Officials say prima facie it appeared to be a case of death by suicide

An Army jawan died of firearm injuries sustained from his service rifle at a forward location in Kamalkote sector of Jammu and Kashmir’s Baramulla district, officials said on Wednesday.

Naik B T Rao (25), hailing from Andhra Pradesh, died on Tuesday.

The bullet was fired from the service rifle of the deceased jawan, they said adding the exact circumstances of his death were being ascertained.

The officials said prima facie it appeared to be a case of death by suicide.

However, Srinagar-based defence spokesman did not comment on the incident.

A suspected grenade attack took place near a police post in north Kashmir’s Baramulla late Tuesday night, Jammu and Kashmir Police said. According to a police spokesperson, a blast-like sound was heard around 9.20 pm from the rear side of…

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A suspected grenade attack took place near a police post in north Kashmir’s Baramulla late Tuesday night, Jammu and Kashmir Police said.

According to a police spokesperson, a blast-like sound was heard around 9.20 pm from the rear side of Police Post Old Town, Baramulla, raising alarm among residents. However, no casualties or damage were reported.

Following the incident, security forces immediately cordoned off the area in coordination with other agencies. During the search, police recovered a grenade pin from outside the post’s boundary wall, leading them to suspect an attempted grenade attack.

“The grenade landed and detonated inside Police Post Old Town in an area where no damage or casualties occurred. The impact crater is yet to be located,” the police said in a statement.

A thorough inquiry has been launched and search operations are ongoing in and around the area. Urging citizens to remain vigilant, Baramulla police assured the public of their commitment to ensuring safety and encouraged reporting of any suspicious activity to the nearest police unit.

Deep-rooted factionalism, multiple power centres and an ongoing internal power struggle has become the order of the day .

A few months ago, I received an unexpected message from a well-placed source within the Taliban. That message led to a series of secured phone calls, revealing startling insights into the regime’s internal dynamics. Until then, like many others, I believed that the Taliban had consolidated power and was establishing an iron-fisted rule. As the world sees it, the Taliban Emir’s primary focus is the institutionalisation of a gender apartheid regime. However, beneath this rigid surface, the regime is grappling with its own survival.

The communications I received spoke of deep-rooted factionalism, multiple power centres and an ongoing internal power struggle. Every faction within the Taliban is manoeuvring to strengthen itself at the expense of the remaining institutions built during the past two decades of western intervention.

I took these revelations seriously and sought confirmation from multiple sources inside the Taliban and Afghanistan. The more I investigated, the clearer it became: an internal conflict within the Taliban is not a question of if but when.

Recently, these internal divisions have begun surfacing in public discourse. The prevailing narrative often frames the power struggle as a conflict between Taliban leaders based in Kabul and those in Kandahar. In reality, the divisions run much deeper, rooted in regional and ethnic identities. The once-cohesive and monolithic terrorist organisation is unravelling along these very lines.

Unlike its founder Mullah Omar, the current Taliban Emir, Mullah Haibatullah Akhundzada, lacks the authority and unifying force necessary to hold the group together. In an attempt to solidify his rule, he has institutionalised gender apartheid, isolated Afghanistan from the international community and maintained alliances with terrorist groups such as Al-Qaida and Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP). Despite these efforts, he has failed to consolidate power or maintain internal cohesion. His attempts to centralise authority — favouring commanders from his own Noorzai tribe —have only exacerbated the divisions.

The Taliban had a golden opportunity over the past three years to bring peace and stability to Afghanistan. Rather than establishing a constitutional government based on popular consent, they have ruled through repression, issuing decrees that strip Afghans of political, social and civil rights. Rather than creating economic opportunities, they have monopolised the nation’s wealth, particularly the lucrative mining sector.

The Taliban’s taxation policies have further burdened ordinary Afghans, leaving them with little purchasing power. For the past three and a half years, US financial aid has propped up the Afghan economy and kept its currency relatively stable. However, as discussions about halting this aid gain momentum, the Afghan currency is plummeting and inflation is skyrocketing. The Taliban regime now finds itself in an increasingly vulnerable position.

Beyond economic mismanagement, the Taliban had a historic opportunity to engage with the world and gain international legitimacy. Despite diplomatic overtures from the US and the UN, they have shown no willingness to become a responsible member of the global community. Instead, they have rejected every pathway to legitimacy.

A comparison with the situation in Syria is instructive. Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), an Islamist group with origins in ISIS and Al-Qaida, faced widespread international condemnation and was designated a terrorist organisation. But, the HTS has actively worked to change its image, preserve Syria’s diverse and pluralistic society and address global security concerns. It is gradually gaining legitimacy both domestically and internationally.

