Ajit Doval. AFP file

Islamabad, January 1

National security advisers of India and Pakistan held a “secret” meeting in Thailand where the tone and tenor of India’s NSA Ajit Doval was “friendly and positive”, a senior Pakistani official said on Monday.A Pakistan national security division official, on condition of anonymity, said the meeting between Pakistan’s NSA Lt Gen Nasser Khan Janjua (retd) and Doval took place in Thailand on December 27, ‘The Dawn’ newspaper reported.“The meeting was good. Doval’s tone and tenor was friendly and positive,” the official disclosed. The official maintained that he was briefed about the Indo-Pak meeting.He was told that the meeting was “useful”. The report also quoted the official as saying that the interaction might help in restarting some sort of engagement at the diplomatic level as well.However, there was no word–officially or unofficially–from the Indian side.The meeting, which appeared to be pre-decided, came two days after Indian death-row prisoner Kulbhushan Jadhav met his family in Islamabad on December 25.

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The Jadhav-family meeting became the latest flashpoint in already strained Indo-Pak relations with Pakistan terming its decision to allow Jadhav’s family to travel to Pakistan to meet him as a humanitarian gesture and India accusing it of violating mutual understanding.New Delhi also hit out at Pakistan, asserting that the Indian national appeared coerced and under considerable stress during the tightly controlled interaction and also accused Pakistan of disregarding cultural and religious sensibilities of family members on the pretext of security.Jadhav, who was captured in March last year, was sentenced to death by a Pakistani military court for alleged spying, an accusation that India has dismissed as concocted.New Delhi says Jadhav was kidnapped in Iran where he had legitimate business interests, and brought to Pakistan. To save Jadhav, India moved the International Court of Justice, which ordered Pakistan in May to stay his execution.It was not the first meeting between the two NSAs in a third country.In December 2015 also, the two NSAs, along with the two foreign secretaries, had met in Bangkok, which was not revealed from both the countries till after the meeting. PTI

Grieving family members of Lance Naik Gurmail Singh at Alkare village, near Amritsar, on Sunday. PTI

Rajouri, December 24

The Army today neutralised a Pakistan army sharpshooter in Jhangar sector of Nowshera even as the latter violated the ceasefire by resorting to heavy unprovoked mortar shelling and firing in Shahpur sector of Poonch district today.Hours after Pakistani troops killed a Major and three soldiers by violating the ceasefire in Keri sector of Rajouri yesterday, troops of Jat Regiment in retaliatory action today shot a sharp-shooter of Baloch regiment.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)Sources said around 1 pm, Pakistani troops resorted to heavy mortar shelling and firing on Indian forward posts in Poonch. “It was retaliated effectively and strongly by the Indian troops. No loss to life or property was reported,”  sources said.They added that local commanders had been directed to take appropriate retaliatory action and a strong military response could not be ruled out in the next few days in Nowshera sub-division.From May to July this year, Pakistan army had resorted to heavy mortar shelling on Indian forward posts and civil areas in Nowshera sub-division, resulting in the migration of over 4,000 people from border villages. The border dwellers (not from Jhangar area) have returned home recently.Meanwhile, the post-mortem of Lance Naik Gurmail Singh and Sepoy Pargat Singh was conducted at Rajouri’s district hospital. “Both bodies bore multiple splinter injuries,” said a senior doctor, even as the Army clarified that the bodies of its personnel killed in firing by Pakistani troops along the LoC were not mutilated. — TNS

That’s what Narendra Modi has to do and launch defence modernisation like Rajiv Gandhi in 1985-89, but with lessons learnt. There are political risks, but isn’t that what holding public office is all about.

Bofors is the only gun in history to have won an election all by itself. Since we also like to say it is the man behind the machine that matters, V.P. Singh was also no mean performer at the gunsights.

