Non-compliance with a notice under Section 35 of the BNSS can lead to arrest

Satya Prakash Tribune News Service

The police must serve notices under Section 35 of the Bharatiya Nagarik Suraksha Sanhita (BNSS) through physical means alone, and not using WhatsApp, the Supreme Court has ruled.

Dismissing an application filed by the Haryana Government seeking modification of the top court’s January 21 directions, a Bench of Justice MM Sundresh and Justice N Kotiswar Singh said the summons issued by the police/investigating agency to an accused for appearance as per Section 35 of the BNSS can’t be served electronically.

In its July 16 order, the Bench noted that the mode of service of notice/summons has direct implications on an individual’s liberty which can’t be compromised.

“The protection of one’s liberty is a crucial aspect of the right to life guaranteed to each and every individual, under Article 21 of the Constitution… The procedure encapsulated in Section 35(6) of the BNSS, 2023, seeks to secure this fundamental right,” the Bench said.

Earlier, it had directed all states and union territories to issue Standing Orders to police departments mandating issuance of notices under Section 41A of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC) or Section 35 of the BNSS only through the modes of service prescribed by law. The CrPC was replaced by the BNSS last year.

The Haryana Government had contended that electronic communication should be permitted for the service of such notices to prevent evasion and conserve police resources.

However, interpreting the legislative scheme of the BNSS, the top court said, “While interpreting a statute, the legislative intent is to be gathered from a plain and simple reading of the language employed in the provisions, in a purposive manner, thereby upholding the objective behind the enactment.”

It said a notice under Section 35 of the BNSS, which can lead to arrest upon non-compliance, can’t be equated with a summons issued by a court.

“A summons issued by a court is a judicial act, whereas a notice issued by the Investigating Agency is an executive act. Hence, the procedure prescribed for a judicial act cannot be read into the procedure prescribed for an executive act,” the Bench noted.

It said Sections 63, 64 and 71 of the BNSS permitted service of court-issued summons through electronic means only when specific safeguards such as the image of the court’s seal were in place and that these provisions did not apply to Section 35 notices issued by the police and not by courts.

Arjun Sharma

The Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) has accused former constable Munir Ahmed of forging the signature of his Pakistani wife on their nikah nama and concealing critical details of his marriage, which allegedly posed a security threat. Ahmed was dismissed on May 2 under Article 311(2)(b) of the Constitution without a formal inquiry, citing concerns over national security.

Ahmed had filed a writ petition in the J&K and Ladakh High Court on May 23 challenging his dismissal, claiming he had followed due procedure in marrying Menal Khan, a Pakistani national. In response, the CRPF submitted a counter affidavit on July 29, urging the high court to dismiss the petition on multiple grounds, including the concealment of his marriage and forgery.

According to the CRPF, Ahmed married Menal via video conferencing on May 24, 2024, but failed to inform the department immediately, as required by service rules. Instead, he disclosed the marriage nearly five months later, on October 14, 2024. “Under rules, a government servant who marries a foreign national, especially from a hostile country, is bound to inform the government forthwith. The petitioner failed to comply,” the affidavit stated.

The force further alleged that Ahmed forged Menal’s signature on the nikah nama. “The document was prepared on May 24, 2024, at 10 pm and bears Menal’s signature on the same day. However, records show Menal Khan was in Pakistan at the time, making the signature fraudulent,” the CRPF claimed.

Raising national security concerns, the CRPF noted that Pakistan is considered a hostile country. “As a CRPF jawan, the petitioner had access to sensitive information regarding deployment, arms, and personnel. His relationship with a Pakistani national presents a potential security threat, including the risk of honey-trapping,” the affidavit stat

Sooner than later, the Trump administration will face adverse consequences of its tariff actions

Subhash Chandra Garg

AFTER wasting four months negotiating a trade deal with US President Donald Trump and his team, India is back to square one — 25 per cent tariff imposed by him on July 30 against 26 per cent threatened on April 2.

n fact, it is worse than where it all started. Trump has threatened to impose penal tariffs, not specified as of now, unless India stops buying Russian oil and defence equipment. He called India’s tariffs the highest in the world and non-monetary trade measures “most strenuous and obnoxious”.

What does Trump’s shenanigans mean for India’s merchandise trade with the US? How should India take it forward from here? Call off all negotiations or surrender?

