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Defence Secy: China did not play active role in India-Pak skirmish

Defence Secretary Rajesh Kumar Singh has said that while China supported Pakistan with satellite imagery and military equipment, it did not take an active part in the recent skirmish with India.

Speaking in a podcast with a news agency, Singh was asked about reports of Chinese military and diplomatic officials being present in Pakistani war rooms. He responded, “Collusion, yes — in terms of equipment, supplies, perhaps satellite imagery as well — all that probably could have happened. But definitely, they (the Chinese) did not play an active role.”

He added, “It is clear there was no direct support from them, but yes, in terms of equipment… Pakistanis don’t have many resources, so they obviously rely on begging or borrowing from Turkey or China.”

On India-China relations, Singh said the two countries must strike a delicate balance — maintaining diplomatic engagement while remaining militarily vigilant. “Trust is low, but we should be cautiously optimistic because they (China) have also shown interest in dialogue as a mode of dispute resolution,” he said, adding that conversations are ongoing at the Special Representative (SR) level. National Security Adviser Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi are the SRs on either side.

Commenting on the ceasefire process with Pakistan, Singh clarified, “It was Pakistan that capitulated on May 10. They came forward asking for time, seeking talks and eventually requested cessation of hostilities. That sequence should be clear — they were the ones who asked for the ceasefire.”

He noted that transcripts and records of discussions between the two Director Generals of Military Operations (DGMO) are available to support this account.

On Pakistan army chief Filed Marshal Asim Munir’s meeting with US President Donald Trump, Singh remarked, “It must be an embarrassment for any country when the military chief is invited while the Prime Minister is nowhere to be seen. It’s a very strange, structurally imbalanced state.”

Regarding Operation Sindoor, Singh said, “The operation was marked by excellent tri-service synergy and strong coordination with intelligence agencies. We achieved 100 per cent of our objectives.”


Nuke shadow looms over West Asia

Israel’s action against Iran can only be assessed as being a dangerous and reckless act of aggression that poses danger to the region and the world

article_Author
Manoj Joshi

ON March 26, US Director of National Intelligence Tulsi Gabbard told a House committee that the American intelligence community “continues to assess that Iran is not building a nuclear weapon and Supreme leader Khomeini (sic) has not authorised the nuclear weapons program that he suspended in 2003.”

Yet on June 13, Israel launched what it claims was a “pre-emptive” attack to destroy Iran’s nuclear weapons capability. Israel’s action can only be assessed as being a dangerous and reckless act of aggression that poses danger to the region and the world. Iran does not have the most savoury regime running it; nor does Israel, and it most certainly does not have the right to attack Iran.

As he contemplates joining the war, US President Donald Trump has rudely brushed aside the US intelligence assessment and embraced the Israeli view that Iran had been very close to making a nuclear weapon when the war began.

Israel’s war aims are to destroy Iran’s nuclear capacity and effect regime change. Neither is an easy task. Last week, in the wake of the Israeli attacks, former Prime Minister Ehud Barak told Christiane Amanpour on CNN that Israel alone cannot delay the nuclear programme of Iran by a significant time period. “Probably several weeks… a month… Even the US cannot delay them by more than a few months,” he said.

Current assessments are that besides destroying Iran’s air defence system, Israel has severely damaged the principal nuclear enrichment facility at Natanz as well as the Isfahan Nuclear Technology Centre, while the Arak Nuclear Complex remains largely undamaged, as does the Parchin military complex which stores centrifuges and uranium. Israel has not targeted the Bushehr Nuclear Power Plant over worries of nuclear radiation leaks.

Importantly, no significant damage is reported as yet to the deeply buried Fordow fuel enrichment plant, which is said to be invulnerable to conventional strikes. This facility is crucial because it can quickly enrich Iran’s stock of 60 per cent enriched uranium to 90 per cent required for one weapon in a week. Iran reportedly possesses 408.6 kg of enriched uranium as of May 2025 and estimates are that this could be sufficient to make nine nuclear weapons in the coming weeks if enriched further.

Fordow would need US involvement in the form of the massive ordnance air blast bomb (MOAB) that Israel does not possess. Besides, Iran has had two decades to spread out its programme and build other deeply buried ultra-secure sites such as the one in the Pickaxe mountain south of Natanz, which is deeper and better protected than the one in Fordow.

Kinetic means alone cannot destroy the Iranian programme. That would require a ground invasion. That is where the US role, which has so far been curious, comes in. The Israeli strikes came amidst US-Iran talks on building down the nuclear programme. After saying that the US would not be involved, President Trump now wants Iran to settle things on his terms — the principal demand being an “unconditional surrender” by Iran. Looking back, one wonders whether the war on Iran was always a US-Israeli venture.

