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The party announces ‘Jaihind Sabhas’ in the last week of May to highlight the government’s failures post Pahalgam terror attack

Ubeer Naqushbandi Tribune News Service

The Congress on Wednesday alleged that Prime Minister Narendra Modi failed to build a political narrative globally after the country’s armed forces’ ‘excellent job’ of dismantling terror infrastructure inside Pakistan through ‘Operation Sindoor’.

हम जीत रहे थे, हमारी फौज पाकिस्तान के ड्रोन-मिसाइल और बाकी सभी तरह के हमलों को नाकाम कर रही थी…

लड़ाई का चौथा दिन था, लेकिन तभी शाम होते-होते अचानक सीजफायर की घोषणा कर दी गई।

सीजफायर की घोषणा अमेरिका की धरती से की गई, जो हमारे लिए शर्म की बात है। इस पूरे हालात में देश एकजुट… pic.twitter.com/RxCUPoqqv2

— COL Rohit Chaudhry (@ColRohitChaudry) May 21, 2025

The Congress has also announced ‘Jaihind Sabhas’ in the last week of May to highlight the government’s failures post Pahalgam terror attack.

The party said the ‘sabhas’ will be held across 16 places in the country, and will put 11 questions before PM Modi concerning the events following the sudden ceasefire on May 10.

Congress leader Colonel Rohit Choudhary, who also heads the party’s wing of retired ex-servicemen, said, “Our security forces delivered an excellent result by launching ‘Operation Sindoor’. However, PM Modi failed to translate this military success into a political message globally. Additionally, the Navy capabilities were not fully utilised – the responsibility for this lies with the Prime Minister.”

Choudhary also raised questions about the ‘surprising’ ceasefire on May 10, announced by US President Donald Trump.

“We were in an advantageous position on May 10. Why was the ceasefire accepted, and that too announced by another country’s president (Donald Trump)? He was not rebutted by PM Modi which is a silent way of endorsing it. Where is your spine, Modi ji? Why allow third party mediation and thereby violate the Simla Pact?” he asked.

“President Trump mentioned trade talks five-six times. You have done deal with ‘sindoor’ (vermillion) of this country. Show courage like Indira Gandhiji did,” he said.

On Pahalgam terror attack, the Congress leader termed it an “intelligence failure” for which Home Minister Amit Shah is responsible.“Between April 6 to 7, the Home Minister held security review. On April 17, the Prime Minister’s visit to Jammu and Kashmir was cancelled. It is a failure of intelligence agencies and government,” he said.

Lt Gen Sumer Ivan D’Cunha, Director General of Army Air Defence, on Monday highlighted the country’s military capabilities and stated that India possesses the arsenal capability of striking targets across the full depth of Pakistan in the backdrop of Operation Sindoor.

New Delhi [India], May 19 (ANI): Lt Gen Sumer Ivan D’Cunha, Director General of Army Air Defence, on Monday highlighted the country’s military capabilities and stated that India possesses the arsenal capability of striking targets across the full depth of Pakistan in the backdrop of Operation Sindoor.

In an interview with ANI, Lt Gen D’Cunha said, “The whole of Pakistan is within range.” He stated that even if they relocate the Pakistan Army’s General Headquarters (GHQ) from Rawalpindi to regions like Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KPK), they will have to “find a deep hole.”

India’s offensive strikes during Operation Sindoor targeted key Pakistani airbases with precision, utilising loitering munitions to destroy high-value targets.

Lt Gen D’Cunha said, “I just like to say that India has an adequate arsenal of weapons to take on Pakistan right across its depth. So, from its broadest to its narrowest, wherever it is, the whole of Pakistan is within range. We are absolutely capable, from our borders or even in depth, where we can take on the entire Pakistan. And the GHQ can move from Rawalpindi to KPK or wherever they want to move, but they are all within range, so they will have to really find a deep hole.”

Modern indigenous technology, including long-range drones and guided munitions, played a crucial role in the operation’s success.

