Indian Army in collaboration with
War Widows Association, New Delhi felicitated 46 Veernaris & Veermatas from Doda-Kishtwar district at Community Hall, Bhaderwah. A one time grant of 10,000/- was handed over to all the 36 of them who could attend the event. Balance of them are receiving it through RTGS.
Mrs Tambay, President of War Widow Association, is an Arjuna Awardee, 6 times Nationals Champion in Badminton & wife of Flt lt VV Tambay, who went missing in action in one of his operational sorties during 1971 war. She interacted & noted down the grievances.

Dear General, Comdt BHDC .. Our personal experience with my brother Col R S Bedi who died of covid was exceptional. The excellent care and efficient management including the dignified military honour send off with wreath laying etc conducted by the military and your staff at BHDC was laudable. So proud of your establishment”s commendable efficiency, professional work  and compassion in these trying times. I am convinced that any negative publicity directed at your establishment is definitely misplaced and unwarranted. Jai Hind. Maj Gen M S Bedi (retd)

*Lt Gen MS Dadwal*, has survived the Covid Attack. He and *Col Ravi Bedi*, both our course mates were admitted in the Army  Base Hospital,(BH) Delhi Cantt together.

As you are aware, Ravi Bedi unfortunately did not make it back. He is the first Covid victim of our course. May his soul RIP eternally.

Given below is the  FIRST HAND  experience of *Lt Gen MS Dadwal*:-

“Gentlemen I was discharged from the BH on 21 Apr at 2.30 PM. The Hospital is completely FULL and overflowing much beyond its stipulated bed capacity.*

They are only admitting critical cases. They admitted me on 17 Apr (FN) because my Lung CT Scan report, done in a Pvt Lab, showed all four lobes damaged due to penetration by the virus. Damage was from 26% to 49%.
Col RS Bedi was admitted on 16 Apr at 10 PM due to acute Covid Pneumonia.

They  put me on Oxygen forthwith and treated me for 4 days.  During this period I was shifted from General ward to Offrs Ward.  Once I had regained my oxygen levels and other critical parameters, I was requested to leave in order to make way for more serious patients.

On admission  a patient needs a dedicated bed with  oxygen connection,  monitoring instruments and other paraphernalia.
The staff is totally insufficient but they are doing their utmost.  Some of the staff are also getting infected and quarantined..
They are overworked and are required to  wear PPE throughout their tour of duty which is not easy day in day out. They have to move around the huge  area over which  the wards are spread attending to the emergencies and  other on call duties. I believe they are doing a remarkable job.

Brig Ravi Saigal,  our course mate while in queue waiting to collect his RT-PCR Report collapsed at the rxn centre. He had tested positive. He was kept in the hospital to be given  a Saline IV to regain consciousness and thereafter  discharged. Saigal and his wife (also tested +ve)  were advised home quarantine and self medication under doctors advise.
My experience and impression is that the BH and it’s staff is doing a great job in looking after both our Serving Offrs and veterans without any distinction.
.
The Covid Surge has happened and has effected all sections of our society including the Armed Forces. There is a complete overload on all our  systems which is being covered by the media.
The BH capacity is now being increased by moving out Non Covid patients to R&R Hospital. In  addition Army and DRDO have reopened the Vallabhbhai Covid Hospital adjacent to Palam Airport T1, which is open to all.
Please  don’t curse, rant and criticise the Army. In this crisis the whole nation has to sp each other. It is a national crisis.

All civ &  paramil med  resources incl hotels are being commandeered and  converted to Covid Facilities. It  is a national effort. We have to remember that  our veterans are being treated all over India,  in  Govt and Pvt hospitals. 

