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An Air Force even Advanced Rafales wouldn’t save: IAF’s 12th crash in 2019

The Indian Air Force (IAF) lost yet another aircraft as a MiG-21 crashed during a routine training session near India’s Gwalior Air Force Base in Madhya Pradesh. This marks the third MiG-21 of the IAF that has crashed in the last six months alone

An Indian Air Force (IAF) MiG-21 crashed near the Gwalior Air Force Base, in India’s Madhya Pradesh region on Wednesday. Indian media reports revealed that the aircraft crashed during a routine training mission, and both the pilots aboard the MiG, a group captain and a squadron leader, ejected safely before the crash.

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The MiG-21 trainer aircraft belonged to the Indian Air Force (IAF) Tactics and Air Combat Development Establishment (TACDE) training school. The crash occurred around 10 am, near the IAF’s Gwalior Air Force Base.
12th IAF Crash in 2019

Speaking to the Press Trust of India, Rudolf Alvares, Bhind Superintendent of Police said, “The two pilots ejected safely, according to the information passed to us from the village head from the spot, some 60 km from the district headquarters.”

A report by Indian media outlet NDTV reveals that this is the 12th IAF crash this year alone, and the Indian Air Force authorities have ordered an inquiry into the crash in order to determine the cause of the accident.

The MiG-21 was first acquired by the IAF during the 1960s, shortly after the Sino-Indian War, and in 2006, it was upgraded to the MiG-21 Bison version.

Earlier in March, a MiG-21 of the IAF had crashed in Indian Rajasthan’s Bikaner area, and the pilot had managed to successfully eject the aircraft before the crash. Indian media reports revealed that the crash had occurred during a routine mission in the afternoon when the engine began experiencing technical issues.

It is interesting to note that the fighter aircraft flown by the captured Indian Wing Commander Abhinandan Varthaman, shot down by the Pakistan Air Force in the aerial dogfight that ensued on 27th February, was also part of the MiG-21 Bison fleet that is well past its retirement age, and has been maintained by the Indian Air Force with service life extensions, and recurrent upgrades.

MiG-21: Widow Maker

The MiG-21 is a Soviet-era single-engine multirole fighter attack airforce, and it forms the foundation of the fleet maintained by the Indian Air Force. The MiG-21 was first acquired by the IAF during the 1960s, shortly after the Sino-Indian War, and in 2006, it was upgraded to the MiG-21 Bison version.

An Indian media report reveals that the MiG-21 is the most accident-prone fighter aircraft in IAF’s possession, and around 14 MiG-21s have crashed during the period 2010 to 2013 alone. Its reputation for experiencing drastic technical issues and outdated systems has earned it the titles of “widow maker” or the “flying coffin”.

Read more: Indian Air Force lost 27 aircraft in crashes since 2016

The report by News18 stated, “Nearly an average of 12 accidents per year took place between 1971 and 2012. These aircrafts were to retire by mid-1980s but were upgraded to Bison standard, a modern fighter jet with a powerful multi-mode radar, better avionics and communications systems.”

Experts reveal that as an aircraft continues to age and is discarded by the technological innovators of the aircraft industry, old systems and their components begin to fail drastically. However, system components tend to have a longer life potential that the life of a certified fighter aircraft itself, therefore, authorities undertake service life extension programmes to reap maximum advantage from the aircraft.

Prabhatesh Tripathi@prabhatesh
 Unconfirmed images of MIG 21 crash in Gohad, Bhind Madhya Pradesh. @IAF_MCC @101reporters

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The report sheds light on IAF aircraft incidents, stating, “Around 14 MiG-21s have crashed between 2010 and 2013. During 2015-2018 there were a total of 24 IAF aircraft accidents leading to the death toll of 39.”

