What is even more glaring is that in the revised estimates for FY 2024-25, Rs 12,500 cr from the capital outlay is to be returned as unspent. This is a poor reflection on defence mgmt.

C Uday Bhaskar

The defence allocation for FY (financial year) 2025-26 has been pegged at Rs 6,81,210 crore, which is about $78.7 billion. This not-so-insignificant amount is 13.45 per cent of the total Central government expenditure (CGE) and has been estimated to be 1.91 per cent of the national GDP. However, there was no mention of the defence allocation in the Budget speech and this opacity is intriguing.

Notwithstanding the ‘invisibility’, this amount needs to be contextualised against various other parameters and the net distillate is that this allocation falls below the optimum fiscal allocation needed to ensure that the combat capability of the Indian armed forces is at an appropriate level.

At the global level, in 2024, the military spending of the USA was $916 billion and China ranked second at $296 billion.

It merits recall that in 2018, the Standing Committee on Defence (SCOD) had recommended 3 per cent of the GDP as the benchmark for the Ministry of Defence to enable the steady irrigation and nurturing of the national ecosystem required to ensure the desired level of preparedness of the armed forces.

However, this remains an elusive figure and over the last four years — from 2020-21 to the current FY — the trend has been a declining curve. The defence allocation to GDP percentage has dropped from 2.4 in 2020-21 to 1.91 in 2025-26.

This gap has been highlighted over the years, but it is evident that a political decision has been taken by Team Modi that defence allocation will remain depressed even though the regional geopolitical environment and the internal security challenges remain complex and demanding.

The SCOD, in 2018, had also recommended that in the case of the Army — the lead service, which is manpower-intensive — the equipment/inventory mix should ideally be 30 per cent new equipment, 40 per cent current equipment and 30 per cent older-generation equipment.

But the reality is grim. In March 2023, the Army, in a candid disclosure, apprised the standing committee “that only 15 per cent of the Army’s equipment can be categorised as new equipment, while nearly 45 per cent continued to be older equipment.” The Army representative also informed the parliamentary committee that “there is some time to go before we reach the ideal state of 30:40:30.”

The composite combat capability of the Indian military has been denuded over the last decade due to inadequate fiscal allocation and indifferent strategic planning. This has been further compounded by the unrelenting, high-decibel focus on ‘atmanirbharta‘ (self-reliance). While the latter objective is indeed desirable when India is seeking a place at the global high table, the reality is not encouraging in terms of combat capability versus indigenisation and self-reliance.

PM Modi assumed office in 2014 with a commendable resolve to reform India’s defence and military sector and identified ‘atmanirbharta‘ as a core mission. A decade later, the overall picture is mixed and opaque.

A broad review reveals that while the objective has had a few success stories and some major projects are in the pipeline, the Indian military is dotted with significant inventory deficiencies. These include an army that is short of artillery guns, tanks and personal weapons; a navy waiting for carrier-compatible fighter aircraft and modern underwater platforms; an air force that is woefully short of combat aircraft and a DRDO (Defence Research and Development Organisation) that is unable to deliver as promised.

For realising the twin objectives of combat capability and indigenisation, the capital outlay of the defence budget is a critical indicator. An optimum figure is upwards of 35 per cent and here, the picture is bleak. In the current allocation of Rs 6,81,210 crore, the capital outlay is Rs 1,80,000 crore, which is under 27 per cent.

An excellent PRS (Parliamentary Research Service) report of July 2024 has highlighted the fact that this capital outlay share “has declined between 2014-15 and 2023-24 to less than 30 per cent of the defence budget.” The allocation for this FY is in keeping with this trend line and is unlikely to change in the near future.

What is even more glaring is that in the revised estimates for FY 2024-25, an amount of Rs 12,500 crore from the capital outlay is to be returned as unspent. This is a poor reflection on higher defence management and strategic planning for a military that is plagued by obsolescence and inventory shortage and must be redressed.