Trump’s objectives in this bilateral trade deficit elimination game started by him are crystal clear, however unpalatable these might be for the partner countries. He wants these countries with merchandise trade surplus with the US to close that gap by doing four things — (a) allow full market access for all US products at zero tariff; (b) accept tariffs of 15-25 per cent on most of their exports to the US; (c) buy additional US stuff — aircraft, energy, etc. to close the trade gap; and (d) invest in the US to manufacture goods.

The world exports to the US for two reasons: one, it is a big market (roughly 15 per cent of the total global exports), and two, the exporters do make profits.

If the imposition of commercially insane US tariffs on their exports kills US markets for the exporters or makes their profits disappear (in case they choose to or are forced to absorb the cost of additional tariffs), it makes no sense for them to continue exporting. Indian exporters do not have the kind of margins to absorb additional tariff costs. Therefore, the government cannot, and should not, accept additional 25 per cent plus penal US tariffs.

While it makes eminent sense for India to liberalise agricultural trade by permitting imports of GM edible oil (no scientific study to prove GM oil has any adverse health impact) or dairy products (days of milk mountains and European subsidies are long gone) or poultry products (American chicken legs will improve consumer welfare) and the like, India has boxed itself in a corner so badly on this front in the name of protecting its domestic constituency that it cannot and will not offer concessions to the US on farm products.

Forcing India to buy American F-35 jets or crude oil, which do not meet India’s defence needs or are otherwise costlier, is plain blackmail. Giving in to such blackmail will expose India as a weakling.

India primarily is a foreign direct investment (FDI) receiving country and not an FDI exporting one. India’s outward FDI is small. Committing even $50 billion investment in the US over 5-10 years is not a doable preposition for India.

India cannot meet any of the four Trump asks. Neither does it make commercial or political sense for India to meet any of the demands. A trade deal with Trump, therefore, is an impossibility.

President Trump is digging a grave of US consumerism and dollar exceptionalism. A few nations — Vietnam, Japan, Indonesia and the EU — have accepted all four of Trump’s demands for the moment. How these deals will pan out is not certain.

Will the exporters of these countries reduce prices to absorb additional US tariffs or pass it on to US consumers to bear? Or will it be a mix of the two? If these exporting countries do not absorb or succeed in leaving the bulk of additional cost to be absorbed by US consumers, it is the US and its consumers who will end up losing.

Does the US have merchandise to export at zero tariffs? Does it matter to importing partners as their import tariffs were in any case close to zero? Moreover, while the government might lose a bit of tariff revenues, their customers actually stand to gain. Their acceptance of zero tariffs, therefore, does not make much difference.

Will they really buy the promised number of planes, energy products or defence equipment? There is a long time frame to do that. Moreover, they can demand reduced prices and/or tire them out with long-drawn product specification negotiations. The concession extracted by Trump on this account might not really materialise or turn out to be a fraction of a promise.

Additional investment should be fine for Japan and others if they can produce in the US at competitive prices and quality. In any case, investment commitment takes long to materialise.

While Trump may celebrate that he has browbeaten these countries into conceding what he wanted, the actual outcomes might be vastly different from what he thinks.

There are two options before India. One, it surrenders and crafts a deal on the lines of what Japan, Vietnam, Indonesia and the EU have done and then try to protect Indian interests by employing the tactics outlined above.

Two, close all negotiations with Trump’s trade team and let him impose whatever tariff he wants to. India should insist on its exporters to offer goods at their normal prices without absorbing any part of the additional tariff. If the US importers buy, it is good enough. If not, sell their products in other countries with no such insane tariffs and in the domestic market.

The option to find a middle ground on US import tariffs by conceding selectively on other three fronts is unlikely to take India any far. Choose option two and move on.

Sooner than later (3-6 months at most), the Trump administration will be facing adverse consequences of its tariff actions. The US imports will slow down (confirmed by April-June quarter numbers). While the US might get a few hundred billion dollars in tariff revenues, most of it would be paid by US importers and consumers, heaping misery on them. A consumer revolt is not far away.

The dollar is already facing considerable headwinds (barring India). It is likely to further suffer. Contrary to what Trump wants, his misadventures will hasten world trade away from the dollar. Bond markets may also sell off.