American involvement could widen the war and trigger Iranian missile attacks on its facilities in the Persian Gulf region in Qatar, Bahrain, UAE, Iraq and Syria, in addition to facilities in Saudi Arabia, Oman and Kuwait. A shutdown of the Strait of Hormuz, through which around 25 per cent of the world’s oil is shipped, could see an escalation of oil prices beyond $100 a barrel, triggering global inflation.

The US needs to weigh its options carefully. Destroying Iran’s facilities and effecting regime change are one thing. Replacing it with a democratic setup quite another. Recall America’s disastrous experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan that have roiled the region for the past 25 years. Having spent tens of trillions of dollars on wars in the region, the US is now on the brink of yet another, this time with a larger and better organised country.

This is a fraught moment. The demand for unconditional surrender and regime change could push Iran to actually fabricate a nuclear weapon. Israel has telegraphed its intentions for so long that Iran has had sufficient time to establish other secret facilities for its military programme. A nuclear breakout could have Israel and the US resorting to nuclear weapons strikes to prevent Iranian deployment. Any use of nuclear weapons would be catastrophic for the region and the world.

The primary trigger for the Iranian nuclear weapons programme has not been Israel. It was the 1980-1988 war following the invasion of the country by Iraq, an action that was aided by the US. Iraq’s use of chemical weapons and missile attacks on Iranian cities found little international reaction. So from the mid-1980s, Iran began its military nuclear programme.

Iran’s strategy was to develop its nuclear cycle — mining, processing and enriching uranium — to deter adversaries. But the fate of neighbouring Iraq following the US invasion in 2003 hardened the Iranian conviction that there would be no guarantee for its security in the absence of nuclear weapons. The subsequent experience of North Korea only deepened this perception.

Iran is a resource-rich country of over 90 million people, some two-thirds the size of India. It has a strong sense of history and nationhood. As is in the case of Iraq, the US and Israel could well succeed in wreaking a lot of destruction on the country and possibly even effecting regime change, but you can be sure that this will not be the end of the story.

Manoj Joshi is Distinguished Fellow, Observer Research Foundation, Delhi.


Coins of courage: A Sikh history exhibition in Birmingham

LONDON LETTER: Inside a hall, scholars, spiritual teachers, and educators have come together under theme ‘Unpacking Gurmat Education’

article_Author
Harmeet Shah Singh

It’s a typical Saturday at the Guru Nanak Nishkam Sewak Jatha (GNNSJ) complex on Soho Road in Birmingham. Families arriving in waves, the ‘langar’ being served with care, and the gurdwara resonating with the sounds of Gurbani. Yet the day carries a deeper resonance.

Inside a hall, scholars, spiritual teachers, and educators have come together under the theme “Unpacking Gurmat Education”.

The dialogue reflects a shared vision between GNNSJ, led by Bhai Sahib (Dr) Mohinder Singh Ahluwalia OBE KSG, and The Kalgidhar Trust of Baru Sahib, under Dr Davinder Singh.

The partnership is rooted in a simple but powerful idea, that education should build not just minds, but

Flowers

A side room full of history

As the discussion unfolds, a smaller, adjacent hall catches my eye. A bold banner marked Sarkar-e-Khalsa of Maharaja Ranjit Singh stands at its entrance, inviting curiosity. Inside, I meet Ravinder Pal Singh Kohli, a UK-based Sikh whose voice carries the lilt of old Rawalpindi.

He introduces himself as the curator, but more than that, he is the inheritor. This exhibition is not a public archive. It is personal history, passed down from his great-grandparents in Rawalpindi, now in Pakistan. What he has assembled under his Global Sikh Vision non-profit and under the patronage of Bhai Sahib reveals a beautifully presented, moving experience.

A journey through coins, from 1469 to 1849

The room is filled with glass cases containing Sikh currency from Guru Nanak Sahib’s time to the British annexation of Punjab in 1849. Each coin, each shell, is a relic of a larger moment.

The journey of the currency in the subcontinent from ratti, kaudi through rupya
The denomination of coins Guru Nanak Sahib (1469-1539) used for Sacha Sauda when he was 18

Among the rarities

Copper coins reflecting the denomination Guru Nanak Sahib used for his 20-rupee Sacha Sauda, marking the beginning of langar

Silver pieces tied to Makhan Shah Lubana, who discovered Guru Tegh Bahadar at Baba Bakala in 1664

Gold mohurs from the early 1700s used to buy land for the cremation of the Chhote Sahibzade after their martyrdom in Sirhind

Coins issued under bounty orders, including those minted during Lahore governor Mir Mannu’s brutal repression of Sikhs in the mid-1700s

Each artefact is labelled with dates and context. Some bear images of traditional weapons — Khanda, Katar, Kirpan — etched not for war-glorification, but as reflections of self-defence during times of survival. Others are marked with inscriptions like Sat and Akal Sahai, truth and divine support.