R&D is at the heart of acquiring the much-desired level of technological competence in strategic sectors of national endeavour and here, the Indian space and nuclear domain are islands of proven success. However, the DRDO trajectory in relation to enabling the military to move up the ‘atmanirbharta‘ ladder has been poor. The PRS 2024 report notes that several projects undertaken by the DRDO have been marred by delays and adds: “In an analysis of 178 DRDO projects, CAG observed that 119 projects did not adhere to the original timeline. In 49 projects, the additional time taken was more than the original schedule which was envisaged. Projects have been declared as successful despite them not meeting one or more key objectives and parameters.”

This is a case of both institutional ineptitude and turpitude and yet another indictment of higher defence management at the apex.

Year after year, the defence budget goes through this phase of transient scrutiny in the public domain and even while deficiencies are highlighted, the standard refrain is that if there is a need, the purse strings will be opened. This is reactive posturing and when the chips were down, as in Kargil 1999, national sovereignty was retrieved by the loss of life and limb.

Credible military preparedness to deter the adversary from adventurism of any kind cannot be realised by prioritising visibility, spectacle and opacity.

The Indian Army recently conducted a significant session focused on Multi-Domain Operations (MDO) at the Brahmastra Yudhyasva event, held from January 31 to February 1, 2025, at the Panagarh Military Station. This initiative is part of the Army’s broader strategy to enhance its strategic preparedness and operational capabilities in a rapidly evolving security environment.

The session featured insights from military experts, including Nitin Gokhale and Anshuman Narang, who discussed various aspects of MDO, particularly the integration of space operations into military strategies.

The focus on MDO reflects the Indian Army’s commitment to developing capabilities that span land, air, cyber, and space domains. This holistic approach is essential for maintaining operational readiness against diverse threats.

The Brahmastra Corps has been actively engaged in rigorous training exercises aimed at enhancing individual and collective skills among troops. These exercises are designed to simulate real-world scenarios and improve tactical responses in multi-domain environments.

This session aligns with the Indian Army’s Vision 2047, which aims to transform the force into a modern, agile, and technology-enabled entity capable of deterring and winning conflicts across various operational spectrums. The emphasis is on joint operations and integration among different branches of the armed forces to ensure effective responses to emerging challenges.

The Brahmastra Yudhyasva event underscores the Indian Army’s proactive approach in adapting to modern warfare dynamics and enhancing its strategic capabilities through comprehensive training and expert deliberations.

Agencies

February 03, 2025 by Indian Defence News

On February 3, 2025, during a session of the Lok Sabha, Rahul Gandhi, the Leader of the Opposition, made significant allegations regarding India’s territorial disputes with China. He asserted that “the Prime Minister has denied it, but the Army has contradicted him,” claiming that China is occupying 4,000 square kilometers of Indian territory.

This statement was made in the context of a broader critique of the government’s handling of national security and economic policies, particularly the ‘Make in India’ initiative, which he argued has failed to bolster domestic production capabilities.

Gandhi emphasized that the presence of Chinese troops within Indian territory is a direct consequence of this failure. He stated, “The reason China is sitting inside this country is because ‘Make in India’ has failed,” linking India’s reliance on Chinese imports to national security risks. He warned that in the event of a conflict with China, India would be dependent on Chinese-made components for its military operations, including electric motors and batteries.

His remarks prompted a sharp response from the ruling party, with Parliamentary Affairs Minister Kiren Rijiju accusing Gandhi of spreading false narratives. The Lok Sabha Speaker, Om Birla, also intervened, requesting evidence to support Gandhi’s claims.

In addition to his comments on territorial issues, Gandhi criticized India’s economic policies, stating that while mobile phones may be assembled in India, most components are sourced from China. He argued that this dependency effectively means India is “paying a tax to China” each time these products are purchased.

ET

As the IAF looks closely at the full package of choices available for its MRFA acquisition program, SAAB’s Gripen offer is a complete package of capabilities to defeat the most advanced threats in a modern battlespace while ensuring future operational relevance.