As this scenario unfolds, Trump will either roll back most of what he has unleashed or will suffer a severe political backlash.

India should play the waiting game. It will be least costly.

Subhash Chandra Garg is former Finance Secretary.

OPERATION SINDOOR DISCUSSION IN LOK SHABA

Lt Col among two Army officials killed as boulder crushes vehicle in Ladakh

55 ENGINEER REGIMENT GET TOGETHER AT KOI CHNADIMANDIR ON 30 JULY

Mighty Daggers’: All About 4 Para Special Force, India’s Most Fearless Strike Force That Executed Op Mahadev

Col Bath assault case: Departmental inquiry recommends action against 4 Patiala cops

UNSC report names Pak-based TRF for Pahalgam terror attack

Pakistan will sell oil to India…’: US-Pak oil deal and tariffs on India; key points

खूबसूरत महिला सांसद ने तो जबरदस्त धो दिया! Sayani Ghosh Speech in Parliament

Two Army personnel, including a Lieutenant Colonel, lost their lives and three officers sustained injuries when a boulder fell on an SUV that was part of a military convoy in a remote area of eastern Ladakh on Wednesday, officials said.

The incident occurred at Charbagh near Durbuk in the Galwan region, approximately 200 km from Leh, around 11.30 am. The Army identified the deceased as Lt Colonel Bhanu Pratap Singh Mankotia and Lance Dafadar Daljit Singh (14 Sindh Horse).

The injured have been identified as Major Mayank Shubham (14 Sindh Horse), Major Amit Dixit and Captain Gaurav (60 Armoured). They were immediately evacuated to the military hospital in Leh, where they are currently undergoing treatment.

In a statement on X, the Ladakh-based Fire and Fury Corps said: “The GOC, Fire and Fury Corps, and all ranks salute Lieutenant Colonel Bhanu Pratap Singh Mankotia and Lance Dafadar Daljit Singh, who made the supreme sacrifice in the line of duty in Ladakh on July 30, 2025. We offer our deepest condolences to the bereaved families in this hour of grief.”

According to the statement, a boulder fell from a cliff onto one of the vehicles in the convoy, after which a rescue operation was launched immediately. Sources said the convoy was en route from Durbuk to Chongtash for a training mission when the accident occurred. Rescue teams faced considerable difficulty in extracting the injured, as the vehicle was crushed by the impact of the boulder. The driver, Daljit Singh, was trapped inside the vehicle and succumbed to his injuries.

Message from CO 5 SIKH👇🏻

Today we lost one of our own. Lt Col Bhanu Pratap Singh Mankotia had done part of his attachment with 5 SIKH( my Bn) while we were in Handangbrok, Batalik Sector. Originally from Scinde Horse.

He was an excellent officer, thorough professional, a brilliant sportsman and a perfect gentleman. The list of his accolades is very distinguisehd – ACA in Academy, Passed out with the coveted Sword of Honour, Best in YO Course, recently finished Staff Course and even won the Scudder’s Medal (Best in Academics) at DSSC, Wellington.

A fourth generation Army Officer, father is a Retd Guards Officer. His brother is serving in RajRif. Married to an army officer’s daughter and blessed with a baby boy.

We pray to Waheguru to grant peace to the departed soul and strength to his family to bear this irreparable loss.

Salute to Bhanu & prayers for his family.

Following officers who attended the lunch at KOI in Chandimandir on 30th July Wednesday from1200 PM onwards :-(20)

1. Col & Mrs Ish Khurana
2. Brig & Mrs Amar Jit Singh
3. Col & Mrs Harbinder Sandhu
4. Col & Mrs AM Pandey
5. Brig & Mrs Indeever Sood
6. Brig & Mrs SS Tezpal
7. Col & Mrs Swaran Singh
8. Col & Mrs Om Prakash
9. Col MS Sidhu
10. ⁠Col Charanjit Singh Khera
11. Col & Mrs SS Dhanoa
    

Vedio reveals all

on way out

The beautiful ladies :Lto R- Mrs Harbinder Sandhu,Mrs Om Prakash,Mrs Pandey,Mrs swaran Singh and Mrs Amarjit

Brrig SS Tejpal with Col Om Prakash hitting the Bar to quench the thirst

LTO R-BRIG INDIVEER SOOD,COL OM PRAKASH,COL SWARAN SINGH,MRS SWARAN,MRS AMARJIT, MRS KHURANA ,COL CHARANJIT CHATTING WITH LADIES.COL AM PADEY WITH COL SS DHANOA,COL MS SANDU AND BRIG AMARJIT.