My appeal is please see the larger  picture and offer our full sp in this hour of crisis.
I am lucky I survived the ordeal, thanks to the care and support of the Army Base Hospital. My very dear friend Ravi Bedi was not so lucky. Om Shanti

Manbir Dadwal

. All Col Veterans to kindly pass it to the veterans to keep in touch with the ESM Cells over the covid situation in each station.
2. All measures to be taken by the ESM CELLS to come to the aid of any veteran seeking help.
3. Emergency numbers to be manned at each station 24×7.
4. Veterans are authorized treatment in the local MH and they should not be turned away from the MHs
5. All Stn ESM Cells to ensure that info of Covid Care Facilities in each district are known to the Veterans and they do not lose time looking for information of the closest such facility.
6. Veterans must keep in touch with each other especially where they are living in isolated areas without family support. ESM Cells may evolve a process to ensure that a system of buddy pairs is made amongst the Veterans to take care of each other.
7. Guidelines and advisories to be made in local language by all ESM Cells and promulgated to all Veterans.
8. Whatever be the situation, The Indian Army will continue to look after its Veterans and all veterans should be reassured that they can approach us for any kind of assistance in these trying times.
All Director and Col Veterans to please confirm to me through this whatssap group that these measures have been incorporated in their AOR.

According to top South Block officials, with the IAF’s first Rafale squadron just one short of completion in Ambala, the Chinese have moved their so-called fifth generation fighter J-20 ahead in the Tibet and Xinjiang airbases
With the Indian Air Force’s (IAF) Rafale fighter successfully test-firing the 60km range Hammer air-to-ground modular weapon in March, the air defence posture of both China and Pakistan has changed in the wake of the advent of the multi-role fighter in South Asia, according to people familiar with the matter.
The Hammer weapon secured a bunker-busting vertical hit on its target at the testing location. According to top South Block officials, with the IAF’s first Rafale squadron just one short of completion in Ambala, the Chinese have moved their so-called fifth generation fighter J-20 ahead in the Tibet and Xinjiang airbases. The Pakistanis have also moved their Chinese import JF-17 fighter in key forward bases to tackle the clear and present threat of the Rafale fighter. Although the Chinese say the J-20 is the third operational fifth-generation fighter after the US F-22 and F-35, genuine fifth-generation fighters developed by the Americans do not have a canard that further reduces the cross-section of the plane, the officials said. The Chinese J-20 has the same canard as the Rafale, which the IAF calls a 4.5-generation fighter.
IAF chief Rakesh Bhadauria with the RB007 fighter jet. All Rafale jets carry the RB call sign in honour of Bhadauria, who played a key role in negotiating the fighter jet deal

The Chinese and Pakistani air posture has also undergone a change with IAF’s induction of the Rafale as the latter carries the Meteor air-to-air missile, whose range is way beyond any missile the other two forces have in their arsenal. The Hammer and Scalp air-launched cruise missile with a range of over 500km ensures that the adversary will have no early warning as the two weapons can be launched from within Indian territory and beyond visual range.
While India could only send three out of five readied fighters from the Merignac Bordeaux airbase in France on Wednesday due to unforeseen reasons, seven more fighters have been lined up for delivery to IAF next month. Although the seven fighters may come in batches of three and four, six of them will be flown to the Hashimara airbase in West Bengal via Ambala. The re-pavement and extension of the main runway at Hashimara, which sits astride the Siliguri corridor, is expected to be completed by this month-end. The Haishmara upgrade also includes blast pens and surface-to-air missile batteries to protect the vital base.