He launched his challenge to destroy Rajiv with the Allahabad by-election in 1988. The seat had been vacated by Amitabh Bachchan, facing Bofors allegations. Singh campaigned on a motorcycle across the burnt out plains of rural Allahabad, stopping at villages, making a short point and carrying on. True shoot-and-scoot campaigning.

His message was simple: your homes have been burgled. How? When you buy a packet of bidis or a matchbox, a part of the few annas you pay goes to the government as tax. It’s from that tax that the government runs your hospitals, schools and buys weapons for your army. So, if somebody steals a part of that money of yours, what do you call it if not a burglary in your home?

It was brilliant so far. Except, he added two more things. One, the usual political hyperbole: the names of the Bofors “chors” (thieves) are on this slip of paper in my (kurta) pocket, so wait till I come to power.

And second, soldiers are shocked they’ve been given a gun which fires backwards, killing them instead of the enemy. Now, nobody was fooled by this. But the crowds were greatly amused.

It’s been 30 years. Nobody has been caught or punished for Bofors kickbacks. Everybody then charged, either in inquiries or folklore, is dead. The gun has performed brilliantly. It saved the day in Kargil, and not because it fired backwards. It remains the mainstay of the Artillery.

In the 30 years since, not one more Bofors has been ordered, not one manufactured although lately some prototypes called ‘Dhanush’ have been attempted. Such is the stigma that we got no more Bofors since then, no spares, no ammunition, nor any other guns, recovered no illegal commissions, sent nobody to jail.

You want me to tell you something to make us Indians feel more stupid: we named a major New Delhi avenue (a section of the Outer Ring Road) after Olof Palme who, as Swedish prime minister, struck the Bofors deal with Rajiv.

In polite language, we’d describe India’s defence purchase record as na khuda hee mila, na visaal-e-sanam (I got neither the God nor a look at my lover). Somewhat more apt though, is the story of the village idiot who was caught stealing onions. The panchayat asked him to choose his punishment: a hundred shoe-beating, or eat a hundred onions. The idiot chose the latter, gave up after 10 onions, switched to shoe-beatings, couldn’t endure after 10 so switched back to onions. And so on. He ended up having most of both. This is a fairer description of how India has managed its defence acquisitions post-1977. We take that year as a cut-off because India elected its first non-Congress government then and it also saw a departure from the by now settled practice of buying only Soviet equipment.

The first system the Janata government explored was the Anglo-French Jaguar, in the category then called Deep Penetration Strike Aircraft (DPSA). Its rival was the Swedish Saab-Viggen. There were immediate noises of kickbacks as rival agents thrived planting stories on journalists. This launched the phenomenon of “greenhouse” journalism in reporting defence purchases.

The Jaguar too became controversial, was more or less dumped by subsequent governments and never reached its initially imagined force levels. As to how good and capable the aircraft is: even today, 40 years later, the IAF employs 100-plus of these Jaguars. The description flying coffin will also feature in the archives.

Following this, Indira Gandhi returned to the Soviets. Until Rajiv changed the equation radically. It isn’t the most popular thing to say these days, and I risk the wrath of the Bofors generation, but the only real, determined tri-service modernisation in our history was during the Indira-Rajiv era. The defence budget was taken above 4 per cent of GDP against the norm of two or under.

The era saw a variety of systems being bought and inducted – Mirage-2000s from France, Bofors from Sweden, Milan and Matra (French) missiles and Type-209 submarines from Germany. It also included purchases of the MiG-25 trisonics, TU-142s, Il-76 heavy-lift and AN-32 medium transports. Each one became (or was made out to be) some kind of a scam. So each system remained at the initial purchase level. There was no real transfer of technology, no co-production, no realisation of optimal force levels.

Rajiv also bought large volumes of Soviet equipment, from BMP armoured fighting vehicles, new Kilo submarines and took a nuclear sub (the first Chakra) on lease. He paid for all this with the loss of power. I bet there were kickbacks and scams, but the cruel fact is even if India goes to war now, a lot of the equipment it fields would have been ordered by Indira-Rajiv or, later, followed up by Narasimha Rao.

