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Secret nuke city’: India dubs Pak’s contention ‘figment of imagination’

'Secret nuke city': India dubs Pak's contention 'figment of imagination'
External Affairs spokesperson Vikas Swarup. File photo

New Delhi, February 8

Reacting strongly, India on Thursday termed as “figment of imagination” Pakistan’s contention that it is building a secret nuclear city, saying it is a “diversionary tactic” to deflect attention from issues like Pak-sponsored terrorism and harbouring of terrorists.“These are completely baseless allegations. The so-called secret city appears to be a figment of the Pakistan imagination. India has always been in compliance with all its international obligations. This is a very strange statement coming from a country that does not have a separation plan and has a strong record of proliferation which is well known to the world.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)“India has very different credentials. So, clearly this shows a lack of comprehension. Furthermore, there is no doubt that this is a diversionary tactic by Pakistan which aims to deflect attention from the real issue at hand – the continued state sponsorship of terrorism by Pakistan and its harbouring of internationally designated terrorists,” External Affairs spokesperson Vikas Swarup said.He was asked about remarks by Pakistan Foreign Office spokesman Nafees Zakaria that “India is building a secret nuclear city… It has accumulated a stockpile of nuclear weapons which threatens to undermine the strategic balance of power in the region.”Questioned about comments by Pakistan Planning and Development Minister of Pakistan Ahsan Iqbal regarding peace talks with India after the ongoing state assembly elections in five states, he said it is not state elections in India but state terrorism by Pakistan which has stood in the way of a peaceful bilateral dialogue.“It is high time Pakistan gets the diagnosis of the problem right. It should not remain in denial on the impact of cross border terrorism on the bilateral relationship. Both the problem and its solution are within Pakistan’s reach,” Swarup said. — PTI


Ebb and flow of counter-insurgency

The increased threat perception from China on the Himachal Pradesh border countered with increased force level

Please write in with your narratives of war and soldiering to msbajwa@gmail.com or call/WhatsApp on 09316135343

Did the nation seriously think that a single night of multiple cross-LOC raids was enough to deter Pakistan from its war of a thousand cuts? Our adversary has a well-honed machinery for launching terror strikes led by an experienced leadership. The apparatus includes recruitment, training, motivation, equipping, arming, planning, intelligence, infiltration, communications and financing through non-state proxies. Most of all, they have an inexhaustible supply of willing recruits for suicide attacks backed by a campaign of religious fervour programmed in proxy warriors.

HT FILE PHOTOTerrorists armed with Chinese weapons undergoing training at a Lashkar-e-Taiba camp in Pakistan.

What are our options in this war? Defending our civilians, security forces personnel, territory, installations and assets must count as most important. Remember, the enemy will always strike wherever we’re weakest or show any vulnerability. The history of warfare shows that a purely defensive strategy rarely works. Therefore, we must do unto the enemy what he’s doing unto us – in short, take the offensive. Hitting at the enemy’s leaders, personnel, installations and collateral assets through overt and covert means must get increasing priority from now on. The frequency of such strikes must be often enough to act as a deterrent. Lastly, we need to be prepared for the long haul and not get demotivated by casualties. FORCE LEVELS IN THE HIMALAYAS After the 1962 War, a new raising, 33 Brigade Ex-4 Mountain Division was deployed to defend the difficult terrain bordering Tibet in Himachal Pradesh. While the rest of the division moved out to take the offensive against Pakistan in September 1965, the brigade remained in situ because of the threat perceived from a belligerent China. In the late 1960s, the formation moved to the Kangra hills to join the newly raised 39 Division. Its replacement was 51 Parachute Brigade. When the Paras were deployed to defend Ganganagar in 1971, decreased threat perception meant that their replacement was the ad hoc 36 Sector. This consisted of just a battalion each of infantry and scouts supported by a 120mm mortar regiment.