Two IAF MiG-29 fighter jets fly over the Himalayan ranges along the LAC in Ladakh
Beijing: China said on Wednesday that it was committed to maintain peace and stability along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) as it urged India to put the boundary issue at an “appropriate position” and meet it “halfway” for the long term development of the bilateral ties.
Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Wang Wenbin said this at his media briefing as he parried questions on India’s assertion that consensus reached by the leaders on maintaining peace along the border cannot be swept under the carpet.
Indian Ambassador to China Vikram Misri in his recent address to the India-China dialogue forum said that the significance of the consensus reached between leaders of the two countries to maintain peace along the LAC cannot be “swept under the carpet” and called for the complete disengagement of troops in Eastern Ladakh to rebuild bilateral ties strained by the “serious incidents”.
In a candid address to the ICWA (Indian Council of World Affairs)-CPIFA (Chinese People’s Institute of Foreign Affairs) virtual dialogue on April 15, Misri also questioned the Chinese officials ignoring the “significant consensus” reached by the leaders of the two sides about the importance of maintaining peace along the LAC.
Asked for his reaction, Wang said that both sides held in-depth and candid talks on resolving the disengagement from the remaining areas of Eastern Ladakh after the withdrawal from Pangong Tso lake area.
Top Commanders of the two militaries held the 11th round of talks on April 9 to disengage the troops from Hot Springs, Gogra and Depsang areas in Eastern Ladakh.
“On the issue of China-India boundary situation, China’s position is consistent and clear. We are committed to maintaining peace and stability in the border areas and we are firmly determined to safeguard our territorial sovereignty and security,” Wang said.
“Recently, the two sides have maintained communications through diplomatic and military channels. On the basis of disengagement in the Galwan Valley and the Pangong Tso regions, the two sides exchanged in depth and in a candid manner, opinions on resolving the remaining issue in the Western section of the boundary,” he said.
“We hope India will meet China halfway and will focus on the bigger picture of long term development of bilateral relations, put the boundary at an appropriate position and work to bring relations back to the track of steady and sound development,” he said.
To a follow-up question on Misri’s remarks, Wang reiterated that “we hope that India will meet China halfway and focus on the long-term development of bilateral relations, cherish the existing hard-won momentum for the de-escalation and take concrete measures to safeguard peace and tranquillity along the border and work to bring bilateral relations back to the track of sound and steady development”.
Asked why China is not disengaging its troops from the remaining areas after the withdrawal from Pangong Tso, Wang said, “I would like to stress that recently, China and India through diplomatic and military channels maintained close communications”.
“On the basis of realising disengagement in the Galwan Valley and Pangong Tso, the two sides held candid and in-depth exchange of views on resolving remaining issues in the Western section of the boundary,” he said.
“We hope that the Indian side will abide by the agreements between the two militaries and consensus of the two sides and take concrete measures to safeguard peace and tranquillity along the border,” he said.
In his address, Misri said the “sustainable solution” to the “present difficulties” in the Sino-India relations is “it must be one, as External Affairs Minister Dr. S Jaishankar has suggested, that is based on mutual sensitivity and respect and paves the way for maximizing our mutual interests”.
“The first is to note the importance of the two sides having maintained a sustained diplomatic and military dialogue in attempting to resolve issues. These discussions thus far have helped in achieving substantial disengagement of our forces,” he said.
“The second is to point out that senior leaders on both sides have committed and agreed that we must achieve complete disengagement in all friction areas. That would be an important first step towards considering de-escalation; it would also help in restoring peace and tranquillity and, together, these would provide conditions for gradual and step-by-step progress in the bilateral relationship,” he said.
“This is also what would begin to restore trust and confidence in the relationship and help us rebuild the foundation of the relationship that was damaged through last year’s actions in Eastern Ladakh,” Misri had said.