It is a tough point to make, and it will hurt. But the BJP governments’ record in making defence acquisitions is dismal. Vajpayee, hit by the so-called coffin-gate (a purely imaginary scam) bought little, except war-time top-ups. Much was expected of the Modi government. So far its only order of any size is a mere 36 Rafales, slashed from 126 negotiated by the UPA. The rest is just continuation of the few orders the previous government made, treading cautiously just as A.K. Antony would – I had described his approach to defence purchases as “wrapped-in-latex” then. And there is much talk, Make in India and what not. So much talk, and all hot air. Funnily, it’s the BJP that carries the Bofors phobia on arms purchases.

An uncompromising posture on defence and filling up the acquisition gaps were among Narendra Modi’s most forceful campaign propositions. The balance sheet after three-and-a-half years is empty. The fear, indecision and lack of focus is evident in the fact that the Modi government has had four defence ministers already: Manohar Parrikar, Nirmala Sitharaman and Arun Jaitley for extended spells twice.

The one deal it signed, Rafale, is now under attack. It will test Modi’s nerve. Would he have the courage to say: I and my government (unlike Rajiv saying neither I nor any member of my family) have done nothing wrong, persist with the purchase and in fact, enlarge it? The IAF, otherwise, will be reduced to an insignificant force. Even the Su-30s are now almost 20 years old. He has to move on the rest too, for all three forces, or history will judge him poorly and his promises as campaign-bluster. The debate on Rafale has now brought back all the old jargon and mantras, the most ridiculous of which is that catch-all nonsense: transfer of technology (ToT).

For six decades, HAL and other defence PSUs have assembled imported systems with plenty of ToT. Yet, barring a helicopter they’re incapable of using any of this brilliant, transferred technology to produce anything of use. We are still ordering, cancelling, re-ordering and cancelling purchases of infantry rifles, shoulder-fired or Man-Pad missiles, flak-jackets and other basic equipment. ToT over the decades, has been nothing short of all boll****. I refrain from using the remaining four letters as we do not use it in conventional journalism. Does Modi have it in him to ensure that India buys what it needs, and stop the “banana republic” (humko yeh bhi banana hai) charade?

Either he takes the risks Rajiv took, and launches a defence modernisation to rival the 1980s. Or, given dwindling force levels, he should call Xi Jinping and General Qamar Bajwa, settle Kashmir and Arunachal, sign a treaty with the Americans/NATO to protect what remains of India and, like the Japanese after World War-II, commit to limiting India’s defence budget to 1 per cent of GDP.

Why even 1 per cent then? Because you might need some to fight the Maoists in our underbelly. And some for Republic Day parades and for the ministers to have their weekend photo-ops at military bases.

This file photo of 2008 shows a Chinese and an Indian soldier at the Nathu La border crossing between India and China in Sikkim. AFP

Pravin Sawhney
Editor, FORCE newsmagazineRENDERING a degree of permanence to its presence at the Doklam plateau, the Chinese have built roads, defences, pre-fabricated snow shelters, fighting and communication trenches, storage sites and helipads at the disputed territory also claimed by Bhutan. These are enough to accommodate over 1,800 Chinese border guards. These structures are about 7 km east of the stand-off site — also on Doklam plateau — between India and China.On June 16, Chinese border guards had sought to build a road close to Indian Army’s positions which India believed made the Chicken’s Neck area militarily vulnerable. Instead of accepting China’s offer of talks, the Indian Army, on the plea that Bhutan had sought its help under the 2007 bilateral friendship treaty, blocked Chinese construction on June 18, leading to the 73-day military standoff. Disengagement of troops happened on August 28 once the Chinese agreed to stop constructing that road. Indian soldiers withdrew from Doklam; the Chinese did not. On the new constructions by China in Doklam, India says they do not concern it as long as the status quo at the standoff site holds.