Current assessments indicate a growing Chinese threat revealed by growing force levels and increased logistic support. In response, Indian defences are now manned by a full-fledged infantry brigade properly complemented by supporting arms and services. Additional forces from the plains are also dualtasked to this sector. ENCOUNTER WITH A SKY MARSHAL On a recent visit to 3 Jat, my buddy was a smart young Lance Naik called Dharmendra Dhaka (name changed). Tough, fit and resourceful, he carried himself with an athletic grace. It turned out that he was on deputation with the National Security Guard and had just returned for a promotion cadre. He serves with the NSG’s crack 51 Special Action Group and is deployed as a sky marshal on board civilian airliners. Having completed all the relevant courses and undergone arduous training, he eminently meets the exacting standards of his force. You might think a sky marshal’s job merely involves travelling by air and enjoying the best food and drink. It’s no cushy billet but means being alert for long periods of time involving a high degree of mental and physical robustness. So if, by chance, your co-passenger on a flight is a ruggedly handsome and sturdy Rajasthani, it could very well be the Jat Regiment’s very own ‘Garam Dharam’.

 

 

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India-Pak unity the only way to thrive

Mutual hostility between two nations that have in the past shared a common heritage, culture and history is self-defeating. A united subcontinent can be a formidable force. Can two poor nations so situated afford to be in perpetual conflict?

A house divided against itself cannot stand. — Abraham LincolnTHE partition of Punjab between India and Pakistan in 1947 is perhaps the most important event in the history of modern India, second only to its Independence. We are reaping its consequences in terms of geopolitics, erosion of civil liberties, communalism of politics and poverty.The end of World War II marked the start of the cold war between the Soviet Union and the West. A Russian presence in the Indian Ocean was seen as a threat to the Middle East and its oil under western control. Therefore, the declared British policy was to transfer power to a strong united India to prevent a Russian entry therein. The failure of the Congress and the Muslim League to reach a settlement made Partition inevitable. The demand for Pakistan did not originate from the Muslim-majority provinces of Punjab, Bengal, Sind and the Frontier but from the United Provinces (UP).  In UP, the Muslim minority feared an existential threat from Hindu organisations such as the RSS, the Hindu Mahasabha and the right wing of the Congress. Punjab was ruled by the Unionist Party, a coalition of Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus led by Sir Sikandar Hyat Tiwana, who dismissed the concept of Pakistan as “Jinnahstan”. His successor Khizr Hyat broke with Jinnah on this issue. In 1946, Jinnah and his Muslim League managed to communalise Punjab politics by painting a doomsday scenario where the Punjabi Muslims would be at the mercy of the Hindu majority in India once the British left.  The same argument was used by the Hindu and Sikh leaders in reverse. Hence the Partition.The Governor of Punjab, Sir Evan Jenkins, repeatedly warned that the partition of Punjab as proposed would result in widespread massacre and damage to property. His warning went unheeded. A million Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims were brutally murdered and another 15 million forced to migrate from the land of their forefathers. Millions lost their properties and thousands of women were raped, abducted and forcibly converted to another faith. The damage of Partition is permanent. It altered the geopolitics of this region. China is strategically located as a Pacific Ocean power. It borders Russia, Central Asia, South Asia and South-eastern Asia. In contrast, India’s strategic location has been greatly reduced. Undivided India would have bordered the Islamic world and been an influential interlocutor on the world stage. This advantage shifted to Pakistan and China. Pakistan’s strategic alliance with China to balance India has allowed the Chinese armed forces to establish a strong military presence in the subcontinent for the first time in history.The Kashmir conflict which is directly related to the partition of Punjab has made the subcontinent amongst the most dangerous, bloodiest and costly places on earth. Pakistan inserted Pathan tribal insurgents and their copycats into India as an extension of its military strategy. The Pathans have since evolved into the Mujahideen, the Taliban, regional ISIS and Kashmir jihadis. Two armies who fought as one in the world wars face each other with hostility. Both are nuclear powers with the capacity for mutual destruction. The apprehension of a nuclear device falling into “Islamic jihadi” hands is real.The violence and chaos caused by the holocaust in Punjabinfluenced the Constituent Assembly into creating a strong executive armed with draconian powers and weak legislatures. Gurnam Singh, a retired High Court judge and Chief Minister, felt that India did not evolve into a traditional liberal democracy. It was a hybrid system, half-democratic and half-colonial where power was transferred from nominated British officials to an elected Indian executive without accountability.  He cautioned Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru that the system was open to abuse of power, corruption and intimidation of opponents by implicating them in false cases or branding them as antinational. Little wonder that in a system with weak checks and balances, Prime Ministers can take major decisions like “notebandi” by an executive fiat, without reference to the public, legislature or even the Cabinet. In Pakistan, Jinnah promised a nation where all citizens were equal and there was “no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another”. Partition ended such sentiments.  Inevitably, a state founded on sectarian violence and fear of a large Hindu neighbour turned to the military and the clergy for its identity and survival. This system has little space for non-Muslims, liberal democracy and social reform. India and Pakistan are a house divided against itself. They are an anomaly: Both are sovereign states and also an integral part of each other by their origins, history and culture. Both states can pay heed to the three Franco-German Wars (1870-1945), which cost a hundred million lives. Today, the one-time enemies are close allies and economic partners to their mutual benefit. For the same reason, India and Pakistan need to be friends not enemies. Punjab was the cradle of Hinduism, Sikhism and the evolution of Islam in India. It had seen many invasions and religious conflicts. However, Muslim, Hindu and Sikh elites were integrated by a common language, culture and shared economic interests. The forced migration of Hindus and Sikhs radically changed the religious, social and intellectual structure of West Punjab. However, 70 years of separation and conflict cannot totally erase millenniums of shared bonds.  The way forward is for the people of both Punjabs to rediscover their roots and common interests by free interaction as a first step towards reconciliation between the two nations.  Secondly, the RSS Chief has a choice between an “Akhand Bharat”: a confederation of India and Pakistan he advocates, or politics of division to win elections. As long as the Muslims feel insecure there can be no peace in the subcontinent. Thirdly, the Muslim clergy must rise above dogma and meet the concerns of their own and other communities.  So far it has refused to come to terms with the damage it has caused. No doubt any radical departure from the status quo will meet with strong resistance and even violence on both sides. However, our politicians and opinion makers must appreciate that great issues are settled by statesmanship, courage and common sense in the face of seemingly insurmountable hurdles.  The writer, an educationist, is the President of the Guru Nanak Education Trust, Ludhiana.