In considering the India-Pakistan relationship, it is important to bear in mind that the Pakistani army has always maintained a stranglehold on its approach towards India
by Vivek Katju
Over the past few weeks, signs have emerged, like the tips of an iceberg, of an ongoing contestation within Pakistan on the country’s India policy. These indications are important to make an assessment of how far current India-Pakistan endeavours to reduce bilateral tensions can really progress.
The February 25 joint statement to cease fire on the Line of Control (LOC) and “all other sectors” is holding. The term “all other sectors” relates to the International Border (IB) in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) and the Actual Ground Position Line (AGPL) on the Saltoro ridge. The Pakistan army uses the cover of firing along LOC as one of the means to push terrorists into J&K. It would, however, be wrong to assume that the ceasefire is indicative of a shift in its strategic doctrine relating to India — which, on one end of the spectrum, relies on the use of terror and, at the other end, on nuclear weapons. Nevertheless, the ceasefire is welcome relief to those who live along LOC and IB in J&K.
Significantly, external affairs minister S Jaishankar and his Pakistani counterpart Shah Mahmood Qureshi were in Abu Dhabi at the same time on official visits a few days ago. In an interview to a leading newspaper in the United Arab Emirates (UAE), on April 18, Qureshi mentioned the joint statement as a “positive development”. He further noted that Prime Minister (PM) Narendra Modi’s message to PM Imran Khan on Pakistan’s national day in March and India’s “dialling down” of rhetoric and its desire to see a peaceful Afghanistan and region were also “positive developments”. To Qureshi’s positives list can be added reports that India will give visas to the Pakistan cricket team for the ICC T20 World Cup scheduled to be played in India in October this year.
These “positive developments” cannot be taken, though, as indicative of the relationship turning a corner — due to the approach of Qureshi and some other important leaders of the ruling Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI) party. The Pakistan government’s about-turn on cotton and sugar imports from India, despite great shortages of both commodities, is a sure manifestation of the pressure that these politicians were able to bring to bear in the cabinet even though the commerce ministry, which is headed by Imran Khan himself, had cleared the proposal.
It is inconceivable in view of the dynamics of Pakistan’s foreign and security policymaking that Qureshi and other politicians would openly oppose a move, which had PM Khan’s approval, and was in line with army chief Qamar Bajwa’s stated interest in improving ties with India — unless there was a coterie of senior generals behind them.
There can be little doubt that it is this support from the men in khaki which emboldened Qureshi, despite taking note of “positive developments”, to make scathing comments against India on UAE soil. He did so despite the full knowledge that the UAE is seeking to play, at minimum, a facilitation role to help India and Pakistan develop, what UAE’s ambassador to the United States recently called a “healthy functional relationship”.
Qureshi said that Pakistan’s greatest achievement in the last two years has been to defeat India’s design to diplomatically isolate Pakistan. He went on to assert that Pakistan was able to expose India’s smear campaign. These are not helpful words for the India-Pakistan process underway and Qureshi, an experienced politician who has served as the country’s foreign minister (though not continuously) for five years, would be aware of this fact.
In considering the India-Pakistan relationship, it is important to bear in mind that the Pakistani army has always maintained a stranglehold on its approach towards India. After Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan’s civilian leadership, with the exception of former PM Nawaz Sharif, has accepted the army’s key role in all matters pertaining to India. Certainly, Imran Khan, who the Pakistani opposition calls a “selected prime minister”, is in no position to challenge the army.
Thus, the future of the current initiatives will depend on whether Bajwa succeeds in fostering a consensus on the India policy among the generals. That is clearly absent today.
Retired senior Pakistani generals confided in Indian participants on the “track two” circuit, soon after Bajwa became the army chief, that he seriously wanted to normalise India-Pakistan ties. They also indirectly acknowledged that many of Bajwa’s colleagues were not on the same page with him on this issue. It would seem Bajwa and Khan realise that Pakistan needs to establish a “healthy functional relationship” with India to take it out of its economic and social morass. The recent Tehreek-Labbaik Pakistan (TLP) agitation is one more pointer of the deep roots of religious rigidity in Jinnah’s creation.
The problem for Bajwa and Khan is that Pakistan went so overboard in its opposition to the constitutional changes in J&K that they will find it difficult to counter the charge of a sell-out, especially if that is the thinking of some senior generals. India should factor this point into its calculations as it proceeds on normalising ties with Pakistan. It should also be prepared for adventurous actions by recalcitrant Pakistani generals.
Vivek Katju is a retired diplomat who has extensively dealt with Pakistan

