Tribune News Service

Jalandhar, October 14

“Students of Sainik School, a pride of Punjab, have brought accolades to Punjab with their achievements. They shine like a star in country and abroad,” said Punjab Education Minister Om Prakash Soni, who presided over the award distribution ceremony of 57th annual athletics meet at Sainik School here.

The Education Minister said 1,100 military officers, including 50 Lieutenant Generals and Major Generals, have been serving the country after passing out from Sainik School. Congratulating the students, he said they were very fortunate to study in such prestigious institutions. “Students studying in such coveted institutions never fail in their life and definitely get higher posts in their career, he said.

After giving away prizes to the winners of the three-day athletics meet, Soni said they were the founders of future, hence they should work diligently and with full dedication to achieve their goals.

Cadets held a march past under the banner of their respective houses coupled with wonderful presentation of the world famous bands of school.

Vijay Mohan

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, July 31

While intake of officers into the armed forces from Punjab has witnessed an encouraging trend over the past few years, there has been a consistent decline in the number of officers from the state getting selected into the Air Force at the graduate level.In 2013-14, as many as 35 graduate candidates from Punjab joined the IAF for pre-commission training, which has come down to just three in 2017-18, according to data compiled by the state government in June.The number of such candidates joining IAF academies was 27 in 2014-15; 26 in 2015-16; and 16 in 2016-17. These figures are based on the claims received for the grant of Rs 1 lakh that the Punjab Government gives to every person from the state who joins a service training academy. This does not include intake into the tri-service National Defence Academy at the 10+2 level, where some cadets later opt for the Air Force. The Air Force, having an authorised strength of 12,581 officers, including women, faces a shortage of 206 officers. At 1.6 per cent, this shortage is the lowest compared to 12 per cent for the Navy and 15 in the Army.Even as there are several factors that determine selection in the armed forces, experts seem unable to pinpoint the reasons for the sudden decline in graduate selections in the IAF from Punjab.According to a serving IAF officer, the medical parameters for the Air Force, especially the flying branch, are more exacting and stringent than the Army, which results in higher number of rejections.Education and grooming is also a major factor as the IAF requires at least 60 per cent marks at the graduate level for most branches, including flying, engineering and administration. “A consistent decline in intake can also be indicative of the quality of candidates,” he said.“Apparently, students are branching out into other streams that they consider more lucrative, given the large number of institutions offering a multitude of professional courses that have cropped up in the region,” says Dr Rakesh Dutta, a professor of defence studies.“This is a tremendous drop, and an alarming trend that needs to be studied,” he says. The increasing number of bright youngsters from Punjab opting to go abroad for higher studies or jobs adds another dimension to the issue. “For Punjabis, family tradition and the prestige associated with the uniform was the prime motivator, rather than money, for joining the services,” says Wing Commander DP Sabharwal (retd), a trainer and a career counsellor. “The present generation of young officers complains not only of an unhealthy equation with their civilian counterparts, but also a decline in status, perks and social life,” he adds.The intake also depends upon the annual vacancies available. Though the overall intake into the services, according to official sources, has witnessed a decline over the  past three years (1,961 in 2015 to 1,858 in 2016 and 1,773 in 2017), this is not proportionate to the  sharp decline in the graduate selection in the IAF from Punjab.

Key factors

• Medical parameters for the IAF, especially flying branch, are more stringent than the Army
• The IAF requires at least 60% marks at the graduate level for most branches
• Increasing number of bright youngsters are opting to go abroad for higher studies or jobs

Tribune News Service

Ludhiana, September 18

The Northern Railways has decided to start Captain Service in long route trains operating in the region to felicitate passengers. According to the Railways authorities, the decision was taken in view of increased rush of passengers during the festive season.

They said this service would be provided in more than half dozen long route trains operating from the Northern Region.