SC:IAF can tell airmen not to sport beard

Legal Correspondent

New Delhi, December 15

The Supreme Court today upheld Indian Air Force’s denial of permission to two Muslim personnel to grow beard, holding that the two orders were in compliance with Regulation 425(b) which applied only to “personnel whose religion prohibits the cutting off the hair or shaving off the face of its members”.The petitioners failed to show that they were entitled to exemption under the relevant regulation, a Bench comprising Chief Justice TS Thakur and Justices DY Chandrachud and LN Rao ruled.The policy letter dated May 8, 1980, did initially permit an airman professing Islam to sport a beard of a prescribed length. This was revisited by the Air Headquarters on August 10, 1982, and a distinction was made between the cases of Muslim personnel who had already sported a beard at the time of joining service (in whose case no permission was required) and cases where personnel desire to sport a beard after joining service (in which case a formal application informing the Commanding Officer was required to be submitted).The policy was again revisited on February 24, 2003. This time, a limited protection was granted for those who had a beard prior to January 1, 2002, at the time of enrolment but the policy also stated that no person would be allowed to maintain a beard after joining service. This position was clarified on June 9, 2003, by stating that personnel whose religion demands sporting a beard would be allowed to do so provided they were granted permission prior to the date of the letter or had grown a beard at the time of joining the Air Force. The apex court ruling came on appeals by Mohammad Zubair and Ansari Aaftab Ahmed.

Policy revisited several times

  • May 8, 1980: An airman professing Islam permitted to sport a beard of a prescribed length
  • August 10, 1982: No permission required for Muslim personnel who sported a beard at the time of joining service; Commanding Officer’s permission needed to keep a beard after joining service
  • February 24, 2003: Limited protection granted for those who had a beard prior to January 1, 2002
  • June 9, 2003: Personnel whose religion demands sporting a beard allowed to do so provided they are granted permission prior to the date of the letter or had grown a beard at the time of joining the IAF

How The Indian Army Battles Extreme Winter Conditions by Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain

How The Indian Army Battles Extreme Winter Conditions

SNAPSHOT

Yes, some positions which the Indian Army occupies are dangerous. But it has to be done for national security. Remember Kargil?