Lt Gen D’Cunha further underscored that the armed forces’ primary duty is protecting the nation’s sovereignty and its people.

“Our job is to protect our sovereignty, our people… So, I think that the very fact that we have been able to protect our motherland from this onslaught, which was aimed at causing a lot of problems in population centers and in our cantonments, the very fact that we have given this reassurance to our people, not only to our civil population… a lot of our own jawans, officers, wives were staying in cantonments. And they were also equally concerned about these drone attacks. And the very fact that we ensured that this did not manifest in any casualties, I am sure it not only made the soldier feel proud, it made the families feel proud. And finally, the population of India feel proud. I think that’s the takeaway.”

India’s Operation Sindoor showcased its preparedness in modern warfare, particularly in neutralising drones and other advanced technologies.

The operation highlighted India’s integrated command structures, enabling seamless coordination between different military branches.

Operation Sindoor reflected India’s “Shishupala Doctrine,” which involves exercising patience until a predefined threshold of provocation is crossed, followed by decisive action.

The operation shifted from reactive defence to proactive security doctrine, showcasing India’s willingness to take bold action against terrorism. (ANI)

(The story has come from a syndicated feed and has not been edited by the Tribune Staff.)

Addresses first public rally in Rajasthan after Operation Sindoor

Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday asserted that the country’s enemies have learnt what happens when ‘sindoor’ becomes ‘barood’ (gunpowder) and lauded India’s armed forces for creating such a trap that Pakistan was forced to go down on its knees.

In his first public address in Rajasthan after Operation Sindoor that was launched in the aftermath of the Pahalgam attack, the Prime Minister slammed Pakistan, and said in response to the attack on April 22, “we destroyed nine biggest terror hideouts in 22 minutes”.

“The world and the enemies of the country have seen what happens when sindoor turns into ‘barood’ (gunpowder),” he said.Before his address, the Prime Minister inaugurated and laid the foundation stone for multiple development projects worth Rs 26,000 crore.

Referring to the April 22 attack, PM Modi stated that while the bullets were fired in Pahalgam, they pierced the hearts of 140 crore Indians, uniting the entire nation in its resolve to fight terrorism.

He also highlighted a significant coincidence — five years ago, following the Balakot air strike, his first public rally was held in Rajasthan. Similarly, after the recent Operation Sindoor, his first rally is once again in Rajasthan, this time in Bikaner, reaffirming the state’s deep-rooted legacy of valor and patriotism.

In an apparent reference to Pakistan, the Prime Minister stated that those who assumed India would remain silent are now in hiding, while those who once boasted about their weapons now lie buried beneath the rubble.”Those who sought to erase the sacred sindoor have been reduced to dust, and those who shed India’s blood have now paid the ultimate price,” he said.

Modi stated that Operation Sindoor was not an act of revenge, but a new form of justice. He remarked that it was not merely an expression of outrage, but a powerful demonstration of India’s unwavering strength and determination.

He asserted that the nation has adopted a bold approach, striking the enemy directly and decisively. “Crushing terrorism is not just a strategy but a principle. This is India, this is the new India,” the Prime Minister said.

Outlining the three key principles established through Operation Sindoor in India’s fight against terrorism, PM Modi stated the first principle: any terrorist attack on India would be met with a decisive response, with the timing, method, and terms determined solely by India’s Armed Forces.

Second, he asserted that India would not be intimidated by nuclear threats. Third, he emphasised that India would no longer differentiate between terrorist masterminds and the governments that support them, rejecting Pakistan’s distinction between state and non-state actors.

Highlighting ongoing global efforts to expose Pakistan’s role in fostering terrorism, the Prime Minister added that seven distinct groups, comprising leaders from various political parties and foreign policy experts, are actively working to present Pakistan’s true face to the world.

PM Modi asserted that Pakistan can never win a direct confrontation with India.

“Pakistan has long used terrorism as a weapon against India, resorting to violence and creating an atmosphere of fear. Any terrorist attack on India will result in severe consequences, with Pakistan paying a heavy price—felt in its military and its economy,” the Prime Minister said.