Difficult situation for Bhutan

This situation has left the King of sovereign Bhutan, Jigme Khesar Namgyel Wangchuck, also the commander-in-chief of the 9,000-strong Royal Bhutan Army, facing an unprecedented and difficult situation. For the first time, he has two rival militaries on his soil: Indian and Chinese.The Indian Military Training Team (IMTRAT), located at the picturesque Haa town since 1962 under bilateral treaties (1949 and now 2007), is meant to train Bhutanese soldiers and border guards. Its unsaid task is to be the eyes and ears of both Indian Army and Air Force’s eastern commands responsible for the Chinese theatre, as well as the protection of Bhutan.And now, Chinese soldiers too have entrenched themselves on its claimed territory. By now accepting the Chinese presence on ‘Bhutanese territory’ India is conveying the message to Thimpu that as long as the Siliguri Corridor is secure, the Chinese machination does not bother it.Given this, how long can Bhutan keep its side of the friendship with India? In 24 rounds of border resolution talks with China, Thimpu had consistently rejected the Chinese offer of a land swap — 495 sqkm of Chinese territory in eastern and central Bhutan (including grazing ground for cattle) for 269 sqkm in Doklam — to protect India’s security interests.If Bhutan were to resolve its border dispute with China, it could get the following: $10 billion development loan promised by China; road and railway network across the 470km-border that it has with China to boost its tourism industry; end to perceived hydro-electric power exploitation by India; and importantly, removal of foreign troops from its soil, as IMTRAT will have to be wound up. Interestingly, the Chinese troops will remain in Doklam, which would become Chinese territory after the swap. The geopolitical consequence in India’s neighbourhood needs little elaboration.China’s border threat to India upEven without the above scenario, China’s border threat, short of war, to India has increased manifold with its permanent presence. What if the Chinese border guards find a gap in the 3,488-km Line of Actual Control (LAC) and saunter in on Indian territory, as they did in April-May 2013 in north Ladakh? Forcing them to go back could escalate into a skirmish with its own escalatory dynamics.Unlike the Indian Army, China has border guards (paramilitary force equivalent of India’s Indo-Tibetan Border Police) on the LAC. China’s army cantonments are well behind in towns and cities, as its troops can be mobilised faster, given their five advantages over India: excellent roads, technology superiority, pre-acclimatised forces (Tibet is a high-altitude plateau), joint-ness at strategic and war-fighting levels, and mobile combat forces.This peculiar situation has downgraded the Indian Army’s role from border-guarding to border-policing, ie, physically blocking Chinese troops from walking into India. Explaining this drill, followed during the Doklam standoff, the then eastern army commander, Lt-Gen Praveen Bakshi recently said at the Military Literature Festival in Chandigarh: “The (Indian) troops, while forming human chains, refused to back down and not even once did they break ranks.” General Bakshi confirmed that, “Additional formations had been moved to the area beforehand and the troops were well acclimatised.” He added, “China now views India as a threat.”The reality is different. Consequent to the Doklam crisis, the Indian Army has moved thousands of troops forward for policing duties to cover innumerable gaps on the LAC. Besides braving sub-zero weather conditions, these troops would face accommodation, heating and logistics challenges against a non-existent enemy. Moreover, China, which is preparing to fight the modern war, does not view India as its enemy; its sights are fixed on the US in the Asia-Pacific. However, India, which seems to be preparing to fight the 1962 war better, sees China as the enemy.Perhaps, India should consider Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi’s suggestion. During his recent India visit, he urged that ‘lessons should be learnt’ from the standoff. The most important being that muscle-flexing should be the last resort. There is no substitute to dialogue.