Every few years the Indian Army deployed in all parts of Jammu and Kashmir battles extreme winter conditions, which bring heavy snowfall, avalanches and extreme cold spells. From Siachen to the Pir Panjal and from the Ladakh Range to the Shamshabari each zone or sector has its own peculiarities. The altitude may be higher but precipitation is low and vice versa in some areas, while wind and blizzard like conditions prevailing over an extended period of time accumulate huge piles of snow. Contingent upon angles of slopes, type of rock composition of the mountains and direction of the sun, different areas hold snow differently. The Shamshabari range and its adjoining ridge lines have huge snow slides and avalanches, with little predictability about the time or exact location. The Pir Panjal too does not hold its snow too well. It’s Eastern Ladakh, which has high snow accumulation but few avalanches. The Siachen Glacier’s Saltoro Ridge has sharp drops where avalanches are predictable.

The reader will get a good idea from the fact that an area such as Uri sector is as low as 4,000 feet above sea level but it is surrounded by heights of the Line of Control (LoC), which rise to 14,000 feet within a short distance, making slopes extremely steep. On certain ridge lines in this area, snow accumulation in bowls goes up to 50 feet and on ridge lines up to 20 feet. Avalanches are a regular phenomenon here and just like the glacier permanent habitat in flat areas or bowls becomes almost impossible to occupy due to snow levels. Ridge lines are inhabitable, but full picquets are known to sometimes slide away with snow avalanches.

The cycle of extreme winter usually comes once every three to four years or so. Casualties are then high and even civilian population in rural areas is affected. However, social media (not media) makes every smartphone owner an expert in winter management with doubts cast over the Indian Army’s expertise, levels of commitment and training to meet the challenge. ‘Knowledgeable’ people advise the Army to get expertise from other organisations. It’s important for the Army to explain why casualties occur in certain winters.

It must be brought to public notice that the Indian Army’s expertise on high altitude, glaciated and ‘white shod’ operations is respected the world over. Our medical proficiency to cater for such contingencies is considered even better. The government ensures clothing, equipment, boots and other paraphernalia, including heating devices, dry cell batteries and fuel for warming and drying which are are all available in plenty. The logistics preparation for stocking supplies, fuel and basic replacement equipment begins a year before the winter and its implementation goes like clockwork through the year, in fact an exercise worthy of study by management training institutions.

Simultaneously, newly inducted units undergo training and each unit prepares its winter standard operating procedures (SOPs) along with training the avalanche rescue teams (ARTs). By September each year, an elaborate and updated set of instructions are issued to formations and units that carry out their checks. Fixed nylon rope which assists in movement over snow is checked for strength, relaid, tightened and made ready for snow conditions. The High Altitude Warfare School (HAWS), located at Gulmarg, has the best expertise and is often consulted by units for training of specialists in skiing and rescue.

The Snow and Avalanche Study Establishment (SASE) in Manali has elaborate arrangement for collection of data and issues warnings from time to time when snow accumulation becomes high. It also maintains elaborate maps with historical avalanche records, which helps in predicting extreme weather conditions. However, no amount of scientific research has been able to pinpoint occurrence in terms of time and exact place of an avalanche.

Why do casualties occur in winter when sufficient training has been imparted and the best logistics are planned and implemented. As brought out prediction is well nigh impossible but avalanche prone areas are known in advance so habitat is avoided at such places. There are compulsions which force certain vulnerable areas to be occupied with risk. There are also contingencies which are human related. Let me elaborate with anecdotal references. The deployment of 10 men below the snow wall at Sonam in Siachen/Saltoro which led to them being buried under 35 feet of ice in February 2016, was a compulsion because it was the staging area with the logistics element for another crucial deployment which cannot be held without this backing. The Sonam wall was known to be firm in winter and more vulnerable in summer, but it collapsed for no explainable reason; some say a low level seismic activity preceded the collapse.

Another case of a different kind will explain just how frail human existence can be in such areas. Jawans are supposed to move and perform all duties in buddy pairs in all operational areas. However, a jawan at an isolated forward LoC post, carried out clearance of snow from the running communication trench; the snow shovelled out accumulated in a soft pile on the side. He rested an hour in the afternoon due to a pending night duty on ambush. On waking he proceeded to answer the call of nature but did not sound his buddy nor did he take him along, as is customary. Outside his bunker he slipped on glass-like ice and went head first into nine-foot deep soft snow piled by him on the side of the trench. He struggled to get out but could not because his head was at the bottom. No one could find him for a few hours until his footmarks gave indication of the location where he was buried alive. He died an unfortunate death frozen and choked.

