xi has the power to command all China’s armed forces, decide their strategy and courses of action and manage their development, personnel, equipment, funding, and assets. In his report to the 20th National Congress on October 16, 2022, Xi said: “The use of military power needs to be normalised and used in diverse ways…..we need to be able to stage military operations readily, create a secure environment, deter and control risks and conflicts and win regional wars.”
Based on this thought it can be assessed that the Galwan clash has its origins in the Doklam stand-off. Post Doklam, in January 2018, the CMC issued its first Training Mobilisation Order (TMO) signed by Xi and released in an elaborate ceremony, wherein forces of all theatre commands were moblised for training. Large number of troops and equipment were inducted into Tibet for this so called training purposes in the summer of that year. Training in high altitude areas, assaults in deep snow and live fire exercises with tanks, artillery, armed helicopters and air support were carried out. These were prominently highlighted in the state-controlled media. Again in 2019 a TMO was issued in the first week of January and similar exercises were carried out in summer. A pattern was set. Therefore, when a similar TMO was issued in January 2020 it was probably taken as routine. The enhanced scope with additional forces and equipment was not known or not taken cognizance of, if known. It resulted in the aggressive proactive Chinese action in Eastern Ladakh which India had least expected.
Whenever the India-China boundary issue is put on the back-burner, China has used that opportunity to extensively develop infrastructure in Tibet. It has built a rail link from Lhasa to Nyingchi in the east opposite Arunachal Pradesh, Shigatse in the center north of the Chumbi valley, and now proposes to extend it opposite Nepal. It is also building a rail link from Chendgu to Lhasa. The obstacles and difficulties imposed by terrain and geography do not seem to hinder their projects.
Today’s geopolitical headwinds have a muscular China not just competing with the US but challenging it as well as the rest of the world. But it seems that even after 70 years China is still not secure with its presence in Tibet. Some scholars in the west had said that China poses an “existential threat” to India!! They had under estimated India political resolve and will of India.
— The writer is a former Chief of Staff, Eastern Command
Pakistan became the first islamic state to be born after decolonisation started in the post Second World War period.
In the 75 years long history of Pakistan there have been only two periods when the Establishment played second fiddle to civilian leadership .The first time was from August 14, 1947 to October 21, 1951, the day prime minister Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated .The second spell came on December 20, 1971, when Zuffiqar Ali Bhutto took over and lasted till July 5, 1977, when he was overthrown in a millitary takeover.
During the rest of its journey as a nation state, Pakistan has had the conspicuous and humongous presence of the all powerful establishment controlling foreign affairs, defence, internal security and nuclear affairs, and not allowing political leaders to interface in these matters.
The reason why democracy became so fragile and the Establishment became so strong is not far to seek. The structural dynamics of the Muslim League at the time of Independence answer that. It is pertinent to mention that even in 1937 there was only one member of the Muslim League in the 175-member, pre-partition Punjab Assembly in Lahore. Muslim League had no presence in Balochistan and no member in NWFP Assembly. It had only one member in Sindh Assembly. It was only in 1945 and 1946 that Muslim League started having leaders and workers from the Unionist Party and other groups as its members in Punjab and from other Parties in NWFP and Sindh
After Independence the Establishment never allowed independent-minded leaders to grow and the moment a leader tried to encroach upon it’s domain, he was made a horrible example for others to see. The Establishment brought rich landlords, wadheras, businessmen, etc. into politics so that they would be obsequious partners in power game.
Also in Pakistan, there exists a structural and insitutional divide between elements that want to have power. This is manifest in every aspect notably in society, economy and most specifically in politics. The tension between theses forces maintains the status quo in the country and any fractures in this precarious balance always result in social clashes and brutallities that hark back to its repressive history. It is generally overlooked that institutional weaknesses have adverse impacts on the economy, national policies and social development of society.
It is a fact that exceptional personal moral standards ought to be a perequisite for holding high public office, but in a third world country like Pakistan most of the leaders have thin morality, nay intergrity, with smudged financial hygiene. Sooner or later many such unscrupulous leaders find themselves in the quagmire of corruption charges with frugal arguments to defend them, leading to instability and precariousness in the system.
The Establishment is not going to wither away and seemingly there is no leader likely to come in the near future who can take up cudgels with it. So, the world and especially India, has to face the unpleasant reality that a nuclear-armed Pakistani Establishment with an everest of animosity against India would rule by proxy in years to come. The takeover of the new Army Chief, General Asim Munir, will not change this settled paradigm.
When weak civilan leaders lead a nation state as in Paskistan, then administration becomes non performing and as Italian philosopher Giorgio Agam Ben said, “Politics melts into the management of a permanent disorder.” Then politicians and bureaucracy just pass time without making seminal changes or in any way showing sagacity in decisions and ameliorating the nagging and obnoxious problems faced by the populace at large for survival leading to instability in the country.
The post Zia-ul-Haq phase clearly shows the working of weak political leaders, be it Benazir, Nawaz, Zardari, Imran or now Shahbaz. So with the retirement of General Bajwa and taking over of General Asim Munir, no major changes are expected. The Establishment (Army and ISI) is going to rule Pakistan with puny political leaders becoming a facade of Democracy. The instability would countine for times to come.
Along with powerful military & strong economy, ‘will to power’ is a must
Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi, PVSM, AVSM, VSM
History tells us about nations of the past that have become powerful, and it also tells us about empires and civilisations that failed or ceased to exist. A third category is nations that have prevailed despite great odds faced by them against powerful nations or empires.