The railway authorities said the ticket checker deployed in trains would be given additional charge of Captain in long route trains. “The Captain will be given a complaint book and passengers can inform him about the problems being faced by them while travelling. The mobile number of the Captain will also be displayed on the reservation chart,” a railway official said.

In fact, the rush of passengers is expected to increase manifold during the festive season in the coming some days. “A badge will be given to the train Captain, so that passengers can easily recognise him. Passengers can register their complaints with the Captain. They can also give their feedback and suggestions about their travelling experience in trains,” said Ludhiana Railway Station Director Abhinav Singla.

He said the railways expect to improve its service on the basis of suggestions and feedback given by passengers. “We are duty bound to provide best possible service to passengers. We appeal to the passengers to give their valuable suggestions to the train Captain about the facilities provided in the trains, so that we can improve in future,” Singla said.

he Congress said that both the prime minister and Union defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman “lied” to the nation in order to favour Anil Ambani-owned Reliance Infrastructure Limited.

New Delhi: With merely eight months left for the general elections, the purchase of 36 Rafale fighter jets – worth Rs 60,145 crore – is gradually becoming the biggest political thorn in the side of the Narendra Modi government. Days after Rahul Gandhi accused the Union government of hiding facts about the controversial fighter jet deal during the no-confidence motion in parliament, the Congress on Friday released a new set of documents to back up his claim that the Rafale purchase is one of the most blatant incidents of cronyism in independent India’s history.

Alleging multiple violations in the deal that could compromise India’s national security, the Congress said that both the prime minister and defence minister Nirmala Sitharaman “lied” to the nation in order to favour the Anil Ambani-owned Reliance Infrastructure Limited.

The Rafale deal was shrouded in mystery from the very beginning, ever since the prime minister announced the purchase during his visit to France in 2015. Subsequently, it came to light that the then defence minister Manohar Parrikar had gotten to know about the deal only a week before it was announced in a foreign land – a convention-defying act by the prime minister. Such deals have to compulsorily be approved by the cabinet committee on security but Modi unilaterally concluded the agreement.

Then, it became evident that the Modi government bought each plane at more than Rs 1,600 crore while the previous UPA government had negotiated the deal with Dassault at only Rs 526 crore.

The controversy became worse when it emerged that a joint venture company between Reliance Defence Limited (RDL) – a subsidiary of the Anil Ambani-owned Reliance Infrastructure Limited (RIL) – and Dassault Aviation secured the offset deal at Rs 30,000 crore. This raised eyebrows as the public sector defence company Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) had landed the offset contract in the deal that the UPA government had struck with the French aviation company.

That RIL had no experience in manufacturing planes in contrast to HAL, whose sole occupation is manufacturing defence planes, ruffled many feathers last year. In addition, the clause which required Dassault to transfer its technology to HAL also found a quiet burial as the public sector company was denied its biggest ever offset contract.

Since then, the government has only said that the Congress was “shameless” in alleging a scam as the government bought the planes in an emergency situation because the UPA wasted many years in implementing the previous deal. However, according to estimates, the first plane to land in India should take another five years. Despite persistent allegations by the opposition, the government has been shying away from letting out significant details of the agreement. There has been no factual rejoinder by the defence ministry yet. Sitharaman has only said that the cost of the planes cannot be divulged because of a secrecy clause in the deal.

However, the matter assumed significance again when Gandhi on the floor of the parliament said that there was no secrecy clause and that the defence minister was misleading the nation to prevent the truth from coming out. Congress leaders since then have also alleged that none of the allegations made by the Congress over the past year found any response from the government.

New documents

On Friday, however, the documents released by the Congress made multiple points that the government will have to answer.

Although the offset contract given to the Dassault Reliance Aerospace Limited – a joint venture between RDL and Dassault – is worth Rs 30,000 crore, the Congress released RIL’s papers which claimed that “a consequent Lifecycle Cost Contract” of Rs 1 lakh crore was also awarded to it.