New Delhi, December 14The NHAI has directed staff at toll plazas to salute and give “standing ovation” to armed forces personnel travelling on official duty, in recognition of their exemplary services.The directions follow complaints from armed forces personnel of misconduct by toll plaza staff while allowing exemption from toll fee.In a recent policy circular, the National Highways Authority of India (NHAI) said that considering the unparalleled service of armed forces towards the safety and security of the country, such type of rude behaviour is not acceptable.“The Armed Forces personnel deserve the highest regard and should be given due respect at the toll plaza, including salute and standing ovations as deemed fit,” it said. The NHAI has directed training of the toll operating staff accordingly to pay due respect to the personnel and “salute their selfless dedication to the country”.It also made it clear that verification of their identification cards should be done by senior and competent authority and not left to the untrained lowest staff. “It is needless to emphasise that considering the extreme sacrifice of armed forces to the nation in case of doubt with respect to nature of their official duty, benefit of doubt should be given appropriately to armed forces personnel,” said the NHAI circular. — PTI

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• HAD GENERALS NOT BETRAYED SIKH ARMY, BRITISH WOULD HAVE LEFT IN 1857, THERE WOULD BE NO PAKISTAN’
• MILITARY DIPLOMACY VITAL, BUT ‘UNEXPLORED’ EX-ARMY CHIEF GEN VP MALIK SAYS MUCH MORE CAN BE ACHIEVED WITH PARTICIPATION OF FORCES
• ANIMALS ARE UNSUNG HEROES OF HISTORY’
• SOCIAL MEDIA IS TO STAY, FORCES NEED TO USE IT CONSTRUCTIVELY’
• MEET THE VOLUNTEERS WHO HELPED IN ORGANISING THE FIRST LITERATURE FESTIVAL OF ITS KIND
• LT GEN KULKARNI RECALLS FIRST LANDING IN SIACHEN
• OPERATION TO OCCUPY SIACHEN GLACIER HAD MANY SURPRISES’
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• IAF FULLY EQUIPPED TO FACE ANY FOREIGN AGGRESSION: AIR MARSHAL DHILLON
• TALKING OF ARMY CULTURE
• SOCIAL MEDIA HAS CUT INTERACTION AMONG SOLDIERS
• BRITS WOULD HAVE LOST TO SIKHS, ‘BUT FOR TREACHERY BY 2 GENS’

Governor NN Vohra being pinned a flag on Armed Forces Flag Day at Raj Bhawan in Jammu on Thursday. Tribune Photo

Tribune News Service

Jammu, December 7

Governor NN Vohra celebrated Armed Forces Flag Day at a function at Raj Bhawan here today.The Governor observed that Armed Forces Flag Day was an important occasion for remembering the valiant soldiers who had sacrificed their lives for protecting the territorial integrity of the nation.He lauded the crucial role of the Armed Forces, both during war and in peace, and observed that their sacrifices were founded in their bravery, devotion and dedication.Chief Secretary BB Vyas, Principal Secretary to the Governor Umang Narula, Principal Secretary, Home, RK Goyal, Director, Rajya Sainik Board, Brig Harcharan Singh (retd), Maj Gen Sunita Kapoor (retd), Col Rawel Singh (retd), Zila Sainik Welfare Officer, Honarary Captain Sansar Chand (Maha Vir Chakra) and Havildar Rashid Ahmad (retd) were present on the occasion.The Governor urged the ex-servicemen among his guests to promote the interests of society by offering their expertise and suggested to Maj Gen Sunita Kapoor, who retired as the Additional Director General, Military Nursing Services, to consider working for the improvement of health care of women and children in the rural areas of the state.The Governor also urged the decorated soldiers — Honorary Captian Sansar Chand and Havildar (retd) Rashid Ahmad to train youth, particularly girls, so that they can join the Armed Forces.The Governor advised Brig Harcharan Singh (retd) to vigorously campaign throughout the year in the government and private institutions and collect contributions for the Flag Day fund so that a large corpus could be generated for carrying out welfare activities for the ex-servicemen and their families.