They have done so for a variety of reasons, but the more important ones are leadership of the highest order, cohesiveness among the polity, respect for all, self-sacrifice, character built on moral values, and most importantly a powerful military to defend themselves.
Examples of enduring against great odds are at both tactical and strategic levels, but eventually what matters is the totality of prevailing over one or more powerful countries.
Examples of enduring against great odds are at both tactical and strategic levels, but eventually what matters is the totality of prevailing over one or more powerful countries.
For over three centuries, practically the whole of India was ruled by the Mughal Empire. It existed and endured on account of its conquests, its powerful military and economic clout. Despite its size, power and wealth, there were some small countries that not only checked its increasing size but either stopped its expansion or tried to revert it.
Three important small powers who did so were the Rajput states of north and west India, the Marathas under Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj and after his death the Peshwa Confederacy from the south, and the Ahom Kingdom of Assam. Much later, when the Mughal Empire was declining, Maharaja Ranjit Singh kept it confined while he brought the various Sikh Misls together and expanded his small kingdom into the powerful Sikh Empire in the Northwest.
Compared to the massive and powerful Mughal Empire, these four protagonists were indeed small, but they had the ‘will’ within them, inculcated by great leaders of their respective regions that strengthened them to take on this huge empire and succeed in different measures to do so. Their successes reconfirm that there is nothing impossible provided one has the will and appetite for risks and brave and capable leaders.
The three brave leaders and heroes of the Rajputs that stand out are Prithviraj Chauhan, Rana Sangha and Rana Pratap. Although, the Rajputs were defeated in battle against the invaders from the north and the Mughal Empire, they made it very difficult for the powerful Mughals to take them for granted, resulting in the Mughals befriending them and amalgamating them as part of their empire.https://38e4e68cd73f67afcf46bbac2ba1d17a.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-40/html/container.html
The Marathas under Chhatrapati Shivaji Maharaj employed military force, guile and diplomacy against the Mughals and succeeded in their aims of laying out an empire that was finally equal to or even bigger than the Mughal Empire. The Marathas were also masters in guerrilla warfare and used it successfully against the ponderous Mughal armies. Shivaji himself was a man of many parts. Besides being an excellent warrior, he was a great administrator who brought in many reforms, especially for the peasants and women. His soldiers worshipped him and were always ready for any sacrifices asked for by their king. After Shivaji’s death, his mantle fell on the Peshwa Confederacy, which became the biggest and most powerful empire of India for many years.
The Ahoms of Assam ruled for 600 years and expanded their kingdom by both military prowess and diplomacy. Despite many invasions and efforts by the Mughals, they could not make any headway against this kingdom. The most famous warrior of the Ahoms was Lachit Borphukan, who defeated the much bigger and stronger Mughal army in the battle of Saraighat in 1671.
Having discussed examples of how countries have endured with honour and glory, my parting message is that India must inculcate ‘will to power’, along with a powerful military and a strong economy to endure as a powerful nation of this world
(The writer is a former Vice Chief of Army Staff, who had also commanded the Western Command and the Army Training Command earlier)
State Stalwarts
DEFENCE MINISTER
Minister Rajnath Singh
ALL HUMANS ARE ONE CREATED BY GOD
HINDUS,MUSLIMS,SIKHS.ISAI SAB HAI BHAI BHAI
CHIEF PATRON ALL INDIA SANJHA MORCHA
LT GEN JASBIR SINGH DHALIWAL, DOGRA
SENIOR PATRON ALL INDIA SANJHA MORCHA
MAJOR GEN HARVIJAY SINGH, SENA MEDAL ,corps of signals
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PATRON ALL INDIA SANJHA MORCHA
MAJ GEN RAMINDER GURAYA ,MADRAS REGIMENT
sanjhamorcha303@gmail.com
PRESIDENT SOUTH ALL INDIA SANJHA MORCHA
COL SS RAJAN BOMBAY SAPPERS,
PRESIDENT UTTARAKHAND ALL INDIA SANJHA MORCHA
COL B M THAPA ,BENGAL SAPPERSS
PRESIDENT HARAYANA STATE CUM COORDINATOR ESM
BRIG DALJIT THUKRAL ,BENGAL SAPPERS
PRESIDENT TRICITY
COL B S BRAR (BHUPI BRAR)
PRESIDENT CHANDIGARH ZONE
COL SHANJIT SINGH BHULLAR
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PRESIDENT PANCHKULA ZONE AND ZIRAKPUR
COL SWARAN SINGH
INDIAN DEFENCE FORCES
DEFENCE FORCES INTEGRATED LOGO
INDIAN AIR FORCE
Air Officer C-in-C WESTERN AIR COMMAND
AIR MSHL S PRABHAKARAN AVSM VM
AOC-IN-C, EASTERN AIR COMMAND
Air Marshal Inderpal Singh Walia
AOC-in-C SOUTH WESTERN AIR COMMAND
Air Marshal Vikram Singh
AOC-IN-C, SOUTHERN AIR COMMAND
Air Marshal J.Chalapati
AOC-IN-C TRAINING COMMAND
AIR MARSHAL SK GHOTIA VSM
AOC-IN-C MAINTENANCE COMMAND
Air Marshal Jagdish Chandra
Flag Officer Commanding in Chief, Western Naval Command
ice Admiral R Hari Kumar, PVSM, AVSM, VSM
Flag Officer Commanding in Chief, Eastern Naval Command
Vice Admiral Sanjay Bhalla, AVSM, NM
Flag Officer Commanding in Chief, Southern Naval Command