The Taliban had far more diplomatic engagement and international goodwill through its Doha office before taking power. Yet, it has squandered opportunities to reform, choosing to institutionalise gender apartheid, alienating Afghans and global community.

Today, the Taliban stands as the world’s most isolated regime and one of the least popular governments in modern history. It is on the brink of collapse from within. The question is how soon they will bring the regime to its breaking point.

It is often assumed that international pressure and condemnation of the Taliban will have little effect. Recent developments suggest otherwise. The International Criminal Court prosecutor’s request for an arrest warrant against the Taliban’s Emir and Chief Justice for crimes against humanity — specifically their gender apartheid policies — has had a significant impact. The warrant has intensified internal divisions, with some Taliban factions using it to challenge the Emir’s authority. Many Taliban leaders and their followers see it as a sign that their days in power are numbered. The warrant is a formal recognition of the systematic injustice inflicted on Afghan women. It has also struck a nerve within the Taliban, a group that remains highly image-conscious. It is perceived as a public-shaming, reinforcing the idea that the Taliban’s rule is neither legitimate nor sustainable. The international community must remain consistent in calling out the Taliban’s policies on women and human rights.

A second critical development has been President Donald Trump’s decision to halt US financial assistance to Afghanistan under Taliban control. This move has dealt a severe blow to the Taliban’s financial stability, further weakening their grip on power. The Taliban have long manipulated humanitarian aid for their own benefit, monopolising resources while the Afghan people continue to suffer.

Moving forward, aid must be restructured to bypass the Taliban, ensuring that it reaches the Afghan people without strengthening the regime.

Finally, Trump appears keen to regain control over billions of dollars’ worth of US military equipment left in Afghanistan and, if feasible, retake the Bagram Air Base. Two approaches have been suggested: direct engagement with the Taliban or collaboration with the Afghan opposition in exile. However, a third, more strategic option is required — one that blends elements of both.

Direct engagement with the Taliban has failed repeatedly, emboldening them rather than moderating their behaviour. A more effective strategy would be for the US to appoint a strong envoy to work closely with Afghan opposition groups while also exploiting the Taliban’s internal fractures.

A transformation within the Taliban — one that integrates elements of Afghanistan’s previous governance structure with aspects of their conservative ideology — is not inconceivable. A similar shift has occurred in Syria. Given the Taliban’s internal power struggles and the influence of US allies in the Gulf, a similar approach in Afghanistan is plausible.

The international community cannot afford to take a passive stance on Afghanistan. By sustaining legal and diplomatic pressure, restructuring humanitarian aid and adopting a more strategic approach to engaging with opposition forces and internal Taliban factions, the Taliban’s grip on power can be further weakened. The regime is already unravelling from within — these steps can accelerate its collapse.

Courtesy: The Cipher Brief

Views are of the author

No matter how politically inconvenient, military actions should be documented and scrutinised

Lt Gen DS Hooda retd.

On February 27, the Israeli Defence Forces (IDF) released a 19-page report outlining the military failures leading to and during Hamas’ October 7, 2023, attack, which claimed the lives of more than 1,200 people in Israel, while around 250 were taken hostage.

The report highlights that the threat of a surprise and wide-scale attack from Gaza was not perceived as realistic by the IDF due to a major gap in Israel’s understanding of Hamas. There was also a “false belief” that the IDF’s actions during the 2021 Gaza war were a successful deterrence against Hamas. Israel’s perceptions of Gaza were “rooted and deep”. Over the years, there were no meaningful attempts to question the perceptions, and no proper investigation was held to ask, “Where are we wrong?”

The report notes that the IDF struggled to mount a response as 5,000 Hamas terrorists breached the border in southern Israel. The IDF’s Gaza Division, responsible for this area, “was effectively defeated for several hours” on October 7. The Air Force responded quickly, but “there was significant difficulty distinguishing between IDF troops, civilians and terrorists”.

A month before the report’s release, IDF Chief of Staff Lt Gen Herzi Halevi tendered his resignation, stating that under his command, the IDF failed in its mission to protect Israel’s citizens that day. He requested that his tenure be concluded on March 6.

Investigations into military actions serve several crucial purposes. They provide essential insights into the successes and failures of military strategies and tactics. By analysing past operations, the military can identify areas for improvement and refine doctrines, thereby preparing itself better for future conflicts.