SERIUOUS DISCUSSION AMONG BRIG TEJPAL AND BRIG SOOD

TWO LADIES SITTING QUITE : ??????

THE HUNGARIES AT HAVING LUNCJH

HAPPY MOODS : COL KHURANA.COL HARBINDER AND BRIG SOOD

L TO R—MRS SWARAN,MRS AMARJIT,MRS DHANOA,MRS KHERANA

MRS TEJPAL,MRS PANDEY AND MRS SOOD

MRS HARBINDER,MRS OM PRAKASH,MRS PANDEY,MRS SWARAN,MRS AMARJIT

MRS TEJPAL IN SERIOUS DISCUSSIONS WITH MRS PANDEY AND MRS SOOD AND MRS HARBINDER SHARING POINT WITH MTRS OM PRAKASH

COL AND MRS DHANOA HAVING LUCH AND COL CHARANJIT WITH COL HARBINDER ON RIGHT

The 4 Para Special Forces (SF), famously known as the ‘Mighty Daggers,’ stands as one of the Indian Army’s most elite and battle-hardened special operations units, renowned for their exceptional proficiency in counter-terrorism, surgical strikes, and high-risk mountain and jungle warfare.

This distinguished regiment forms a crucial component of the Parachute Regiment (Para SF), commonly referred to as the ‘Red Devils’ due to their signature maroon berets, a symbol strongly associated with airborne forces.

The epithet ‘Red Devils’ also ties the unit to a global fraternity of elite airborne commandos, evoking the reputation of elite units like Britain’s paratroopers. The nickname ‘Mighty Daggers’ encapsulates their striking operational style—characterised by razor-sharp precision, rapid deployment, and deep infiltration capability—reflecting their aptness in surgical and aggressive combat engagements.

Historically rooted in World War-II, the 4 Para was originally raised in 1941 as a standard airborne infantry battalion within the British Indian Army, actively participating in significant campaigns such as those in Burma. After India’s independence, 4 Para continued as a parachute infantry unit, playing notable roles in the 1965 and 1971 Indo-Pak wars.

However, evolving warfare demands in the 1980s triggered a paradigm shift where select battalions—including the 4 Para—transitioned towards specialized unconventional warfare capabilities. This transition culminated in 2001, following the Parliament attack and escalating terrorism threats, resulting in 4 Para’s formal conversion into a Tier 1 Special Forces regiment.

Since then, they have been rigorously trained in advanced operations encompassing high-altitude HALO (High Altitude Low Opening) jumps, jungle and mountain warfare, and urban close-quarters battle (CQB) skills, with training canters in Himachal Pradesh, Belgaum, and Nahan sharpening their combat edge.

Throughout recent decades, the 4 Para SF has been pivotal in some of India’s most critical counter-terror operations, exemplifying their tactical mastery and resilience. The 2016 surgical strikes stand out as a watershed moment wherein 4 Para commandos executed a daring cross-border operation against terrorist launch pads in Pakistan-occupied Kashmir following the Uri terror attack. Conducted under the cover of darkness, the unit neutralised multiple targets with zero casualties on their side, signalling India’s shift to proactive terror neutralization doctrines.

Similarly, the April 2020 Kupwara snow encounter showcased their adaptability and courage in extreme conditions. Inserted via helicopter into a treacherous snow-covered forest, the unit engaged in intense close-quarters combat against heavily armed infiltrators despite environmental hazards such as crevasse falls, ultimately eliminating all terrorists involved. Most recently, in July 2025, 4 Para played a crucial role in the high-stakes

Operation Mahadev conducted in the dense Harwan forest near Dachigam National Park. The operation resulted in the elimination of three terrorists, including the mastermind behind the Pahalgam massacre, demonstrating their unmatched capacity for precision strikes in challenging terrain.

The 4 Para’s rigorous selection process, reputed as one of the toughest globally, ensures that only the most physically and mentally resilient individuals become part of this elite cadre.

Their reputation as one of South Asia’s most lethal strike forces comes not only from their combat prowess but also from their strategic utility in high-risk, high-impact operations.