 


Forces fully prepared: Rajnath on reactivation of terror camps

Forces fully prepared: Rajnath on reactivation of terror camps

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh at the commissioning ceremony of Varaha in Chennai on Wednesday. PTI

Chennai, September 25

Two days after the Army Chief said terror camps in Pakistan were being reactivated, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Wednesday said Indian security forces were fully prepared to meet the situation.

He was responding to a query on Army Chief General Bipin Rawat’s statement on reactivation of terror camps in Balakot in neighbouring Pakistan.

“Don’t worry, our security forces are fully prepared,” he told reporters here.

Rawat had on Monday said, “Pakistan has reactivated the Balakot terror camp very recently and about 500 infiltrators were waiting to sneak into India.”

Early this year, tensions flared up between India and Pakistan after a suicide bomber of Pakistan-based JeM killed 40 CRPF personnel in Pulwama district.

Responding to another query about Punjab Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh seeking the Home Ministry’s help on incidents of Pakistan-origin drones dropping consignments of arms and ammunition, the Defence Minister said as far as the country’s security was concerned, the armed forces have the capability to defeat any such challenges.

In a tweet on Tuesday, Capt Amarinder said, “Recent incidents of Pakistan-origin drones dropping consignments of arms and ammunitions is a new and serious dimension on Pakistan’s sinister designs in aftermath of the abrogation of Article 370. Request @AmitShah ji to ensure that this drone problem is handled at the earliest.”

Meanwhile, the Defence Minister today formally commissioned the Coast Guard offshore patrol vessel “Varaha” at the Chennai Port Trust here.

After unveiling a plaque commemorating the commissioning ceremony, he said the state-of-the-art ship would be a force multiplier for the Indian Coast Guard, pointing out it has capabilities to operate twin engine ALH Helicopters developed indigenously by HAL.

Singh, who arrived here on Tuesday on a two-day visit, participated in the Investiture Ceremony of the Coast Guard.

“It is indeed reassuring to witness the growing strength of the Indian Coast Guard, the ‘Sentinals of our seas’ and capabilities of Larsen and Toubro Shipbuilding Ltd, one of the strong supporting pillars for production and maintenance of surface assets of our maritime forces,” he said.

He said the name “Varaha” from the puranas reminds one of the principles of sacrifice and rescue at sea, saving mother Earth, restoring harmony and strength. — PTI

‘Don’t repeat mistakes of 1965, 1971’ 

Jaipur: Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Wednesday said Pakistan should refrain from 1965 and 1971 mistakes of war against India. “I like to suggest Pakistan that it should not repeat its mistake of 1965 and 1971 wars. In the 1971 war, Pakistan was broken into two and Bangladesh was formed,” he warned while delivering a lecture on the 103rd birth anniversary of Pt Deendayal Upadhyay at Dhankya near here. Singh said Upadhyay had given a new direction to Indian politics and coordination.

 


Army Commander flags off capacity building tour

Army Commander flags off capacity building tour

Students from remote areas of Doda district visited Udhampur and interacted with the Army Commander of the Northern Command on Monday. Tribune photo

Tribune News Service
Doda, September 23

A capacity building tour was today flagged off by Brig NJ Singh, Commander, Sector 4 of the Army, to Chandigarh, Amritsar and other parts of north India.

A total of 40 students (20 boys and 20 girls) were a part of the tour.

The tour was organised by the Army’s Sector 4 under Operation Sadbhavana. Deputy Commissioner, Doda, Diofode Sagar Dattatray, Doda SSP Mumtaz and officials of the district administration and police were also present on the occasion.

During the tour, the students will visit various historical places, including the Golden temple in Amritsar, Rock Garden in Chandigarh and other areas. They will also meet GOC-in-C, Western Command, in Chandigarh.

Interacting with students, Brig NJ Singh asked them to take the benefit of the tour and learn in whatever way they can. He assured them of full support from the Army and said with this tour, they would get to know the diversity of the country.