Following the chaotic US withdrawal from Afghanistan in 2021, Congress set up the Afghanistan War Commission to examine in depth the key strategic, diplomatic and operational decisions spanning the 20 years of the war in that country and extract lessons for future leaders.

In September 2024, the House Foreign Affairs Committee, which had been actively investigating the US pullout, released a report criticising the Biden administration’s handling of the matter. The report highlighted issues such as delayed evacuation orders and inadequate inter-departmental communication. In addition, the office of the Special Inspector General for Afghanistan Reconstruction has produced numerous reports on the lessons learnt.

Conducting thorough investigations demonstrates a commitment to transparency and accountability, which is vital for maintaining public trust. When the military openly addresses and rectifies mistakes, it reflects its professionalism and reinforces confidence among the people. There are also critical lessons for national leaders on the necessity of aligning military actions with political objectives. There are several examples in history where a lack of clear political objectives led to the defeat of a superior military force. Leslie Gelb and Richard Betts, in their book about the Vietnam War, The Irony of Vietnam, write, “Administration leaders persistently failed to clarify US objectives in concrete and specific terms. Uncertainty and ambiguity in reports were therefore bound to emerge, for no one could be certain what he was measuring progress against or how victory could be defined.”

India’s record of studying its military actions is poor, often marred by delays and excessive secrecy. Even routine reviews are treated with suspicion. The official history of the 1965 India-Pakistan War was published in 2011, 46 years after the conflict, and that of the 1971 war in 2014.

No official history of the 1962 India-China war exists. The Henderson Brooks report, which reviewed the Indian Army’s operations during that war, remains classified despite portions of it being leaked by Australian-British journalist Neville Maxwell.

In July 1999, the government constituted the Kargil Review Committee to review the events leading up to the Pakistani incursions and recommend measures considered necessary to safeguard national security. However, the committee was not mandated to evaluate the actual conduct of military operations.

The Indian military’s record-keeping also does not inspire confidence. In 2010, it was revealed that most of the records pertaining to the 1971 war, held by the Eastern Command Headquarters of the Army, had been destroyed immediately after the war. There was suspicion that this had been done deliberately.

In 2012, in a major embarrassment to the Army, the Armed Forces Tribunal directed it to rewrite portions of ‘Op Vijay: Account of the War in Kargil’. Incidentally, this is an internal document that has not been publicly released. To date, there is no official history of the 1999 war.

In recent years, the cloak around military operations has been tightened further. Much of the Indian military history is penned by authors who participated in the battles or were involved in the decision-making process. In recent times, books by retired military officers have faced increasing scrutiny.

Former Army Chief Gen MM Naravane’s memoir has been held up for more than one year after excerpts from the book were published in December 2023. Similarly, the launch of former Army Chief Gen NC Vij’s book was postponed just days before the event as the Army Headquarters asked the publishers to provide a review copy.

In June 2021, the Department of Personnel and Training imposed new restrictions, barring retired government servants who served in intelligence or security-related organisations from publishing any information related to the organisation after retirement without prior permission. Failure to comply carries penalties, including the withholding or withdrawal of pensions.

The reluctance to openly study and publish lessons from military conflicts carries profound risks. Military institutions could lose the ability to learn from their experiences, while political leaders may continue making decisions in a vacuum. The lack of publicly available records could also result in distorted narratives, where accounts of conflicts are shaped by political biases rather than objective analysis.

No matter how politically inconvenient, military actions must be documented and scrutinised. Only by transparently confronting the past can the armed forces adapt, transform and avoid the tragic results of fighting the last war.

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Experts concerned over ecological impact of schemes

The Union Cabinet on Wednesday cleared two major ropeway projects to facilitate faster travel to the Kedarnath shrine and the Hemkund Sahib gurdwara, both located in Uttarakhand.

The development came even as a high-powered committee set up by the Supreme Court had flagged concerns over the impact of the ongoing Char Dham project on the ecological balance of the state.

The Cabinet approved the construction of 12.4-km ropeway from Govindghat to Hemkund Sahib. The project will be developed on the design, build, finance, operate and transfer (DBFOT) mode at a total capital cost of Rs 2,730.13 crore.

Currently, the journey to the Hemkund Sahib is a challenging 21-km uphill trek from Govindghat and is covered on foot or by ponies or in palanquins. The ropeway has been planned to provide convenience to pilgrims and drastically cut travel time.

The Cabinet also approved the construction of 12.9-km ropeway from Sonprayag to Kedarnath. Its budget is Rs 4,081.28 crore. The journey time will be cut down to 36 minutes from the current eight to nine hours.