In this context, Randeep Surjewala, chief spokesperson of the Congress said, “What is surprising is that one of the biggest defence offset contracts went to a company, Reliance Defence Ltd, which was constituted only 12 days before (March 28, 2015) the announcement of purchase of 36 Rafale aircrafts by PM in France on 10th April, 2015. The company Reliance Defence Ltd. did not have the license to manufacture fighter aircrafts at that time.”

Surjewala placed records of the ministry of corporate affairs, RIL’s press releases and company records to make his point that the Modi government had gifted the Anil Ambani-owned company a huge defence contract despite the fact that it neither had any industry experience nor any required assets.

The Congress then trained its guns at the defence minister. Surjewala said that the ministry of defence had issued a press release on February, 7, 2018, which said, “…no Indian Offset Partner for the 2016 deal for 36 Rafale Aircrafts has been so far selected by the vendor (Dassault Aviation) because as per the applicable guidelines, Dassault Aviation is free to select the Indian Offset Partners and provide their details at the time of seeking offset credits, or one year prior to discharge of offset obligation”.

However, he said that RIL had issued a press release a year earlier on February 16, 2017, to announce that it had secured the offset contract in the Rafale deal. “Even Dassault Aviation in its Annual Report 2016-17 has claimed that ‘offset contract’ is being executed by Reliance.” Surjewala said.

“Simple question is, who is lying – Defence Minister, Nirmala Sitharaman or Reliance/Dassault Aviation,” he asked.

He further said that if Dassault was free to choose its offset partner, as the defence ministry claims, it would be a clear violation of guidelines in such matters.

The defence ministry set up a permanent ‘Defence Offset Management Wing’ (DOMW) and issued ‘Defence Offset Contract Guidelines’ for all ‘offset contracts’ in 2016. Surjewala said that multiple clauses in these guidelines made by the Modi government warrant all offset proposals and their progress will have to be approved and monitored by the defence minister and the “acquisition manager” in the defence ministry. The guidelines also said that six-monthly audits have to be conducted by ministry officials.

“My questions to the government are as follows: Can Reliance and Dassault Aviation sign an ‘offset contract’ of Rs.30,000 crore without the approval of the defence minister? Has the ‘offset contract’ been countersigned by the ‘acquisition manager’ of the defence ministry? Why have the six-monthly audits by DOMW not been conducted? Has the ‘Acquisition Wing’ submitted an Annual Report to ‘Defence Acquisition Council’? Can a private corporate entity and supplier of the defence equipment in the largest defence deal of the country be permitted to wholly gloss over the Defence Offset Contract Guidelines/Instructions,” Surjewala asked, alleging that none of these regulations were followed in the offset deal.

To substantiate his charge that the Rafale deal was a case of cronyism, he highlighted a separate contract around the same time of the Rafale deal in which RDL’s sister company, Reliance Aerostructure Ltd benefitted.

“Another subsidiary of RIL, Reliance Aerostructure Ltd (RAL), was given the license to manufacture fighter aircraft in 2016 around the same time when RDL got the offset contract in the Rafale deal. Intriguingly, Reliance Aerostructure Ltd. was given the license to manufacture fighter aircraft by the Defence Ministry but it did not own any land or building on the date (it was awarded) the license February 22, 2016. What is even more surprising is the fact that even Reliance Aerostructure Ltd was incorporated on April 24, 2015, i.e 14 days after the announcement of purchase of 36 Rafale aircraft by PM in France on April 10, 2015,” Surjewala said.

He alleged that RAL was granted an Industrial Licence for Category A, High Security Defence Production in violation of several rules and acts like the Industries (Development and Regulation) Act, 1951, the Registration and Licensing of Industrial Undertaking Rules, 1952 and new Arms Rules, 2016.