According to Kent-Åke Molin, Head of the Gripen India campaign, “Gripen’s exceptional capabilities align seamlessly with India’s defence needs, offering advanced weapons, cutting-edge sensors, countermeasures systems and pilot-friendly Human-Machine Collaboration (HMC).”

What is critically important from an IAF point of view is the speed of delivery and the transfer of capabilities to the Indian industry to enable them not just to build the aircraft but also to take them to the next level.

Leveraging decades of experience in fighter jet production, SAAB combines state-of-the-art manufacturing technologies with highly efficient processes to ensure swift delivery of Gripen. Factors such as AI, Model-based development, additive manufacturing (AM), and 5-axis high-speed machining significantly reduce lead time.

“We offer an industrial programme that builds self-reliance and offers sustainable high-tech jobs while creating extensive business opportunities across India. Our proposal includes the transfer of Maintenance, Repair, and Overhaul (MRO) capabilities, the local production of aircraft components and engine assembly, and the establishment of a state-of-the-art Gripen Design Centre in Bangalore. The centre will harness local engineering talent for advanced avionics and software development. It will not just allow India to develop systems tailored to its specifications, but also ensure full control over its fighter systems, including the ability to execute upgrades and modifications,” Kent-Åke says.

SAAB’s technology transfer offer goes far beyond Gripen; it includes potentially supporting indigenous programmes like the Light Combat Aircraft (LCA) and Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA).

Gripen’s technology transfer offer also presents India with opportunities to build a global export centre. “We would like to position India as a potential export hub for Gripen E aircraft and related systems. Our proposal promises a self-reliant defence industry that supports itself and serves international markets as well,” Kent-Åke concludes.

SAAB

In the quaint town of Condé-Sur-Vire, nestled in the heart of Normandy, Vivek Singh stands out as the only Sardar in a sea of French culture. The son of a former Chief of the Indian Army, Vivek’s journey to becoming the first elected Sikh Municipal Commisioner in France is a powerful story of resilience, acceptance, and integration. Follow his inspiring path as he overcomes cultural differences, earns the trust of his community, and proves that identity and tradition can coexist with a new way of life. “The Sardar of Condé-Sur-Vire” is a heartfelt tale of breaking barriers and thriving against the odds.

The grand Passing Out and Oath-Taking Ceremony of the 490th GD Male and Female Batch were marked by a parade and demonstrations of combat readiness

A new contingent of 570 Himveers and 80 Himveeranganas officially joined the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) after completing an intensive 44-week training programme at the Primary Training Center, Bhanu.

The grand Passing Out and Oath-Taking Ceremony of the 490th GD Male and Female Batch were marked by a parade and demonstrations of combat readiness.

ITBP Director General Rahul Rasgotra, who was the chief guest at the event, administered the oath to the new recruits, emphasising the honour of serving the nation in a disciplined force.

He encouraged them to uphold the values of hard work, resilience, and continuous learning throughout their service.

During the training, the recruits were equipped with expertise in weapon handling, combat tactics, self-defence, counter-terror operations, and internal security. Representing 24 states and union territories, the batch included a significant number from Arunachal Pradesh (211), Sikkim (161), and Ladakh (57).

The ceremony features multiple performances, including PT drills, tactical conditioning and a pipe band display. To recognise outstanding performance, Constables Pawan Singh, Aman Negi, Tashi Nangyal Bhutia, and Muslim Appa were honoured with trophies.

Brig GS Gill, Deputy Inspector General, expressed gratitude to the dignitaries, trainees’ families, and retired officers present.

Delhi has flagged presence of 175 ships since Nov last year

Ajay Banerjee Tribune News Service

The presence of two Chinese survey vessels in international waters of the Arabian Sea has been reported with Indian security agencies closing monitoring their activities. The vessels — capable of mapping the sea-bed for resources and identifying optimal submarine routes — have been operating in the area since November last year, although these have remained outside India’s Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ), which extends 370 km from the shore.