Talking to the media, he said after many years, such a tour had been organised in which students of remote areas had been selected. Most of these students haven’t gone beyond Jammu and they have got their first opportunity to tour outside the state with the help of the Army

 


MoD set to open OFB for local, foreign firms

Move will turn OFB into public sector corporate entity and help increase exports

MoD set to open OFB for local, foreign firms

Photo for representational purpose only.

Tribune News Service
New Delhi, August 21

The Ministry of Defence intends to allow foreign and Indian Industry to tie up with Ordnance factories to produce military equipment.

The proposed transformation is to turn the Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) into a public sector corporate entity and help increase export market, self-reliance and add latest technology and innovation.

The OFB is a subordinate or attached office of the Department of Defence Production. It has 41 Ordnance factories, nine training institutes, three regional marketing centres, and four Regional Controllers of Safety working under it. 

The principal products of OFB include tanks and armoured vehicles, artillery guns, small arms and weapons.

Corporatised Ordnance factories may not require finances from the government to fund modernisation and R&D. Ordnance factohave been facing the performance issues for a long time, officials said. The high cost of OFB products is due to high overhead charges and there’s minimal innovation and technology development.

The subject of restructuring of OFB has been examined by various committees. One of them even suggested that the OFB needs to have integrated responsibility for all functions and requires new mode of thinking and decision-making. This corporation will not mean privatisation but will bring about functional autonomy and make them accountable.

 


Martyr’s statue damaged

Martyr’s statue damaged

The damaged statue of a martyr at Pahari village. Tribune photo

Our Correspondent

Gurugram, August 7

Tension gripped Pahari village near Pataudi today after a statue of a martyred Army man installed in a local temple was damaged.

Some other idols were also damaged in the temple by unidentified persons. The villagers staged a protest but were pacified by the police.

Early morning today, villagers found that the statue of Anil Kumar (martyred in 2007) and idol of Radha-Krishna installed in the local temple were damaged.

They called the police and on the complaint of Sarpanch Pradeep Kumar, an FIR was registered against unidentified persons under Section 295 (defiling place of worship with intent to insult the religion of any class) of IPC at Pataudi police station. When the villagers staged a protest, a police team headed by Rajesh Kumar, DCP (Manesar), and Rajesh Prajapati, SDM, Pataudi, went there and pacified them