“In its license application for manufacturing fighter aircrafts, Reliance Aerostructure Ltd. has given its address and location as ‘Survey No. 589, Taluka Jafrabad, Village Lunsapur, District Amreli, Gujarat’. At that time, these premises were not owned by Reliance Aerostructure Ltd. The aforesaid address belonged to ‘Pipavav Defence and Offshore Engineering Co. Ltd.’ Even on the date of license i.e 22.02.2016, Reliance Aerostructure Ltd. did not own the land or building at the aforesaid address. It was Reliance Defence Ltd. that acquired the company only on 18.01.2016 and name was then changed to Reliance Defence and Engineering Limited.”

He cited the company’s annual report 2015-16, page number 5 to substantiate his allegation. Similarly, he said even RAL was allotted 104 acres in Mihan SEZ, Nagpur, Maharashtra on 28 August 2015 for around Rs 63 crore, which was paid only in July, 2017. “So when the RAL was awarded the license to manufacture fighter aircrafts, it technically had no assets of its own. Is the Modi government serious about our country’s security?”

Calls to two BJP leaders went unanswered at the time of writing. The story will be updated if and when the BJP’s response comes. Until now, although the Rafale deal has been a point of discussion in the public domain for over an year, the government has yet to give a factual rejoinder. The Congress’s allegations have opened a can of worms. If the government still chooses to be unresponsive, the Rafale deal may very well prove to be BJP’s own Bofors scam.

Our Correspondent

Anantnag, July 21

Militants on Saturday carried out attacks on security forces in Anantnag and Kulgam districts of the state, the police said.In the first incident, security forces were targeted in the Mattan area of Anantnag district along the Khannabal-Pahalgam road. The road is heavily guarded these days in view of the ongoing Amarnath yatra. There was, however, no pilgrim movement along the road when the attack took place, sources said. No loss of life or injuries was reported.Altaf Khan, SSP, said the attack took place around 1 pm. “They fired at a joint party of the police and the CRPF. The fire was retaliated. No one was injured. A hunt to nab the militants is on,” said Khan.In the second incident, militants opened fire at an Army patrol in Havoora village of Kulgam around 3:30 pm.“No one was hurt in the firing,” a senior police officer said, adding that a hunt had been launched to nab the militants.Gunfight along LoC in TangdharA brief gunfight broke out near the LoC in the Tangdhar sector in Kupwara district on Saturday when a group of infiltrating militants fired at an Army patrol in the Balthedyan area. “The Army has launched a massive combing operation in the sector,” sources said. Meanwhile, two overground workers of the Lashkar-e-Toiba were arrested in Sopore on Saturday, the police said. TNS/PTI

Our Correspondent

Zirakpur, September 17

“We will not allow anyone incriminated in any case of religious desecration to go scot-free”. This was stated by Punjab Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh here today.

The Punjab Chief Minister was speaking after inaugurating Cine Plaza near McDonald’s in Zirakpur. He lashed out at the Badals for fanning communal hatred, warning that nobody involved in the sacrilege cases would be spared.

Capt Amarinder Singh also flayed Akali veteran Parkash Singh Badal for trying to divert the people’s attention from the findings of the Justice Ranjit Singh Commission, which had squarely blamed the previous regime for the desecration of holy scriptures.

He reiterated his firm resolve to bring to book all culprits involved in various sacrilegious acts, saying that the SIT team would thoroughly investigate nearly 200 incidents of sacrilege of holy scriptures, including Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Gutka Sahib, Srimad Bhagwad Gita and Quran Sharif.

To a query on the proposed Congress rally in Parkash Singh Badal’s home ground Lambi, Capt Amarinder said he would expose the malicious intent of the Badals to vitiate the peaceful atmosphere in the state.

Capt Amarinder said his government had planned to develop Zirakpur town as one of the best cities in the state with ultra-modern facilities and civic amenities. The Chief Minister also stated that Zirakpur had only a few scattered houses and had, over the years, grown into one of the fastest growing satellite towns as an integral part of the tricity.