The two projects come under the Union Ministry of Road Transport and Highways’ Parvatmala scheme, under which connectivity to remote locations is being provided by setting up ropeways.

Environment experts have cautioned that whether it is the Char Dham project or other modes of transportation being planned in Uttarakhand, these will only lead to the heavy influx of tourists, leading to ecologically disastrous consequences.

Under the Char Dham project, road connectivity to four pilgrimage centres of Kedarnath, Badrinath, Gangotri and Yamunotri is being strengthened.

Vaishnaw skirts question on Railways

Union Minister for Information and Broadcasting Ashwini Vaishnaw, who is also the Railway Minister, on Wednesday skirted a question on the Railways while briefing mediapersons on decisions taken by the Cabinet. While taking questions related to Cabinet decisions, a journalist sought to know from him about the challenges being faced by Railways, but the minister cut him short and said, “Nothing to be asked beyond Cabinet decisions.”

Briefing reporters, Union Minister for Information and Broadcasting Ashwini Vaishnaw sought to allay such concerns. He said the Cabinet had taken the decision keeping in mind the “complex” nature of the Kedarnath ropeway project. He said before clearing the project, surveys had been conducted covering all technical and geological aspects.

He said issues like relief and rehabilitation of local mule operators and other ancillary industries associated with the Kedarnath project had been taken into consideration while sanctioning it.

Prime Minister Narendra Modi had laid the foundation stones of the two ropeway projects in October 2022 and since then the cost has escalated almost five times.

Tuesday, March 04, 2025 by Indian Defence News

India has recently taken a strong stance against Pakistan’s attempts to raise the issue of Jammu and Kashmir at international forums.

At the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC), India exercised its Right of Reply to counter Pakistan’s claims, labelling them as “baseless and malicious” and criticizing Pakistan for spreading falsehoods propagated by its military-terrorist complex.

India described Pakistan as a “failed state” that thrives on instability and survives on international handouts, accusing it of hypocrisy, human rights abuses, and minority persecution.

India reaffirmed that Jammu and Kashmir and Ladakh are integral parts of India, highlighting the region’s significant political, social, and economic progress despite decades of Pakistan-sponsored cross-border terrorism.

In contrast, recent comments by Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah highlighted the progress made during the tenure of former Prime Minister Manmohan Singh. Abdullah noted that India and Pakistan came closer to resolving the Kashmir issue during Singh’s regime, building on initiatives started by Atal Bihari Vajpayee and General Pervez Musharraf.

However, Abdullah expressed scepticism about returning to that stage in his lifetime.

Despite these historical efforts, current diplomatic tensions remain high, with India firmly rejecting Pakistan’s attempts to internationalize the Kashmir issue.

Meanwhile, there are ongoing calls from diplomats and peace activists for the restoration of ties between India and Pakistan, emphasizing the need for sustained dialogue to improve relations.

Rising Kashmir News

Experts emphasise the need for technology infusion into the Army’s existing mechanised platforms

Solutions for a number of technological requirements projected by the Western Command were found during close interactions between Army officers and representatives from the industry and academia during Mech Tech, a seminar aimed at providing a comprehensive platform for sharing thoughts and latest technological advancement on the ‘Future Landscape of Mechanised Warfare and Infusion of Niche Technology,’ held at Chandimandir on Tuesday.

Out of 49 technology infusion challenges shortlisted and presented to the industry, 21 probable solutions were found which will be taken forward. Besides these, 18 solutions related to the equipment of mechanised forces were also found which will be followed through different channels.

A key component of the seminar was business-to-consumer (B2C) meetings, where industry representatives engaged with relevant Army teams formed with specific agenda for explaining the technical requirements of the Western Command.

During the two-day seminar that concluded today, experts emphasised the need for technology infusion into the Army’s existing mechanised platforms to enhance their combat effectiveness, situational awareness and survivability in the modern battlefield.

Experts deliberated on the need for technological innovations, indigenous defence capabilities and enhanced operational effectiveness to prepare mechanised forces for contemporary conflicts.

The integration of autonomous and unmanned systems into mechanised warfare was another pivotal topic where military analysts discussed the role of unmanned ground vehicles and aerial drones in reconnaissance, logistics support and offensive operations. The use of swarm drone technology, tethered drones and robotic support vehicles is expected to revolutionise the battlefield by reducing reliance on manned platforms while increasing force projection.