It is my assessment that the Chinese issued a direct/indirect threat to go on the offensive in DBO and Gogra-Hot Springs sector
by Lt Gen H S Panag (Retd)
There has been a phased but continuous source-based coverage and commentary about the lack of progress on the disengagement process — with special reference to Gogra-Hot Springs and Depsang Plains — since the 11th Corps Commander-level talks held on 9 April. In the past, deliberate ‘government leaks’ on the situation in Eastern Ladakh were given as handouts to all media houses and the story was broken almost simultaneously.
This time, such reports have appeared in different media outlets intermittently with slight variations to ensure their credibility. The intent seems to be to justify and shape public opinion to accept an ‘unfavourable peace’ that is being imposed on us by the Chinese.
The Themes of The ‘Unofficial Briefings’
The Indian Express reported that Depsang was a legacy issue dating back to April-May 2013 intrusion, after which our patrols have been prevented from going beyond Bottle Neck/Y Junction up to Patrolling Points 10, 11, 12 and 13. The source emphasised that nothing new has happened in Depsang Plains during this entire crisis since April 2020, and that it was added to the list of friction areas so that it gets resolved. Thus, as of April 2020, the status quo has not changed in Depsang Plains. Even during the height of the standoff last year, the Chinese, the source quoted in the Express report said, were “not organised” for combat in Depsang Plains and Gogra-Hot Springs. The theme being propagated for public consumption is that there is nothing to resolve in Depsang Plains and that status quo never really changed.
The second theme being plied by the so-called “reliable sources” is that the Chinese are refusing to withdraw from Gogra-Hot Springs area, but they have a very limited presence — of approximately a platoon to a company on our side of the LAC — in areas of Patrolling Points 15 and 17A and that it is not really a flash point. This theme of information dissemination via the media plays down the serious implications of the Chinese intrusion in Gogra-Hot Springs and the threatening presence of a large number of Peoples’ Liberation Army (PLA) troops in this area.
The third theme of the “unofficial briefings” is that North and South Pangong Tso were the only areas where troops and tanks were in very close proximity to each other that could have escalated to war. The intent here seems to be to justify the now apparent “stand-alone agreement” for simultaneous withdrawal and the loss of “leverage” of our relatively advantageous deployment on the Kailash Range.
The fourth theme that has been brandied about is that China now wants de-escalation of additional troops deployed before further disengagement takes place. The aim is to convey to the public that our massive deployment checkmated China and now there is no harm in agreeing for the same to diffuse the situation. More so, when there is nothing to resolve in Depsang Plains and differences in Gogra-Hot Springs with respect to disengagement are of a minor nature that will soon get resolved.
Reality Check
In the past one year, there has been no formal briefing about the situation in Eastern Ladakh. The quantum of Chinese forces, the extent of the intrusions and the details of the operations carried out have not been put in public domain. The media has not been given access to the operational area and has been spoon-fed through these “unofficial briefings”. Denial and obfuscation has been the predominant feature of the government’s political/unofficial statements. The media, afraid of annoying the government, failed to critically analyse the open domain information and provide a realistic assessment of the situation.
Let there be no doubt that China strategically surprised and pre-empted us with two/three mechanised divisions to secure areas up to the 1959 Claim Line in Depsang Plains and North of Pangong Tso, and in Gogra-Hot Springs even beyond the 1959 Claim Line. The Chinese were poised to capture the Daulat Beg Oldi Sector and entire area north and north-east of Pangong Tso, apart from threatening the Indus Valley up to the Ladakh Range. In early May 2020, our limited forces in Ladakh were no match for the PLA and all the above objectives were achievable. However, China had only a limited immediate aim of securing the 1959 Claim Line and preventing development of border infrastructure in critical areas, apart from the obvious assertion of its hegemony. Hence, it put the onus of further escalation on us.
After the initial surprise, we responded by confronting the Chinese with massive counter-deployment. Terrain configuration makes DBO and Gogra-Hot Springs sector defensively untenable in a limited war and, hence, rightly our focus was in North and South of Pangong Tso and the Indus Valley. Given the differential in military capability, we opted to stalemate the Chinese rather than resort to evicting them by an offensive action. This did not change the situation in the DBO Sector and Gogra-Hot Springs, which remained our critical vulnerabilities.
Our brilliant offensive manoeuvre to secure the Kailash Range on the night of 29-30 August created a military and political embarrassment for China. This led to diplomatic engagement and more meaningful military talks that culminated in disengagement from the North and South bank of Pangong Tso between 10 and 18 February. The 10th Corps Commander-level talks took place as per agreement exactly 48 hours later.
Let me reiterate that Depsang Plains and Gogra-Hot Springs continue to be our critical vulnerabilities and the Chinese have no intent to withdraw from there. The withdrawal from the North and South bank of Pangong Tso was a “stand-alone agreement” with no commitments from China to disengage from other sectors. Note the alleged contemptuous quote attributed to the Chinese in the recent talks — India “should be happy with what has been achieved”.
In a nutshell, the endeavour of the unofficial spokesperson(s) of the government is to obfuscate the reality and shape public opinion, possibly for an ‘unfavourable disengagement’ in Depsang Plains and Gogra-Hot Springs.
Two questions deserve to be answered. Why did India agree to a stand-alone agreement and vacate the Kailash Range? What are the terms of unfavourable peace likely to be imposed on us?
Standalone Agreement
India’s securing of the Kailash Range was a great embarrassment for China. Domestically and internationally it lost face. The LAC passes over the crest of the Kailash Range, and thereafter there is a gradual plateau to the east, one to two km wide. India did not cross the LAC to secure this plateau and the eastern slopes. The PLA deployed its soldiers in matching strength opposite us on the plateau and also posed a threat to us from the Black Top, which also we had not secured. Moldo is not a garrison but a small post of PLA Border Guards. The main PLA base is well away. Thus, militarily, we were not posing a serious threat. In fact, our more serious threat was in the Indus Valley where we had concentrated our reserves.
It was the embarrassment and loss of face that led China to give up its absolutist position and come to the negotiating table. India insisted on an all-encompassing package to include North and South of Pangong Tso, Depsang, Gogra-Hot Springs and Demchok. It is my assessment that the Chinese issued a direct/indirect threat to go on the offensive in DBO and Gogra-Hot Springs sector. Given our critical vulnerability in these areas, we agreed to a “stand-alone agreement”.