It’s not as if avalanches occur only once SASE gives a warning. Life cannot come to a standstill. Although posts are well stocked, mail, stores, equipment and leave parties have to move. Officers are rotated on posts and Commanding Officers like to be with the men when things get difficult. Such movements take place at night when the snow is firm. For 72 hours after a heavy snowfall all movement ceases as per SOP. However, any number of scientific factors taken into consideration cannot explain how an avalanche occurs seven days after the last snowfall and that too at midnight, just when a leave party is on its way.

The Gurez valley where the current incidents have taken place this year is narrow with sharp slopes on both sides. The February 2012 avalanche which wiped out 21 lives of an Army sub unit, rumbled down the slope and had so much power that it travelled almost 400 metres on plain ground throwing lorries in the air and crushing some shelters. Jawans died while eating their food. No amount of warning from avalanche sentries could have helped them.

I have been informed on social media that some concretised hardened shelters have been prepared for Indo Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) habitat in the Joshimath area. Avalanches can actually move over such structures leaving the inmates safe. These will be extremely expensive and time-consuming to construct, but in limited numbers in extremely vulnerable stretches of Gurez or some areas around Shamshabari they may prove invaluable in saving lives.

The last information necessary for the public to be aware of. Your jawans do not pull back from most areas along the LoC. If they did the sanctity of the LoC would be suspect and terrorists would risk getting through unchallenged. In some very crucial posts physically and psychologically fit jawans having availed full home leave, are inducted in December and continue at the post without relief for six months. There only connect with the outside world is a TV, radio or trunk dialling link. A sick jawan cannot be evacuated because the route is choked or avalanche prone and the helipad is 400 metres away and cannot be beaten in the prevailing weather conditions. Remember what happened in Kargil in 1999. We vacated some high altitude posts for winter but the Pakistanis risked creeping up and occupying them before we could return. Over 500 good men were lost in recovering that ground. With an untrustworthy adversary there can be no guarantee of mutual withdrawal for winter. Our officers and men have thus to grit their teeth, pray to their gods and hope that their training and inherent toughness will let them survive such contingencies.

Suggestions regarding pull back and use of technology for surveillance sound good on paper and those of us experienced in this type of warfare can deduce that sensor, satellite or drone surveillance over unoccupied posts cannot prevent it from being occupied. It will still need to be recaptured at the cost of lives as response can only be reactive.

The Indian Army has tremendous experience in winter management but will suffer winter casualties unless we are ready to risk Kargil like occurrences. In a nation where an inch of ground lost even for tactical reasons invites public wrath, those offering advice of withdrawal for winter must re-examine the national collective conscience. Perhaps we need to build a consensus for both Indian and Pakistani armies coming to some agreement about mutual pullback from some vulnerable areas in winter. Can that happen under present state of relations? That is a million dollar question.


Aware of Chinese submarine deployment at Balochistan’s Gwadar port: Navy chief

Aware of Chinese submarine deployment at Balochistan's Gwadar port: Navy chief
Speaking on the presence of the Chinese Navy”s ships and submarines at Gwadar port of Balochistan in Pakistan, the Navy Chief said that India was keeping an eye on them. PTI file photo

New Delhi, December 2

Refuting Pakistan’s claims that it detected and chased out an Indian submarine from its waters, Indian Navy chief Admiral Sunil Lanba said operational necessity decided India’s submarine deployment.”Repelling submarine of any nation is not easy task. Claim made by Pakistan Navy is totally bogus,” the Chief of Naval Staff told media here during an annual briefing on Navy Day.  “We deploy our submarines where as per the operational necessity and where we need. We will continue to deploy our submarines,” Lanba said.The Pakistan Navy on November 18 claimed that it detected and chased away an Indian submarine that India was trying to station in its waters.Speaking on the presence of the Chinese Navy’s ships and submarines at Gwadar port of Balochistan in Pakistan, the Navy Chief said that India was keeping an eye on them.