The United States Can’t Solve the Kashmir Dispute

By Sumit Ganguly
On July 22, during a White House meeting with Pakistani Prime Minister Imran Khan, U.S. President Donald Trump made a surprise offer to mediate the long-running dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir. “It is impossible to believe,” Trump said, “that two incredible countries who are very, very smart with very smart leadership can’t solve a problem like that. If you would want me to mediate or arbitrate, I would be willing to do it.”
Even more surprising, Trump claimed that Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi had sought his intervention in the matter. For informed observers, this claim was hard to believe. And indeed, within hours of Trump’s statement, India’s foreign minister strenuously denied that Modi had made any such suggestion. More to the point, he reiterated India’s long-standing position that the Kashmir dispute must be solved through strictly bilateral negotiations between India and Pakistan. Modi, probably wanting to avoid implying that Trump was a liar, maintained a studious silence.
Trump’s offer, however ill-advised, was hardly the first U.S. attempt to intercede in Kashmir. Over the past six decades, successive U.S. administrations have tried to make headway on the dispute. Those efforts all failed—and Trump’s is unlikely to turn out differently.
INDIA’S WAY OR THE HIGHWAY
India and Pakistan have both claimed Kashmir, a majority-Muslim region in the north of the Indian subcontinent, since the two countries’ partition in 1947. India has de facto control over about 55 percent of the region and the majority of its population; Pakistan controls around 30 percent and China the remaining 15 percent. The dispute over the region has led to three wars and countless skirmishes and stands as a permanent threat to stability in South Asia—one that is especially dangerous, given that both India and Pakistan are nuclear armed.
The United States first attempted to mediate the Kashmir dispute in 1962. China and India had just fought a disastrous border war, in which the Chinese People’s Liberation Army routed a poorly armed and ill-prepared Indian Army. New Delhi turned to Washington for military assistance. At the time, Pakistan was an important Cold War ally of the United States, and Pakistani President Ayub Khan, aware of India’s vulnerable position, convinced the administration of U.S. President John F. Kennedy to prod India into negotiations over Kashmir. In coordination with the British, Kennedy dispatched Averell Harriman, the noted diplomat and former ambassador to the Soviet Union, to New Delhi.
The Sino-Indian war had left Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru emotionally broken and politically weak. Dependent on diplomatic goodwill and defense supplies from both the United States and the United Kingdom, he allowed himself to be cajoled into talks over Kashmir. Between 1962 and 1963, India and Pakistan held six rounds of negotiations. India was willing to make significant territorial concessions under Anglo-American pressure, but even these were not enough to meet Pakistan’s expansive demands. The talks ended in a deadlock.Since 1972, no Indian government has ever evinced the slightest willingness to allow any foreign power to broker an understanding with Pakistan on Kashmir.
Having seen these talks reach an impasse despite its willingness to compromise, India hardened its position on external interference in Kashmir, fearing that outside powers would force it to offer concessions to Pakistan, the weaker party. The last time New Delhi allowed a foreign power to restore normal Indian-Pakistani diplomatic relations came after the Indo-Pakistani war of 1965, in which Pakistani forces had invaded Indian-controlled Kashmir only to be fought to a standstill. With the United States distracted by the Vietnam War, the Soviet Union helped broker a cease-fire that ultimately led to the 1966 Tashkent Agreement, restoring the prewar status quo.
After the third Indo-Pakistani war in 1971, India became fully committed to preventing external mediation. When the two sides met in 1972 to discuss the postwar settlement, negotiations were limited—at India’s insistence—to Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and Pakistani President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, along with a handful of trusted aides. The resulting settlement, the Simla Agreement, stated that the two countries would “settle their differences by peaceful means through bilateral negotiations.”
From New Delhi’s perspective, this agreement enshrined the principle that all future discussions about Kashmir must be conducted on a strictly bilateral basis. Since 1972, no Indian government has ever evinced the slightest willingness to allow any foreign power, especially the United States, to broker an understanding with Pakistan on Kashmir. India is convinced that it can extract better terms through bilateral negotiations, and it is suspicious that Washington is too close to Islamabad.
Pakistan has resisted this particular interpretation of the Simla Agreement. Instead, recognizing its weakness vis-à-vis India, it has constantly sought to bring in the United States as a mediator. In 1999, for instance, as the fourth Indo-Pakistani war was drawing to a close, Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif flew to Washington to seek American intercession. U.S. President Bill Clinton met with Sharif, but—much to Sharif’s dismay—he unequivocally branded Pakistan the aggressor in the conflict. At Sharif’s insistence, Clinton nevertheless offered to look into the Kashmir dispute. Yet he never followed through, dropping the subject for the brief remainder of his presidency.
Subsequent U.S. administrations have tried to revisit the Kashmir issue, despite intransigent opposition from New Delhi. In 2009, for instance, India embarked on a vigorous diplomatic offensive just as the administration of President Barack Obama was preparing to appoint Richard Holbrooke, the veteran diplomat, as the White House’s special representative for Afghanistan and Pakistan. Some within the administration were convinced that settling the Kashmir issue—and thus soothing Pakistan’s fear of India—would help elicit Pakistani cooperation on Afghanistan. Yet New Delhi, having gotten word that Holbrooke was pushing to include Kashmir in his diplomatic portfolio, explained to the United States that such a move “smacked of interference and was unacceptable” to India. The Obama administration quietly abandoned the idea.
KNOW YOUR LIMITS
Trump (or some in his administration) may believe that the dramatic growth in U.S.-Indian engagement over the past two decades, combined with the president’s personal rapport with Modi, provides this White House with an opportunity to succeed where all of its predecessors have failed. Certainly, Pakistan is trying to convince Trump that this is the case. Yet there are compelling reasons to think otherwise.
India’s permanent foreign policy bureaucracy has a long institutional memory and is extremely resistant to drastic policy shifts. It is likely to advise Modi against caving to the United States, given that India’s current policy has prevented it from being forced into concessions to Pakistan for nearly five decades. India’s new foreign minister, Subrahmanyam Jaishankar, is a career diplomat who shares the bureaucracy’s suspicions regarding foreign, and particularly American, mediation.
No Indian government—and especially not one, like Modi’s, that has assumed a hawkish stance toward Pakistan—will yield any ground on this issue. Already the U.S. State Department seems to have acknowledged reality, stating on July 22 that it believes the Kashmir dispute is a “bilateral” issue between India and Pakistan.
Trump should heed his own State Department’s advice. Pushing New Delhi on Kashmir will get him nothing except a public failure and a damaged U.S.-Indian partnership.