India carried out precision strikes under Operation Sindoor on terror infrastructure early on May 7 in response to the April 22 Pahalgam terror attack that killed 26 people.

Following the Indian action, Pakistan attempted to attack Indian military bases on May 8, 9 and 10. The Indian forces launched a fierce counter-attack on several Pakistani military installations.

India and Pakistan reached an understanding on May 10 to end the military confrontation after four days of intense cross-border drone and missile strikes.

A month has passed since the Pahalgam terror attack, yet security forces have not been able to eliminate the terrorists responsible for killing 25 tourists and a local ‘ponywala’. Following the incident, massive combing operations were launched in the forests…

Adil Akhzer Our Correspondent

A month has passed since the Pahalgam terror attack, yet security forces have not been able to eliminate the terrorists responsible for killing 25 tourists and a local ‘ponywala’.

Following the incident, massive combing operations were launched in the forests of south Kashmir to track down the perpetrators of the Baisaran attack. However, the efforts have yielded little success so far.

The current outcome stands in contrast to the aftermath of the 2019 Pulwama suicide bombing, when security forces neutralized Kamran alias Ghazi Rasheed — believed to be the mastermind behind the attack — within 100 hours.

Security sources say that while efforts to hunt down the Pahalgam attackers are ongoing, changes in militant strategy over recent years — particularly a shift toward jungle warfare — have contributed to the delay in locating and eliminating the terrorists.

Counter-insurgency officials in the Valley cite multiple factors that differentiate the current situation from the Pulwama attack, in which 40 CRPF personnel lost their lives. Officials point out that the forest cover in parts of south Kashmir, along with the mountainous terrain connecting it to the Jammu region, is so dense that visibility in some areas drops to less than five meters.

“The forest is so thick that it’s difficult to see beyond a few meters,” a police officer said. “There are places where even sunlight doesn’t penetrate the tree cover.”

Sources added that the dense vegetation also hampers the effectiveness of surveillance tools like drones, which struggle to navigate the terrain — giving the militants a strategic advantage.

Unlike the Pulwama operation, which was carried out in urban areas, the Pahalgam attackers retreated into dense forests that offer natural shelter and make tracking more difficult. Additionally, officers note that modern militants are leaving no digital footprints and are using discreet communication methods that are extremely hard to intercept.

“They are making minimal or no use of traditional communication devices. Even if we manage to break into their communication channels, we are often unable to pinpoint their exact location,” an officer said.

Despite the challenges, security forces say efforts are ongoing. According to officials, the attackers include two Pakistani nationals and a local militant affiliated with the Lashkar-e-Taiba outfit. They have been identified as Adil Hussain Thokar of Anantnag district, and Ali Bahi alias Talha Bahi, and Hashim Musa alias Suleman — both from Pakistan.

In addition to large-scale combing operations, over two thousand individuals have been detained in a sweeping crackdown. These efforts are beginning to show results. Last week, security forces killed six terrorists from two different outfits in separate anti-terror operations. One of these encounters took place in the forests of Shopian.

“Troops on the ground are doing everything possible to hunt down the terrorists. Multiple agencies are working together, and we remain hopeful of neutralising the attackers soon,” said a senior officer based in south Kashmir.

PM Modi explicitly saying that India would not tolerate nuclear blackmail is a new doctrinal assertion in the past 40 years

Manoj Joshi

LIKE Banquo’s ghost in Macbeth, the spectre of nuclear weapons has hovered over India-Pakistan conflicts in recent decades. Notwithstanding disclaimers, it does so over the Operation Sindoor strikes as well.

Looking back, the risk of an actual nuclear outbreak seems to be low, almost negligible. But as the events unfolded, several pathways that could have led to that dreaded event became visible.

The urgency of addressing these pathways seems to have prompted the US to shift from its arms-length posture to active diplomacy and help broker a ceasefire. The Indian proposition is that the ceasefire was reached bilaterally, but it’s apparent that it was brokered by Uncle Sam, who does not tire of reminding us about it.