Often operating under deep cover along the Line of Control, in Jammu & Kashmir, and the Northeast, their missions demand surgical accuracy and swift execution, hallmarks of their operational philosophy. The ‘Mighty Daggers’ have become synonymous with swift, decisive, and deadly action, upholding a legacy of courage, precision, and relentless commitment to national security.

Based On A News18 Report

It has also been made clear that all the officials will remain suspended and will be posted ‘only outside Patiala’

n a major development in the alleged attack case on a serving Army Colonel, a departmental inquiry by Patiala SSP has recommended severe action against four erring inspectors and two other officials, including deduction in service and stay on promotions.

The recommendations have been issued against the officers, who will be given a chance to respond to them.

According to officials, three years of service deduction for these officers, and no salary increments for the same period have been recommended. “Also, these police officers will not get any promotions for three years, and there will be no salary additions for them too,” said an official.

The police have also made it clear in their recommendations that all these officials will remain suspended and will be posted “only outside Patiala.”

The Punjab and Haryana High Court has already handed over the probe in the case to the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI), which has registered an FIR in the matter. Despite the case being over four months old, no accused policeman has been arrested so far.

Meanwhile, Patiala SSP Varun Sharma confirmed that he had recommended the action based on the findings of an inquiry conducted by an SP-level officer. “The accused can reply to the recommendations of the probe report,” he said.

The Patiala Police had earlier registered an FIR against three inspectors—Harry Boparai, Ronnie Singh, and Harjinder Dhillon—along with other police personnel, under Sections 109 (abetment of attempt to murder), 310, 155(2), 117(2) (both related to voluntarily causing hurt), 126(2) (wrongful restraint), and 351(2) (criminal intimidation) of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS).

The name of the fourth inspector was later added to the FIR under Sections 299 and 191 of the BNS

The case

The alleged incident occurred on the intervening night of March 13 and 14, when Colonel Pushpinder Singh Bath and his son were at a roadside eatery near Government Rajindra Hospital in Patiala. The family claimed that while they were standing outside their car and eating, some police officers in civilian clothes approached them and asked the Colonel to move his vehicle so they could park theirs. Later, over a dozen police personnel allegedly attacked the Colonel and his son using rods and sticks, leaving them badly injured.

1st such mention since 2019; India’s sustained diplomacy pays off

In a significant development, a United Nations Security Council (UNSC) monitoring team has directly implicated The Resistance Front (TRF), a Lashkar-e-Toiba (LeT) affiliate based in Pakistan, in the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack on. This marks the first time since 2019 that the UN has named LeT or its factions in its reports.

The move comes just weeks after the US officially designated TRF as a terrorist organisation.  The report describes how five terrorists targeted a tourist location in Pahalgam, killing 26 civilians. While the TRF initially claimed responsibility and even circulated photographic evidence, it retracted its claim four days later. The UN report warns, “Regional relations (India-Pakistan) remain fragile. There is a risk that terrorist groups may exploit these regional tensions.”

The findings are significant as all decisions of the Sanctions Committee set up under UNSC resolution 1267, including reports of the monitoring team, are adopted by consensus in the UNSC, where Pakistan currently holds the rotating presidency. Earlier, Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Ishaq Dar had boasted in the National Assembly about successfully pressuring the UNSC to omit references to the TRF in a statement condemning the attack.

Pakistan has long employed a strategy of “plausible deniability”, rebranding jihadist proxies like the TRF and People Against Fascist Front with secular-sounding names to mask their ties to LeT and Jaish-e-Mohammed while projecting terrorism in Jammu & Kashmir as an indigenous movement.

India has intensified diplomatic efforts to expose these links, with the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) submitting detailed evidence since December 2023. In 2024 alone, the MEA provided two sets of inputs on TRF’s activities and its LeT connections. An inter-ministerial delegation also briefed the UNSC monitoring team and key member states in New York in May 2024, sharing a dossier on the TRF.

The report underscores growing international recognition of Pakistan’s obstruction of counter-terrorism efforts and the threat posed by its terror proxies. The UNSC monitoring team, established in 1999 under Resolution 1267 to oversee sanctions against terrorist entities like Al-Qaida, has progressively expanded its mandate to include groups like ISIS and LeT.