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Revisiting Kargil, the words zone

From personal stories to letters sent home by soldiers, here’s a look at books on the 1999 war

CHANDIGARH: In the countdown to Kargil Vijay Diwas, on July 26, we got to read thousands of stories, firsthand accounts and trivia about the war. A friend of mine, too young to remember the war to reclaim the Kargil Sector that had been taken over by Pakistani insurgents, hit local bookstores and libraries with gusto, me in tow.

ARCHIVES■ July 26, 1999: Indigenous Milan missile targeted at enemy positions in Kargil’s Drass Sector.

Those wanting to revisit the conflict may want to first pick up Punjab chief minister Captain Amarinder Singh’s A Ridge Too Far: War In The Kargil Heights, which has detailed studies of all the battles that were fought during the war.

General VP Malik (retd), chief of the Army staff from 1997- 2000, provides a personal account of the war in his book Kargil: From Surprise To Victory, which is a must-read, says Ajay Arora, proprietor of Capital Book Depot, in Sector 17. Malik, who was instrumental in planning and coordinating the military operations, gives an interesting insight into the crucial war.

Pankaj P Singh, owner of The Browser Library and Bookstore in Sector 8, recommends Colonel SC Tyagi’s The Kargil Victory: Battles From Peak To Peak.

However, an account of the Kargil is grossly incomplete without reading the Pakistani version of the war. Nasim Zehra’s From Kargil To The Coup: Events That Shook Pakistan and Witness To Blunder: Kargil Story Unfolds by Col Ashfaq Hussain of Pakistan’s media wing, Inter-Services Public Relations, also give one a glimpse of the happenings across the border.

Ever wondered what goes on in the minds of soldiers when the hopes of the nation and the fate of their comrades rest on their shoulders? Lt Gen Mohinder Puri’s Kargil: Turning The Tide is a gripping account of the operations of 8 Mountain Division, which was tasked to evict the enemy from the Drass-Mushkoh Sector.

Twenty years on, it isn’t just the war but its impact on the soldiers and their families that has to be understood. Letters From Kargil: The Kargil War Through Our Soldiers’ Eyes is an epistolary account of the war. Author Diksha Dwivedi in her bookgives readers an insight into the soldiers’ lives through letters posted to their loved ones. Lt Praveen Tomar writes home to say “Baptism by fire makes you a man,” and when the war is over he exults, “We did it and we did in style.”

Other books being read in the tricity are India’s Most Fearless by Shiv Aroor and Rahul Singh; A Soldier’s Diary Kargil: The Inside Story by Harinder Baweja and The Brave: Param Vir Chakra Stories by Rachna Bisht.


Attrition in armed forces is more of a myth

More and more service officers are coming from middle and lower-middle-class backgrounds and have legitimate career aspirations. Most officers retire in early-to-mid-fifties and have family responsibilities. The organisational pyramid in the armed forces is quite steep and many bright and deserving officers miss out on board proceedings for higher promotions.