Highlighting the revived positive investment sentiment in the state ever since the Congress government took over, the Chief Minister said construction activity in Zirakpur had recently picked up, resulting in the sale of nearly 28,000 new houses in the area.

On the issue of Dashmesh canal, Capt Amarinder Singh said as the matter of river waters was with the Supreme Court, the state government would explore the feasibility of constructing Dashmesh canal in due course of time.

Prominent among other who were present on the occasion included senior Congress leader Kewal Singh Dhillon, Mohali Deputy Commissioner Gurpreet Kaur Sapra and SSP Kuldeep Singh Chahal.

Govt has planned to develop Zirakpur as one of the best cities in state, says CM

Punjab Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh said his government had planned to develop Zirakpur town as one of the best cities in the state with ultra-modern facilities and civic amenities. The Chief Minister also stated that Zirakpur had only a few scattered houses and had, over the years, grown into one of the fastest growing satellite towns as an integral part of the tricity.

Uttarakashi, July 21: A body of one of the victims of 1968 Indian Air Force plane crash was found along with some parts of the aircraft at the Dhaka glacier base camp. The plane’s wreckage was found during a cleanliness drive organized by Indian Mountaineering Foundation at the Dhaka glacier base camp on July 1.

On 7 February 1968, an Antonov An-12 twin engine turboprop transport aircraft of the Indian Air Force disappeared while flying to Leh Airport from Chandigarh International Airport. While on approach to Leh the pilot decided to turn back due to inclement weather, the aircraft then went missing with the last radio contact over the Rohtang pass. It was declared missing after the failure to find the wreck. Previous recovery: In 2003 members of the Himalayan Mountaineering Institute who were trekking on the South Dakka Glacier came across the remains of a human body. The body was identified as Sepoy Beli Ram, a soldier of the Indian Army who was on the flight. On 9 August 2007 an Indian Army expedition code named Operation Punaruthan-III, recovered three more bodies. From 2003 till 2009 three search expeditions have been carried out with the recovery of four bodies. The crash location lies at a height of about 18,000 ft 0 in (5,486.40 m), at a gradient of 80 degrees. On 21 July 2018 the Times of India reported that a mountaineering team at the Chandrabhaga-13 peak had found a body at the Dhaka glacier base camp.The team has found wreckage of the plane along with the remains of a soldier.

Read more at: https://www.oneindia.com/india/body-of-soldier-killed-in-1968-iaf-plane-crash-recovered-2739470.html

Political parties desire populist, quick and ostensibly spectacular results with an eye on elections. But what the ruling party wants is not what the army leadership should do.

Here’s a sobering thought to reflect upon as India celebrates the anniversary of the ‘surgical strikes’ in which the Indian Army’s special forces (SF) stealthily crossed the Line of Control (LoC) and neutralised a handful of terrorists who would have otherwise infiltrated into Jammu and Kashmir: the more the government politicises the army by using its sacrifices to further its electoral objectives, the more it erodes the the army’s potency, and hence its deterrent value.

The tragic part of this celebratory charade is that the army leadership appears complicit in its own emasculation. It needs to be understood that armies are never politicised, they follow command. It is the army leadership that gets politicised with adverse implications for war preparedness. It is, therefore, a truism that armies are as good as its leadership. So when the army leadership decides to support what the ruling political party wants, its missions – militarily – make less sense. For instance, army chief General Bipin Rawat’s recent call for another surgical strike was not his business; it is prerogative of the political leadership. He should worry about genuine strikes pivoted on preparedness, should the need arise.

Political parties desire populist, quick and ostensibly spectacular results with an eye on elections. But what the ruling party wants is not what the army leadership should do. Otherwise, (a) it demoralises its command since military outcomes are not what they should be, (b) the emphasis shifts away from modernisation, which is a sustained long-term goal, and (c) training for war takes a back-seat. The command ultimately loses respect for its leadership, leading to command break-down. Military leaders, therefore, should question and not blindly acquiesce to political opportunism.