DBO Sector – Annotated Google Earth Image
‘Unfavourable Peace’
The DBO sector is defensively untenable in war. China is unlikely to make any compromise in Depsang Plains and we seem to have accepted it as a fait accompli. Hence, the narrative that it is a legacy issue where status quo April 2020 has not changed and that it was a dormant sector during the entire crisis.
We also seem to have accepted the intrusion south of Demchok in Charding-Ninglung Nala. Indeed, this is a legacy of the past. This intrusion does not create any vulnerability, and the 1959 Claim Line still remains 30 km to west and is under our firm control.
In Hot Springs-Gogra, the 1959 Claim Line and the LAC coincide. India has been aggressively developing roads along the Kugrang river and Chunglung Nala from where approaches lead north to upper reaches of the Galwan river. To ward off this threat, the Chinese have intruded from Changlung Nala and via upper reaches of the Kugrang river to deny us access to nearly 30-35 km-long and 4 km-wide Kugrang river valley beyond Gogra. We have no scope for any counter-action to gain leverage due to the 100-km-long tenuous road linking this area to Lukung. In the event of any escalation, the entire Chang Chenmo valley becomes defensively untenable as the road leading to it can be cut-off at Tsogtsalu / Marsimik La/ Phobrang. At best, what we can hope for is a buffer zone in the entire Kugrang river valley, which will entirely be in territory on our side of the LAC and which was under our control before May 2020.

Gogra-Hot Springs Sector-Annotated Google Earth Image
We have stalemated the Chinese and denied them absolute victory. But Depsang Plains and Gogra-Hot Springs continue to remain our vulnerabilities and we have no counter-military leverage. It may be prudent to diffuse the crisis by negotiating buffer zones in these critical areas even if these entirely are on our side of the LAC. Rather than rely upon a false narrative, it is better to explain the situation to the public. It may appear to be “unfavourable peace” but given our vulnerabilities, it is the best we can hope for.

ew Delhi: While the training of Indian Air Force pilots and maintenance crew for the Rafale aircraft in France came to an end Wednesday, the second squadron of the fighter will be operationalised earlier than planned.

The second squadron of the fighter jet, named 101 Squadron, will be based in West Bengal’s Hasimara and will take care of the crucial borders with China in the East. The Hasimara air base is also known as the Wing 16 or the ‘Lethal 16’.

The 101 Squadron, also known as the ‘Falcons of the Chhamb and Akhnoor’, was originally planned to be made operational in June but the IAF is now working to ensure it is done earlier.

Incidentally, four more Rafale aircraft have also taken off from France Wednesday and will reach India Thursday, taking the total number of the French fighters to 18 in the country.

The four fighters, which were flagged off by Air Chief Marshal R.K.S. Bhadauria, are expected to land at Jamnagar in Gujarat before flying on to the Ambala Air Force Station, which is home to the first squadron of the Rafale, Golden Arrows.

While flagging the aircraft, the Air Force chief, who is on a five-day visit to France, thanked the French government and the industry for ensuring timely delivery of the fighter aircraft, and in some cases earlier than contract despite Covid.

“This marks the end of the training of the third batch pilots and all our maintenance crew. The Rafale training centre has provided world class training and because of this training and quality of training, we were able to operationalise the aircraft fully,” he said.