A de-novo look was given to amplify the understanding of the critical niche technologies that can significantly enhance mobility, lethality, survivability, situational awareness and communication in the existing mechanised platforms. The importance of indigenisation of spare parts, maintenance practices and retrofitting strategies to sustain the fleet of mechanised platforms was also addressed.

Lt Gen Manoj Kumar Katiyar, General Officer Commanding-in-Chief, Western Command, emphasised the importance of making this newly initiated process of interaction a continuous one, to ensure innovation leading to creation of a responsive eco-system.

The Indian Air Force (IAF) is set to bolster its mid-air refuelling capabilities with the potential acquisition of Russian mid-air refuelers, specifically the Il-78M-90A (Il-476).

This enhancement is significant given India’s long-standing familiarity with Russian defence equipment, which includes a substantial fleet of Russian-origin fighter jets like the Su-30MKI.

The IAF currently operates six IL-78MKI tankers, which have been reliable but are ageing and require modernisation or replacement to maintain operational effectiveness.

The need for expanded mid-air refuelling capabilities is driven by the IAF’s requirement to conduct long-range missions, particularly in strategic regions such as the Arabian Sea, the Malacca Strait, and the Red Sea.

The IAF aims to increase its fleet of mid-air refuelers to at least a dozen, with plans to potentially double this number to 18, as part of its broader strategy to enhance the operational range and flexibility of its fighter jets.

For example, India’s air surveillance aircraft Netra, besides fighter jets like Su-30MKI, Mirage, Rafale, and MiG-29, require air-to-air refuelling when deployed at distances beyond 1000 kilometres. That’s why mid-air refuelling is essential to IAF’s dominance of the air space over the Indian Ocean Region (IOR).

Russia’s offer to provide the Il-78M-90A, along with potential technology transfer and local production, aligns with India’s “Atmanirbhar Bharat” vision, which emphasises self-reliance in defence manufacturing.

This could transform India into a manufacturing hub for air-to-air refuelers, similar to its experience with the Su-30MKI, potentially opening up export opportunities.

In addition to Russian options, the IAF is also considering other international contenders, including Airbus’s A330 MRTT, Boeing’s KC-46 Pegasus, and a partnership between Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and Israel Aerospace Industries (IAI) to convert Boeing 737 aircraft into refuelers.

The choice will depend on factors such as cost-effectiveness, capability, and the potential for technology transfer.

Sputnik India

Advanced systems & technologies must be leveraged not only for security operations but also for disaster management & humanitarian relief: Defence Minister

“It is not enough for security agencies and technology developers to take the lead. Every citizen should know how to respond in times of crisis”

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh inaugurated the Ministry of Home Affairs (MHA) – Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) Collaboration Conference-Cum-Exhibition on ‘Advanced Technologies for Internal Security and Disaster Relief Operations’ at DRDO Bhawan, New Delhi on March 04, 2025. Organised by the Directorate of Low Intensity Conflict (DLIC) under DRDO, the two-day conference aims to equip Central Armed Police Forces (CAPFs) officers with the latest advancements in technology to address challenges in their operations. The event provided a platform for the exchange of ideas and collaboration to strengthen India’s internal security and disaster response framework.

Addressing the gathering, Rajnath Singh highlighted the growing complexities in global security and the increasing overlap between internal and external threats. “Security challenges in the modern world are evolving rapidly, and the overlap between internal and external security is increasing. It is imperative that our institutions break silos and work collaboratively to ensure a strong, secure, and self-reliant India,” he stated. He stressed that India’s national security must be viewed holistically, integrating efforts across different security agencies and leveraging the latest technological advancements.

Rajnath Singh underscored that India’s security apparatus must remain adaptive to emerging threats such as cyber warfare, hybrid warfare, space-based challenges, and transnational organised crime. He noted that India’s internal security is not just about managing conventional threats like terrorism, separatist movements, and left-wing extremism but also about preparing for unconventional threats that can destabilise the nation’s economic and strategic interests. “The adversaries of today do not always come with traditional weapons; cyber-attacks, misinformation campaigns, and space-based espionage are emerging as new-age threats that require advanced solutions,” he stated.

“DRDO has played a pivotal role in enhancing India’s defence capabilities, and its contributions to internal security are equally commendable. From small arms and bulletproof jackets to surveillance and communication systems, DRDO’s innovations are empowering our security forces,” Defence Minister underlined. He urged DRDO and MHA to work together to create a common list of scalable products that can be jointly developed and deployed in a time-bound manner. “Our security forces require the best tools and technologies to remain ahead of the curve. It is encouraging to see DRDO’s focus on modernisation, with products like small arms, surveillance equipment and drone systems either inducted or undergoing evaluation for deployment in internal security agencies,” he highlighted.