Militarily, the September 29, 2016 strikes made little sense for three reasons. One, surgical strikes are the prerogative of the air force; the army, at best, conducts raids and hot pursuit. Surgical strikes – meant to influence the political and war-fighting levels by its shock and awe effect – are undertaken by the air force after certain preparations to contain a probable escalation. These include using aircraft to jam the enemy’s communication systems, and, by activation of own air defence capabilities, to cater for retaliation by the opposing air force. Given their its strategic effects, surgical strikes are always done by nations with political will and military preparedness. For example, after the 26/11 terror attacks in Mumbai, the Indian Air Force had suggested surgical strikes without crossing the Line of Control to the then government. After mulling for a few days, the government had rejected the suggestion.

Two, the strikes done by the army were not even raids, since they are done against legitimate military targets (in this case, the Pakistan Army) to minimise collateral damage. They were not even hot pursuit, which as the term denotes, is about chasing the enemy back into its own territory. They were what the then foreign secretary S. Jaishankar called them: “Target-specific, counter-terrorist operations (CI ops) across the Line of Control which the army had done in the past too, but this is the first time the government has gone public about it.” He said this to the Parliament Committee on Foreign Affairs.

Three, genuine strikes of this nature are always denied to keep the enemy in strategic suspense about the next move. In this case, India first informed Pakistan and then publicly declared that no more strikes were planned and that the mission was over. It was extraordinary for the army to admit operations by the Special Forces and to announce that there “were no plans for further continuation.” By doing so, India conceded its unpreparedness for – let alone war – even heightened tactical level engagements for fear of an escalation. The strikes were evidently not meant to be an army mission but a political one to create a perception of a first-of-its-kind spectacular operation.

The idea of surgical strikes came from the raids done by the Indian Army in Myanmar in June 2015 which had boosted Modi’s ‘macho’ image. This was confirmed by the then defence minister Manohar Parrikar, who said the preparations for the surgical strikes (in Pakistan occupied Kashmir) started 15 months ago when specialised equipment for SF was purchased from abroad.

On June 4, 2015, the Myanmar-based NSCN-K had ambushed an Indian Army convoy, killing 18 soldiers. The then 3 corps commander, Lieutenant General Bipin Rawat, after clearance from the Prime Minister’s office (PMO) and with support from the IAF (helicopters were kept on stand-by for extrication of Special Forces), conducted raids by SF at two militant sites inside Myanmar on June 10, killing around 100 terrorists. As the government of India publicly celebrated the successful raids inside Myanmar, projecting them as evidence of the Prime Minister’s political will and determination, the Myanmar Army decided to not react, even though the government mildly protested the violation of its sovereignty.

The Myanmar raids emboldened the Indian government to replicate the same model on the Pakistan border with better preparation and thought. This could be the perfect face-saver for the Modi government, which, given the unabated proxy war by Pakistan and the ever-increasing casualties, was having difficulty in maintaining its ‘tough’ image. Since Lieutenant General Rawat had demonstrated his expertise by planning and executing the Myanmar raids, and given his extraordinarily long innings in Kashmir doing counter-insurgency operations (CI ops), he had to be brought to the South Block, perhaps as the vice-chief of army staff (VCOAS) once the incumbent Lieutenant General M.M.S. Rai superannuated on July 31, 2016. This happened on September 1, with the post of VCOAS being vacant for a full month.

The opportunity to do a Myanmar on Pakistan came when terrorists struck at the army camp in Uri on September 18, 2016, killing 19 soldiers. Given the heightened sense of nationalism drummed up by the BJP, and with the coming elections in Uttar Pradesh, the government needed to showcase its muscularity against Pakistan without inviting war. The die was thus cast for the politically driven surgical strikes. Vice-chief Lieutenant General Rawat and northern army commander Lieutenant General D.S. Hooda were the key operational planners, while the Prime Minister, defence minister and the national security adviser were kept in the loop. Army chief General Dalbir Singh made notional, rather than any real, contribution to the task at hand.