Attrition in armed forces is more of a myth

Choice: The absence of vertical movement avenues goads officers to move laterally.

Bhartendu Kumar Singh
Indian Defence Accounts Service

For long, we have been fed with narratives that the armed forces are suffering from a high level of attrition, where more officers are calling quits. However, recent statistics show that the number of officers who left the defence services voluntarily in the last three years is minuscule and nearly constant: 677 in 2016; 725 in 2017; and 698 in 2018. What is worrying is the continued phobia and artificial concern about the ‘ghost of attrition’ and non-recognition of its positive and dynamic relationship with India’s emerging, vibrant and mature economy.

Established narratives on attrition consider it a bad element for the individual and collective morale of the armed forces. Attrition is often propagated as a major manpower concern for the armed forces. Such narratives are, however, bereft of facts, figures and actual justifications and do not confirm to contemporary trends in normative economics. Also, the impact of the so-called attrition has not been empirically established on issues such as the operational preparedness of the armed forces.

On the other hand, modern managerial principles treat attrition as a part and parcel of the organisational culture. Attrition brings dynamism, agility and mobility to individuals. Organisations are challenged to create an attractive work culture in response. From this perspective, attrition is good since it allows the servicemen and armed forces to retain dynamism and make the best of opportunities. There are credible reasons why established perspectives on attrition amongst officers are not true. 

First, the armed forces are supposed to be a reflection of larger social structure. However, the social profile of the service officers as well as the armed forces has changed in the last few decades. Unlike the old generation military elites who eschewed integration with the civil society even after retirement, the new generation of officers is uncomfortable with the garrison mindset and favours greater integration with civil society. They also detest some archival practices in services, like the overbearing and intrusive influence of the wives’ welfare associations. Some of them have working spouses who find it very difficult to adjust with frequent transfers.

Second, as Morris Janowitz rightly predicted, there has been an increasing narrowing of skill differentiation between military and civil elites; an outgrowth of increasing concentration of technical specialists in the military. Service officers who perform such technical tasks have direct civilian equivalents: engineers, signal experts, doctors, logistics experts etc. Technological developments in the last few decades have led to the ‘civilianisation’ of the military profession due to the blurring of differences with the civil side. The organisational culture that characterises civil jobs has, therefore, permeated the military side. Concurrently, military professionals perceive ‘careerism’ in the same fashion as their civilian counterparts. 

Third, more and more service officers are coming from middle and lower-middle class backgrounds and have legitimate career aspirations. Most officers retire in their early-to-mid-fifties and have family responsibilities. The organisational pyramid in the armed forces is quite steep and many bright and deserving officers miss out on board proceedings for higher promotions. The absence of vertical movement avenues goads them to move laterally, as and when opportunity knocks their doors.

Fourth, attrition is a given fact in developed economies like the US and UK. The military career is transitional for young men after graduation as they settle down in different professions after putting in variable years of military service. Military experience is valued by corporates and duly rewarded. Post 1991, the private sector in India has also become vibrant, mature and, in some cases, fatally attractive. Jobs have grown in public and corporate sectors, apart from entrepreneurship opportunities. Service officers are qualified and experienced enough to handle these jobs. This makes transition through attrition possible.

Critics of attrition forget that it is a social investment where some of the best trained, physically fit and highly disciplined professionals transit to civil society. As Samuel S Huntington wrote, “military function requires high order of expertise. No individual, whatever his inherent intellectual ability and quality of character and leadership, could perform these functions efficiently without considerable training and experience.”

Regrettably, we recognise their contributions only during wars or crisis situations with neighbours and mostly remain insensitive to their continuous training and exposure to security-building exercises. We do have examples of many prominent figures in public life, strategic writings, defence journalism and commercial flying who left the armed forces midway and have done quite well in alternative careers. Attrition is, therefore, a rational choice by officers and attempted only when the scope for upward mobility or betterment in personal life is assured. The society also benefits in process.