Rajnath Singh recalled his tenure as Home Minister, highlighting how the collaboration between security agencies and scientific institutions led to significant technological advancements. He cited examples of DRDO-developed technologies such as the corner shot weapon system, INSAS rifles, IED jammer vehicles and riot control vehicles, which were effectively integrated into the operations of CAPFs.

Rajnath Singh also spoke about the importance of leveraging technology not just for security but also for disaster management and humanitarian relief. “The role of technology is not just in defence but also in ensuring peace and social welfare. Advanced systems like bulletproof jackets, drones, surveillance equipment and anti-drone technologies must be leveraged not only for security operations but also for disaster management and humanitarian relief,” he said. He cited the increasing frequency of natural calamities like cyclones, avalanches, earthquakes & cloud bursts and underscored the critical need for advanced rescue tools. He mentioned that the use of technologies such as thermal imaging cameras, drone-based detection systems, and victim locating devices can significantly reduce casualties and damage.

Referring to the recent avalanche in Mana, Uttarakhand, Defence Minister lauded the use of advanced rescue equipment in saving lives and reducing the impact of the disaster. He threw light on the fact that although disasters are tragic in themselves, their impact can be minimised with the use of advanced technology and how, in the recent avalanche, technologies like rotary rescue saws, thermal imaging, victim locating cameras, avalanche rods, and drone-based detection systems played a crucial role in saving lives.

Highlighting the importance of public awareness in disaster management, Rajnath Singh called for greater involvement of civil society in disaster preparedness. “Today, India is a prospering nation, and disaster management must become an integral part of our preparedness. It is not enough for security agencies and technology developers to take the lead; we must also educate the general public. Every citizen should know how to respond in times of crisis,” he urged.

Defence Minister also stressed the need for focused conferences on specific security challenges faced by different regions of the country. “Security threats in India are not uniform. The issues faced in the Northeast due to insurgencies are different from those in Naxal-affected areas or border regions. Similarly, urban security concerns are different from those in rural areas. We need to organise dedicated conferences that focus on region-specific challenges and solutions,” he said.

As part of the event, the Transfer of Technology (ToT) of the ASMI 9x19mm Machine Pistol was handed over by DRDO to Lokesh Machinery Tool, marking a step forward in the ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ initiative. Rajnath Singh also inaugurated an exhibition showcasing DRDO-designed technologies developed in collaboration with the Indian defence industry, highlighting achievements in indigenisation. Three significant documents were also released to strengthen cooperation and technological advancements in internal security and disaster management. These include:

1. Compendium of DRDO Products for Internal Security

2. Compendium of DRDO Products for Police Operations

3. Compendium of DRDO Products for Disaster Relief Operations

The conference includes seven technical sessions focusing on key areas such as Left-Wing Extremism, border management, advanced weapon technologies, drone & counter-drone solutions, disaster management, policing & crowd control, and futuristic communication technologies.

PIB

March 04, 2025 by Indian Defence News

Reports have emerged that Bangladesh has deployed Turkish-made Bayraktar-TB2 drones near its border with India, specifically in the region adjacent to West Bengal. This development has prompted India to intensify its surveillance and vigilance along the shared border. The Bayraktar-TB2 drones, operated by Bangladesh’s 67th Army, are used for intelligence, surveillance, and reconnaissance missions.

Bangladesh claims the deployment is for defensive purposes, but India views it as strategically significant, especially given the recent increase in terrorist activities along the border following the ouster of former Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina’s government.

The deployment of these drones comes at a time when India-Bangladesh relations are strained, with a rise in anti-India sentiments in Bangladesh. India has responded by positioning its own unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) in West Bengal to counter potential threats and enhance border security. This includes the possible deployment of advanced drones like the Heron-TP.

The situation remains tense, with both countries closely monitoring developments along their shared border. India is prepared to take necessary countermeasures to ensure national security, while Bangladesh’s actions are seen as part of its broader efforts to enhance its military capabilities.

The Bayraktar-TB2 drones are known for their effectiveness in surveillance and light-strike operations, raising concerns for India due to their potential to be used in hostile terrain. Bangladesh has operationalized six out of twelve drones acquired from Turkey, marking a significant upgrade in its aerial capabilities.

The deployment also highlights Bangladesh’s growing military ties with countries like Turkey, which could further complicate regional dynamics involving India, Pakistan, and China.

IT News