Many early coins are in Farsi, but later issues begin to feature Gurmukhi, hinting at a growing public embrace of the Sikh script. Remarkably, some coins also include symbols from non-Sikh communities, a quiet nod to Punjab’s pluralism under the Sikh leadership.

When metal becomes memory

The collection is much more than numismatics. It’s a journey through resistance, identity, and everyday life.

What stood out, too, was the care with which Kohli has preserved and presented the collection structured into historical phases:

From the Gurus (1469–1708)

To the early Sikh rule of Baba Banda Singh Bahadar (1710–1716)

Through the Misl period preceding Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s rule

Maharaja Ranjit Singh’s rule (1799–1849)

Values, then and now

While the conference a hall away explored how the Guru’s teachings can inform the future of education, this exhibition complemented that conversation.

In one room, they spoke of teaching children the Guru’s path. In another, I saw how that path once moved through every marketplace, every act of courage, and through every coin in a pilgrim’s pocket.

(The writer is a career journalist currently serving as Communications and Advocacy Director at UNITED SIKHS (UK), a charity registered in England and Wales.)


Retired Army havildar fakes gunpoint robbery to hide Rs 1 crore online casino loss

DSP says Avtar’s family no longer trusts him

article_Author
Archit Watts Tribune News Service

In a bizarre attempt to mislead his family, a retired Army havildar from Kotli Khurd village here faked a gunpoint robbery after reportedly losing over Rs 1 crore, including his pension and gratuity, in online casino game over the past four years.

Avtar Singh, who superannuated from the Army on April 30, alleged to the Bathinda police on Friday that a young boy and a girl looted Rs 15 lakh and a cellphone from him at gunpoint after taking a lift on his motorcycle, while he was returning from a bank in Bathinda after withdrawing the money.

He even claimed that the duo, later joined by an accomplice waiting in an Alto car along the way, gave him poison-laced juice at Gehri Bhagi T-intersection and fled, following which he was admitted to the local civil hospital.

“However, during the investigation, we found that Avtar Singh never visited any bank in Bathinda yesterday, and neither does he have such an amount in his account at Maur, where he was actually present at the same time. He concocted the entire story to cover up the fact that he had lost his pension and savings in online gambling. Besides, he planned to extract some money from his parents,” said Harjit Singh, DSP (Rural), Bathinda.

The DSP added that Avtar’s family no longer trusts him. “We have now registered a case against Avtar under Section 217 of the Bharatiya Nyaya Sanhita (BNS) at Kotfatta police station for giving false information to mislead and wasting the police time. We also appeal to the public to give genuine statements to the police,” he said.


Army Chief’s Religious Visits in Uniform: Right or Wrong?

Army had issued clear instructions on wearing of Uniform for Religious Occasions . Seeing a change in last ten years or so . Now we have our Army Chief visiting Religious Heads /Places in uniform . Performing a ‘Hawan’ or ‘Ardas’ in a Unit Functionin Uniform is different . Here we are seeming Our Army Chief visiting Religious Heads /Places in Uniform , violating own instructions. Sharing the News items and Discussion on ‘Satya’ channel.


HOW TO KEEP GOOD FITNESS AT OLD AGE

The average life expectancy has gone up to around 90. So now, let’s find out what one should do to live happily for 90 years.

Psychiatrist Hideki Wada published a book called “The 80-Year-Old Wall”. As soon as the book was published, it sold more than 500,000 copies, making it the best-selling book at the moment. If this rate continues, the book will sell more than 1 million copies, making it the best-selling book in Japan this year.

44 things listed in this book which can make people aged 60 to 90 years old “Happy People”:👇

  1. Keep walking.
  2. Take deep breaths when you are angry.
  3. Exercise as much as you can until your body is tired.
  4. If you use AC in the summer, drink plenty of water.
  5. Using “diapers” makes movements easier.
  6. Walking more often keeps the body and brain more energetic.
  7. Forgetfulness is not due to age, but due to prolonged lack of use of the brain.
  8. There is no need to take more medicines.
  9. There is no need to artificially lower blood pressure and sugar levels.
  10. Being alone is not loneliness, but spending happy time.
  11. Being lazy is not shameful.
  12. Driving can be dangerous for the elderly, so consider not getting a license.
  13. Do what you like, don’t do what you don’t like.
  14. All natural desires remain even as you get older.
  15. Don’t stay at home.
  16. Eat whatever you want, it’s okay to be a little fat.
  17. Do everything carefully.
  18. Avoid people you don’t like.
  19. Don’t watch TV all the time.
  20. Learn to live with the disease rather than fighting it to the end.
  21. Remember the magic mantra, “Even if the car goes up a hill, a path will be found.”
  22. Eat fresh fruits and salads.
  23. Complete your bath in 10 minutes.
  24. Don’t force yourself to sleep if you can’t.
  25. Doing happy things keeps your brain active.
  26. Speak your mind, don’t think too much, how should I speak, etc.
  27. Decide on a “family doctor” as soon as possible.
  28. Don’t be too tolerant, it’s okay to be a little
    “bad old man”, and naughty.
  29. Sometimes it’s okay to change your mind and give up your stubbornness.
  30. “Dementia” in the last stage of life is a blessing from God.
  31. When you stop learning, you really become old.
  32. Give up the desire for fame, what you have is enough.
  33. Innocence is the privilege of the elderly.
  34. The more problems, the more interesting life is!
  35. Sitting in the sun brings happiness.
  36. Do good things for others.
  37. Live today peacefully.
  38. Desire is the source of longevity.
  39. Always be positive.
  40. Breathe freely.
  41. The rules of life are in your hands.
  42. Accept everything calmly.