(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)

“We have capability and assets to take on any force which is deployed, and if and when this happens, we have plans in place to tackle it,” he said.Saying that the Chinese Navy has not touched the Indian waters, Adm Lanba added that India launches surveillance missions to keep an eye on the People’s Liberation Army’s Navy ships and submarines in the Indian Ocean region.Lanba said that the Navy is finalising design of the second indigenous aircraft carrier and will soon seek the government’s approval. He added that 40 ships, four submarines and 12 aircraft are deployed far and near to protect the Indian waters. — IANS


Time to grasp the nettle

A chief of defence staff must be superior in the chain of command to the service chiefs for him to be effective and empowered

The expert committee led by Lieutenant General (retd.) D.B. Shekatkar has recently submitted its report to the defence minister. The panel, composed mostly of retired senior military officers, was appointed in May 2016 and was tasked with looking at “Enhancing Combat Capability and Rebalancing Defence Expenditure”. Among its many recommendations is the appointment of a single-point adviser to the Defence Minister. Since Manohar Parrikar has already spoken of his desire to move in this direction, the recommendations of the Shekatkar panel assume greater importance.

PTIDefence Minister Manohar Parrikar has already expressed his desire to move in the direction of a single­point military adviser

The panel has reportedly recommended the new post should be a four-star appointment – equivalent to those of the service chiefs. This top four-star officer is envisaged as a coordinator, who won’t impinge on the operation or administrative functions of military chiefs. The creation of such a post should be accompanied by the integration of the service headquarters with the Ministry of Defence. However, the panel has apparently recommended against integrating the three services into joint commands. This is seen as an American model tailored for expeditionary role rather than homeland defence and hence unsuitable for the Indian context.

While the committee’s recommendations are well-intentioned and such reforms long overdue, the proposed institutional design is deeply problematic.

The idea itself is hardly new. The Group of Ministers (GoM) following the Kargil Review Committee called for the appointment of a Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) as a singlepoint military adviser to the Defence Minister. This stemmed from the lack of integrated planning and operations between the services during the Kargil War. In fact, this is a problem that has plagued the armed forces in every conflict since 1947. The appointment of a CDS was expected to usher in top-down integration among the services and better coordination between the services and the government.

The Vajpayee government created a new joint headquarters of the Integrated Defence Staff (HQ IDS). But it baulked at appointing a CDS and instead appointed a Chief of Integrated Defence Staff who would run the HQ IDS until the CDS was appointed. This half-baked solution persists to date. In fairness, HQ IDS has managed to bring a degree of coherence to issues like procurement and joint doctrine. But this is hardly adequate. More importantly, it has allowed the political leadership to perpetuate an illusion of reforms while continuing to resist the appointment of the CDS.

Then again, in the early years after the GoM report, the services themselves were a divided house on this. The air force resisted the creation of a CDS – apparently on grounds that it would pave the way for institutional domination by the army. This came handy to political leaders and bureaucrats in deflecting questions about their own unwillingness to institutionalise the system. Towards the end of the UPA-II government, the three service chiefs jointly wrote to the prime minister expressing support for the creation of a CDS.

Meanwhile, the government had appointed another panel led by Naresh Chandra to examine why the GoM’s recommendations of were not fully implemented and to suggest a new road map for security reforms. This panel suggested that instead of a full-fledged CDS, the government appoint a permanent Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee with a fixed tenure. By giving the chairman a fixed term of, say, twoyears, it was hoped that he would have enough time to work on key issues of integration between the services. Now the Shekatkar panel has come up with another halfway house.

Any institutional solution along these lines is unlikely to deliver the necessary levels of integration. If the CDS does not outrank the service chiefs, then his ability to function as the single-point military adviser to the government will be undoubtedly circumscribed. At best, it will amount to an incremental improvement on the existing HQ IDS. Worse still, it will yet again create the illusion of progress and delay real reforms . The idea that such reforms should be imposed gradually or piecemeal is seriously mistaken. In most countries that have achieved institutional integration, the process has been driven politically from on high.

The CDS must be empowered fully. There should be no doubt about his being superior in the chain of command to the service chiefs. The appointment should be followed by the setting up of integrated theatre commands. The supply and logistics commands could be integrated. It is an indispensable prerequisite for ensuring “jointness” in war fighting. Simultaneously, the service chiefs should prepare to relinquish operational control over the services and become what their titles suggest: chiefs of staff, responsible for raising, equipping and training of the forces. The chain of operational command should run from the Defence Minister through the CDS to the integrated theatre commanders.