Classified as “science vessels” and officially tasked with “fishing surveys”, these ships are also known to perform strategic roles for the Chinese Navy, including recording underwater submarine sounds, monitoring warships of other nations and intercepting radio communications on open channels.

A similar Chinese survey vessel had conducted surveys around the Maldives in April 2024. It again returned to the region in November last year, sources said.

China has a huge “distant-water fishing fleet” in the Arabian sea. Many countries have raised concerns over the presence of illegal fishing fleets in the region. Indian security agencies too have flagged the presence of 175 Chinese vessels in international waters of the Arabian sea since November last year. These vessels are now permanently operating in the Arabian Sea, except during the May-August fishing ban.

The activities of Chinese survey ships in the Arabian Sea have raised concerns among several countries, including India. These vessels are equipped with advanced technology to conduct oceanographic and hydrographic surveys, including studying marine environments, currents, climatic patterns and mapping the ocean floor. India has often questioned China’s intentions since such data collection could have significant strategic implications, including the potential to undermine regional security.

The Arabian Sea is a critical maritime zone, serving as a vital transit route for global energy supplies and connecting major economies. China has been expanding its fleet of survey vessels, which it claims are for scientific purposes.

The C-17 aircraft had departed for India with migrants aboard but would not arrive for at least 24 hours

A US military plane is deporting migrants to India, a US official said on Monday, the farthest destination of the Trump administration’s military transport flights for migrants.

President Donald Trump has increasingly turned to the military to help carry out his immigration agenda, including sending additional troops to the US-Mexico border, using military aircraft to deport migrants and opening military bases to house them.

The official, speaking on the condition of anonymity, said the C-17 aircraft had departed for India with migrants aboard but would not arrive for at least 24 hours.

The Pentagon has also started providing flights to deport more than 5,000 immigrants held by US authorities in El Paso, Texas, and San Diego, California.

So far, military aircraft have flown migrants to Guatemala, Peru and Honduras.

The military flights are a costly way to transport migrants.

Reuters reported that a military deportation flight to Guatemala last week likely cost at least $4,675 per migrant.

KEY FEATURES OF BUDGET CLICK TO OPEN

No income tax up to Rs 12 lakh as Nirmala Sitharaman gives major relief to middle class in Union Budget

Individuals earning up to Rs 12 lakh annually will not have to pay any income tax under the new tax regime as Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman on Saturday gave relief to middle class by raising exemption limit and rejigging slabs.

For salaried employees, this nil tax limit will be Rs 12.75 lakh per annum, after taking into account a standard deduction of Rs 75,000.

Higher exemptions and rejigs have been effected under the new income tax regime.

“I am now happy to announce that there will be no income tax payable up to income of Rs 12 lakh (i.e. average income of Rs 1 lakh per month other than special rate income such as capital gains) under the new regime,” the finance minister said.

“The new structure will substantially reduce the taxes of the middle class and leave more money in their hands, boosting household consumption, savings and investment,” Sitharaman said in her Budget speech.

As per the rejig, for people earning more than Rs 12 lakh per annum, there will be nil tax for income up to Rs 4 lakh, 5 per cent for income between Rs 4 and 8 lakh, 10 per cent for Rs 8-12 lakh, 15 per cent for Rs 12-16 lakh.

A 20 per cent income tax will be levied on income between Rs 16 and 20 lakh, 25 per cent on Rs 20-24 lakh and 30 per cent above Rs 24 lakh per annum.

A tax payer in the new regime with an income of Rs 12 lakh will get a benefit of Rs 80,000 in tax. A person having income of Rs 18 lakh will get a benefit of Rs 70,000 in tax.

A person with an income of Rs 25 lakh gets a benefit of Rs 1.10 lakh.

The opposition, however, has criticised the timing of the announcement. Some leaders termed it an “election gimmick”, questioning why such relief wasn’t introduced earlier. A few others expressed skepticism, suggesting that the government was leveraging fiscal policies for electoral gains.