43.Happy people are always loved.

44.Laughter brings good luck.
Please share this information with all your senior friends!
☝USEFUL STEPS FOR SR CITIZEN


The Indian Army’s pay structure for officers, based on the 7th Pay Commission

The Indian Army’s pay structure for officers, based on the 7th Pay Commission, is organized into a pay matrix with different levels corresponding to ranks. The basic pay for officers ranges from Level 10 (Lieutenant) to Level 17 (Chief of Army Staff), with various allowances and perks layered on top.
Here’s a breakdown of the pay matrix for commissioned officers in the Indian Army:
Commissioned Officers:
Lieutenant: Level 10, with a basic pay range of ₹56,100 to ₹1,77,500.
Captain: Level 10B, with a basic pay range of ₹61,300 to ₹1,93,900.
Major: Level 11, with a basic pay range of ₹69,400 to ₹2,07,200.
Lieutenant Colonel: Level 12, with a basic pay range of ₹1,21,200 to ₹2,12,400.
Colonel: Level 13, with a basic pay range of ₹1,30,600 to ₹2,15,900.
Brigadier: Level 13A, with a basic pay range of ₹1,39,600 to ₹2,17,600.
Major General: Level 14, with a basic pay range of ₹1,44,200 to ₹2,18,200.
Lieutenant General: Level 15, with a basic pay range of ₹182,200 to ₹224,100.
General (Chief of Army Staff): Level 18, with a fixed pay of ₹2,50,000.


Defence personnel opting for premature retirement cannot be denied benefits of OROP: AFT

Tribunal’s Bench observes that pensioners form a common category and personnel who opted for premature retirement and qualify for grant of pension are also included in this general category

The Armed Forces Tribunal has ruled that defence personnel who have sought voluntary premature retirement cannot be denied benefits under the Defence Ministry’s ‘One Rank, One Pension’ (OROP) scheme.

A soldier who was enrolled in the Army in October 1995 was thereafter discharged from service in November 2014 at his own request, after rendering over 19 years and one month’s service.

However, as a consequence of having sought premature retirement, he was denied the grant of the OROP benefits by the authorities, which cited a new policy on the subject issued by the government in 2015.

The Tribunal’s Bench comprising Justice Anu Malhotra and administrative member Rasika Chaube observed that pensioners form a common category and personnel who opted for premature retirement and qualify for grant of pension are also included in this general category.

The pension regulations and rules applicable to premature retired personnel who qualify for pension are similar to that of a regular pensioner retiring on superannuation or on conclusion of his terms of appointment.

The Bench said that by applying the provisions of a policy prospectively would mean the right created for premature retired pensioners to receive pension at par with a regular pensioner being taken away.

Apart from creating a differentiation in a homogeneous class, taking away of this vested right available to a premature retired personnel violates mandate of the law laid down by the Supreme Court in various cases and makes the action of the authorities unsustainable in law, the Bench remarked.

Once it is found that every person in the Army, the Navy and the Air Force who seeks premature retirement forms a homogenous category in the matter of granting benefit of OROP, for such personnel no policy can be formulated, which creates differentiation in this homogeneous class based on the date and time of their seeking premature retirement, the Bench observed.

The Bench observed that the policy in question in fact divides premature retired personnel into three categories—pre-July 2014 personnel, those personnel who took premature retirement between July 2014 and November 2015 and those who took premature retirement after November 2015.

Merely based on the dates as indicated hereinabove, differentiating in the same category of premature retired personnel without any just cause or reason and without establishing any nexus as to for what purpose it had been done, amounts to violating the rights available under Articles 14 and 16 of the Constitution as well as hit by the principles of law laid down by the Supreme Court in the matter of fixing the cut-off date and creating differentiation in a homogeneous class, the Bench observed.