Something is not always better than nothing. As the case of HQ IDS shows the half-life of such institutional short-cuts tends to be very long. More worryingly, it helps anaesthetise the system and masks need for real reform. Enhancing the combat capability and effectiveness requires full-blooded measures. It would be sad if the government perpetuates or aggravates the problem by using palliatives. It would sadder still, if the government were forced to consider real reform by another external crisis.

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Defence Minister all praise for Army

Tribune News Service

Dehradun, Decmeber 12

Union Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar on Monday said though they wanted peace, at the same time if somebody was harming the country, then the Army was capable of giving a befitting reply.Addressing a rally today, Parrikar said he was pained by the loss of the soldiers, “Sacrifice is always respected, but the destruction of terrorists and taking life of the enemy of the country is far greater,” he said.He said Prime Minister Narendra Modi had given him the responsibility to strengthen the Army, “I have been successful in that,” he said.Parrikar also said Uttarakhand was among the few states whose contribution in sending its sons to the Army was immense.Lauding his government’s efforts in settling the issue of one-rank one pension that was languishing for the last 40 years, Parrikar said, “We have been successful in resolving the issue and in the next two months, all problems will be resolved,” he said.He also said the Central Government was also contemplating giving more relaxation to the youth of Uttarakhand seeking a career in the Army.


J&K: How lessons from past can power future by Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain (retd)

After a particularly harrowing year, now is the time in J&K to be more optimistic. We can move ahead by strategising. Serious ideation, instead of negative reviews, is required and a window is available for that. The world is witnessing a change in the strategic environment. Tackling core issues is the need of the hour

J&K: How lessons from past can power future

POWER of RESILIENCE: A file photo of Kashmiri people busy shopping in the Sunday market at Lal Chowk in Srinagar. Tribune Photo/ Mohammad Amin War