It emerges, therefore, that attrition affects the armed forces like other organisations in the public and private sectors and we need not overtly worry about it since the proportions have not reached the alarming level and create stress for manpower planning in services. Instead of perceiving armed forces officers as mere specialists in ‘management of violence’ and suitable only for security-related jobs, we should develop the right perceptions regarding them as specialists in many other segments.

Also, despite public policy efforts like pre-retirement professional education and training, reservation and weightage in jobs etc, institutional mechanisms for facilitating transition of retiring officers into civil society have not moved beyond the public sector. The private sector is still insensitive and accords little credence to incoming military experience.

Finally, our policy discourse needs to discuss ways and means for making attrition more attractive for short-service officers who need a second career more than anyone else and are faced with an uncertain job market when they leave the services in their mid-thirties.

It is time for a paradigm change in perceptions about attrition that is in response to socio-economic changes, re-defined civil-military relations, and above all, legitimate aspirations of service officers for themselves and their families. We need more policy support to make it a win-win situation for officers and society at large.

(Views are personal)

 

 

 


Ban on ‘army’, ‘police’, ‘VIP’ stickers on vehicles

LUDHIANA : Commissioner of police Sukhchain Singh Gill on Thursday banned pasting of ‘police’, ‘army’ and other ‘VIP’ stickers on private vehicles without authority. According to the police chief, anti-social elements and criminals can take advantage of such stickers and words on vehicles and threaten the law and order situation in the city.

DON’T COVER FACE WHILE COMMUTING ON ROADS

The commissioner of police has extended the ban on covering the face while driving or walking on the road perceiving it as a threat to the law and order situation.

Issuing the orders under Section 144 of the Code of Criminal Procedure (CrPC), the police commissioner said miscreants covered their faces to execute crimes, making it impossible for the police to identify them, adding that the violation of the ban will invite penalty.

The ban will last for two months, though the people with allergies or other medical conditions have been exempted.

KEEP RECORD OF BUYERS OF ARMY PRINTED CLOTHES

The commissioner of police also issued orders to shopkeepers to keep record of the buyers of army print clothes and uniform under Section 144 of the CrPC. The commissioner said the shopkeepers sell army print clothes and uniform, but do not keep record of the sale. Anti-social elements can misuse and commit crime in the city by wearing army and paramilitary uniform.

The commissioner ordered shopkeepers to keep picture, identification proof and mobile phone of buyers while selling army uniforms. The shopkeepers will also keep a record of the stock and will submit the same with police stations concerned .

INSTALL CCTV CAMERAS The police chief also ordered owners of petrol pumps, LPG gas agencies, marriage palaces and money exchangers to install CCTV cameras in their premises. The police chief said that as theses establishments possess cash, miscreants target them for robbing cash. They need to be more vigilant to avoid such incidents.

TRANSFER OWNERSHIP OF SECOND HAND VEHICLES

The commissioner also ordered to transfer the ownership of second hand vehicles to the name of buyers within 30 days of the purchase of vehicles. The police chief added that the miscreants used to buy second hand vehicles and do not get them transferred it to their names. Later, they use such vehicles in criminal activities.

NO ENTRY FOR HEAVY VEHICLES IN DAY TIME To reduce traffic snarls in the city, the commissioner has banned the entry of heavy commercial vehicles in the areas falling under the jurisdiction of the municipal corporation from 8am to 10:30pm.

However, light and medium vehicles, such as pick-up trucks, are permitted to ply on city roads from 12pm to 5pm.

BAN ON SALE OF PLASTIC KITE STRING Gill has also extended the ban on the sale and storage of Chinese kite string under Section 144 of the CrPC terming the string as dangerous for humans and animals. The commissioner said violators would ill face stern police action. Many commuters suffer injuries on face and neck after getting entangled in the strings while riding two-wheelers. Many birds have reportedly died after getting entangled in the deadly string, he said.