Given the involvement of India’s topmost political and army leadership, two concerns were paramount: Pakistan should not retaliate, and no Indian soldier should be caught alive behind enemy lines since it would unravel the real plot. This necessitated extremely shallow penetrations on the Line of Control from where extrication was possible; not attacking Pakistan Army’s posts; finishing tactical-level operations as soon as possible; and informing the Pakistan Army soonest of what had been done in order to ensure that they did not commence counter attacks with troops-in-hand or troops’ build-up for an escalation. In short, pretend to do a major operation with minimal risks.

The military aim, as the director general military operations, Lieutenant General Ranbir Singh said in his official briefing, was to target “terrorist launch pads along the Line of Control”. Mind you, he said ‘along’ and not inside the LoC. With these instructions, SF assisted by local commandos (Ghatak platoons) for guidance and flank protection walked/ crawled up stealthily to seven terrorist launch-pads (which are temporary camps) situated about 700 metres (terrorist launch pads have since been moved in depth under direct protection of Pakistani posts) inside the LoC. The SF did to the terrorists what they had done to Indian soldiers in Uri base camp: they were attacked while asleep. While the exact casualty figures are anyone’s guess since no damage assessment means were employed (for fear of escalation), the big relief (admitted by Manohar Parrikar and Northern army commander, Lt Gen. D. S. Hooda) was the safe return of Indian soldiers.

It was time to draw political mileage by perception management. The electronic media went hysterical with buffoonery showing graphics of soldiers para-dropping on Pakistani soil, and by wargaming military balance of India and Pakistan. They have been willy-nilly assisted by chosen generals. According to Lieutenant General Hooda, “The surgical strikes in some way shattered the glass ceiling. The Special Forces have gained tremendous confidence in their ability to execute a complex operation in very hostile territory.” He said on another occasion, “We proved that we were capable of crossing the heavily guarded Line of Control and strike at multiple points.”

To recall, in the 90s, well before the Indian Army erected the Maginot Line (which represents a defensive mindset) in the form of the fence on the LoC in July 2004, regular army commandos rather than Special Forces, used to frequently breach the so-called glass ceiling. Raids (which are much more than targeting terrorists) on Pakistani posts, killing of its soldiers by surprise attacks and artillery firing were so commonplace that long silence by one side was reason for the other to worry. Moreover, except from 2005 to 2007, when back-channel talks were going on between India and Pakistan, cross-LoC raids were commonplace, and officers were commended for bravery. All this was, of course, done away from the media glare since that is the nature of covert actions.

The opposite seems to be happening at present. After the recent mutilation of a Border Security Force soldier’s body by terrorists, the army chief said, “We need to take stern action to avenge the barbarism that terrorists and the Pakistan Army have been carrying out.” But he did not explain how this would be done. One cannot help but recall wistfully how another chief at another time had chosen to focus on war preparedness instead of allowing him to be used for political sabre-rattling.

At the height of the refugee influx into India from East Pakistan in March 1971, Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had, in the presence of senior cabinet members, told General Sam Manekshaw that training the Mukti Bahini would not be enough and that it was time to use force. He refused. While offering to resign, the army chief (who was also the chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee) told the disbelieving Prime Minister that he needed six months of war-preparedness and opportune timing for victory. The rest is history.

In terms of military decorations, General Manekshaw was a mere Military Cross. General Rawat is bursting with decorations from UYSM, AVSM, YSM to SM and VSM. Can General Rawat tell Prime Minister Modi that his army needs to give-up CI ops (which, after 28 years, are giving diminishing results) and focus on war-preparedness to deter Pakistan’s proxy war?

The writer is editor, Force newsmagazine.

Officer cadre restructuring: Army mulls doing away with Brigadier rank