THE year 2016 had so much negativity for Jammu and Kashmir that in the new year every article or essay related to the state is tending to be negative. Recalling the year gone by; the state of polity, level of alienation or the continued Pakistani role, are among the subjects being discussed by analysts but rarely do we find suggestions on the way forward.  2016 will probably be most remembered for the reverse in the tide although we have witnessed equally serious situations in the past and bounced back to full control thereafter. There have been constants in all these situations as well as dynamic and fluctuating aspects too. Strategic planners, who are reviewing and re-examining future strategy, need to be aware of the reverses and the bounce backs of the past. They have to be aware of the constants, the imponderables and the “definitives”. It is not as if India sat back on its haunches and did not respond in equal measure and more when its security was threatened in Jammu and Kashmir. What perhaps it did lack was the killer instinct to resolve the issue or send an appropriate message to adversaries that there was no question of their success in the face of India’s comprehensive resolve.There are different ways of looking at the situation and this can be done by reviewing what happened at some junctures in the 28-year asymmetric conflict in the state. In 1996, militancy was still at a high but the mercenary content from outside South Asia was diluting. A bold decision was then taken to go in for elections, with the full knowledge that neither was the situation conducive for electioneering, nor would the turnout indicate any major success. This was just a year after the Al Firan kidnapping incident which had sent shock waves around the world. Alienation was high, Kashmir’s media and intelligentsia were spewing venom at the Indian government and Army but militarily some success had been achieved with the setting up of the Rashtriya Rifles (RR) headquarters in south Kashmir. Prime Minister Narasimha Rao had succeeded in building a political consensus of  sorts with his February 22, 1994, joint parliamentary resolution indicating India’s full resolve to not only defend its stance on Jammu and Kashmir but also recover all its former territories. The Indian position on Jammu and Kashmir and human rights was projected at the 1994 meeting of the UN Human Rights Commission at Geneva by none other than a delegation which had the presence of Atal Behari Vajpayee and Salman Khurshid. Could there be a better message of political consensus on a national security issue? This brilliant period of national consensus diplomacy needs reiteration in today’s environment. It was India all the way. Later, 1996 proved to be a crucial year in which the democratic process was re-seeded in Jammu and Kashmir after a fairly long time. The effects of it may not have been immediate but the long-term effect was profound.In 1999, the situation was the worst in a decade. North Kashmir had been denuded of troops with the move of 8 Mountain Division to Kargil. Tension on the LoC remained high even after withdrawal of the Pakistani troops in Kargil. There were incidents in Gurez, Gulmarg, Lipa and elsewhere even post-withdrawal. The so-called Fidayeen had just commenced their suicide attacks in mid-1999, which had got all security forces in a defensive mode, at least for some time. Yet, the Parliamentary elections were held, though again with low but a marginally better voter turnout. There was no flinching from the difficult task. I remember running battles with terrorists and sounds of blasts all around our location at Avantipura on polling day. In 2003, the LoC was still alive with heavy artillery exchanges when we decided to commence construction of the LoC Fence. As the then Commander of the Uri Brigade even I had serious doubts about its viability. However, the ingenuity and energy of the troops in taking ownership of respective segments ensured that the terror mathematics was reversed in three years. Along the way, President Pervez Musharraf announced a unilateral ceasefire.  We supported it and played along. There was no change whatsoever in the levels of alienation or activities of the separatists but the effect of changed strategy of focusing closer to the LoC, led to reduction in successful infiltration and dilution in terrorist strength in the hinterland. This had a cascading effect on future operations. The period 2001-7 was the consolidation stage. The Army had the sagacity to fully support Mufti’s “healing-touch” campaign, even as it undertook proactive operations against the terrorists and achieved spectacular results.In 2008-10, the separatists changed strategy and took their struggle to the streets. There was paralysis of administration and chaos in the streets but it could not be sustained. With an outreach programme for the youth, the public at large and greater political activism, we turned 2011-12 around. This gave Jammu and Kashmir probably its most peaceful period in two- and-a-half decades and its best tourism and horticulture figures in some years. Infiltration was reduced to the lowest ever and the ratio of security men to terrorists killed during the year was also by far one of the best. A hope was rekindled in the public. Unfortunately, new militancy, lack of continuity, out-of-context demands by the state government, without considering the security situation and a general apathy by the leadership allowed a drift. This resulted in the mayhem of 2016, post the killing of Burhan Wani. The current situation has been described as an ominous silence awaiting outburst from pent- up passion. 2017 could witness this or, going by our past record, fresh initiatives could come from any quarter. This could once again witness a turnaround, this time hopefully sustainable.There is no need for despondency among those who matter in India’s strategic discourse. Such campaigns by our adversaries are open-ended, without pegged way points to objectives. The world is witnessing a change in the strategic environment. This is the time when those with a grasp of geopolitics have to be in sync with those looking at geo-strategic aspects. Initiatives must include incentives for Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. A general theme giving sustained peace a chance, along with means by which all core issues can be discussed by the people most affected, could be the need. For that, leaders have to come forward, shed inhibitions and take issues by the horns, as was done in the past. The stakes of peace must be dwelt upon minds and hearts   with a resolve that 2017 will never be a repeat of 2016.The writer, a former General Officer Commanding of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps, is now associated with the Vivekanand International Foundation .


State rejoices at DGMO’s appointment

Dehradun, November 30

People of the state are elated over the appointment of Lt Gen Anil Kumar Bhatt as the Director General of Military Operations (DGMO). Members of the Uttarakhand Ex-Services League (UESL) wished him good luck and hoped that he would come through with flying colours.Recalling school days, UESL state president Brig (retd) RS Rawat said Lt Gen Bhatt was junior to him in St George’s College. Lt Gen Bhatt would be now responsible for all Army operations, including military operations along the Line of Control.Lt Gen Bhatt was commissioned in Gorkha Rifles. He was given responsibility of DGMO after Lt Gen Ranbir Singh was appointed General Officer Commanding (GOC) of Mathura-based Strike 1 Corps. He is a native of Khatwar village under Kirtinagar block in Tehri Garhwal district of the Garhwal division. He completed his primary education from Hampton Court School and studied up to class XII at St George’s College. — TNS

Lt Gen Anil Kumar Bhatt hails from Tehri Garhwal

  • Lt Gen Bhatt has studied in St George’s College
  • He got the charge of DGMO after Lt Gen Ranbir Singh was appointed GOC, Strike 1 Corps