Also read: India’s Romeo begins flight trials in US, anti-submarine chopper delivery likely in July

IAF works towards operationalising second base
With the end of training and new fighters on route, all eyes are now on the second airbase in Hasimara, which is under construction and is expected to be completed next month.

While the IAF had last month said the base would be operationalised by the middle of April, the second wave of the Covid pandemic and heavy rains delayed remaining infrastructure activities.

According to sources in the defence establishment, another batch of the Rafale aircraft will be ferried in the next two weeks, which will become part of the Hasimara air base.

They added that the Commanding Officer of the second squadron will be Group Captain Neeraj Jhamb.

As part of the preparations, the Hasimara air base has been undergoing a number of construction activities including lengthening of the runway.

The 101 Squadron last flew the Soviet-era MiG 21 type 96 aircraft.

The squadron got its name ‘Falcons of Chhamb and Akhnoor’ for its operation in the 1965 India-Pakistan War when they stalled a full-fledged attack by Pakistani armoured columns.

This report has been updated to accurately reflect that a total of 18 Rafale fighters have been delivered to India and the 101 Squadron last flew the MiG 21 type 96 aircraft. The error is regretted.

Also read: China deploys long-range rocket launchers in western theatre command as ‘deterrent to India’

New Delhi: Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Thursday spoke to his Indonesian counterpart Gen Prabowo Subianto and assured him of India’s “full support” to Indonesia in tracing a missing submarine with 53 people on board.

The Indian Navy has already sent a deep submergence rescue vessel (DSRV) to support the Indonesian Navy’s effort to trace the submarine that went missing on Wednesday during military exercise around the Bali Strait

“Spoke to the Defence Minister of Indonesia, General Prabowo Subianto over the phone and shared my pain over the news of missing submarine Nanggala and its crew members. India is extending its full support to the ongoing Indonesian rescue efforts,” Singh tweeted.

Singh said India is always committed to assist its strategic partners during times of need and that Gen Subianto has acknowledged and appreciated India’s support to his country.

“I have already directed the @indiannavy to move its Deep Submergence Rescue Vessel (DSRV) to Indonesia. I have also tasked the Indian Air Force to see the feasibility of induction of the DSRV intervention system by air,” he said.

Earlier, Indian Navy spokesperson Commander Vivek Madhwal said India is among a few countries globally which are capable of undertaking search and rescue of a disabled submarine through a DSRV.

He said the Indian Navy’s DSRV system can locate any submarine at a depth of 1,000 metres utilising its state of the art side scan sonar (SSS) and remotely operated vehicle (ROV).

“After the submarine is successfully located, another sub module of DSRV- the submarine rescue vehicle (SRV) – mates with the submarine to rescue the trapped personnel. The SRV can also be used to provide emergency supplies to the submarine,” he said.

Under the framework of comprehensive strategic partnership between India and Indonesia, the two navies share a strong partnership of operational cooperation.

Also read: Rafale training of IAF pilots in France comes to an end, eyes on ‘Lethal 16’ next

Warn BJP leaders of backlash

SKM leaders take out a rally at Fatehgarh Sahib. Tribune photo

Our Correspondent
Fatehgarh Sahib, April 21

Leaders of the Samyukt Kisan Morcha today took out a motorcycle rally across the district, urging farmers who are done with the harvest to march towards Delhi in large numbers to strengthen the protest against the central agricultural laws and thwart any plans of the Centre to “forcibly evict farmers from Delhi borders”.

SKM leader Nirmal Singh Reona said due to the wheat harvest season, farmers had returned to their native villages, resulting in thin gathering at Delhi borders. He feared the Centre might forcibly evict protesters on the pretext of unprecedented surge in the Covid cvases.

He said as majority of farmers had harvested the crop, they had started organising motorcycle rallies in the district to mobilise farmers to reach Delhi borders to strengthen the stir. He said announcements in this regard were being made from village gurdwaras and sarpanches were being asked to mobilise farmers to reach Delhi at the earliest.

He warned the central government of dire consequences if they attempted to evict Delhi protesters.

He said BJP leaders and supporters wouldn’t be allowed to enter any village or to hold any activities in towns in the state.