On May 12, speaking at the White House on the eve of his visit to Qatar, US President Trump declared, “My administration helped broker a full and immediate ceasefire, I think a permanent one, between India and Pakistan, ending a dangerous conflict of two nations with lots of nuclear weapons.” The previous day, he praised the Indian and Pakistani leadership for ending the “current aggression” and said “millions of good and innocent people could have died.”

Even before the crisis escalated, Pakistan had hinted at a nuclear response. Following the suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) by India, a statement from the Pakistan Prime Minister’s office said any attempt to stop or divert the waters would be considered as an act of war “and responded to with full force across the complete spectrum of national power.” This reference to “complete spectrum” clearly related to nuclear weapons.

Then, as the crisis escalated, Pakistan sent more nuclear signals. On May 10, Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif called a meeting of the National Command Authority, the top body that takes decisions on the country’s security as well as those related to nuclear weapons. This was later conveniently denied by Pakistan.

There was a lot of misinformation swirling around developments relating to nuclear weapons. One came from the landing of a Beechcraft Super King Air 350 aircraft — purportedly of the US Department of Energy — in Sargodha shortly after an Indian strike on Kirana Hills, where some Pakistani nuclear weapons are reportedly stored. It transpired later that this aircraft, which did belong to the US agency, had been bought by Pakistan in 2010 and its presence had nothing to do with anything nuclear.

India denied that it conducted a strike on Kirana Hills, a mountain range located about 15 km from the Mushaf airbase near Sargodha, which it did strike. But there is evidence of two hits near the entrance of the facilities at Kirana Hills. Let’s be clear their strikes on Nur Khan base near Rawalpindi, Malir near Karachi and on Kirana Hills was clear messaging since these facilities are host or adjacent to facilities relating to nuclear weapons.

This became explicit on May 12 when Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in his address to the nation, declared that “India will not tolerate nuclear blackmail. India will strike precisely and decisively at the terrorist hideouts developing under the cover of nuclear blackmail.”

This is a new doctrinal assertion, since in the past 40 years in which India has suffered from cross-border terrorism, it was the nuclear factor that had stayed the Indian hand. On May 13, in his official briefing, Ministry of External Affairs spokesperson Randhir Jaiswal rejected Trump’s account of the ceasefire and also insisted that “the military action was entirely in the conventional domain.”

India has a nuclear doctrine, which says that its nuclear weapons are only for retaliation against a nuclear, chemical or biological weapon attack on India or Indian forces anywhere. Pakistan does not have an enunciated doctrine, but it has asserted at various times that India is the target of its weapons, which will be used if it suffered major territorial loss, destruction of key military assets or economic strangulation.

It would be foolhardy to ignore the prospect of a nuclear war even if there is a self-conscious effort to keep it in the conventional domain. These dangers have been evident in the recent Indian strikes on Pakistani Air Force (PAF) facilities. The Op Sindoor strikes were limited — they initially struck at terrorist facilities, and hit Pakistani military facilities only after the PAF launched attacks on Indian aircraft over Indian territory. All this was limited to the 48 or so hours of the main conflict.

In an actual war, even one that lasts two or three weeks, the bombing would be much more intense. This is where problems can occur. As of now, India keeps its nuclear weapons de-mated — the weapon and the fissile core separate — so as to promote nuclear safety and political oversight. But in the case of Pakistan, where the military runs the show, both the weapons and cores are mated and held by the Army.

The big danger in an all-out war, even if India intends to keep it entirely conventional, is that it may inadvertently end up hitting a large number of nuclear weapons storage sites using weapons like the SCALP (Storm Shadow), Crystal Maze and Paveway-type bombs that can penetrate fortified bunkers. Without intending to do so, it may degrade the Pakistani nuclear arsenal to the point where the country is confronted with a “use it or lose it” dilemma. In this event, it may find itself being compelled to escalate things to the use of nuclear weapons.

Manoj Joshi is Distinguished Fellow, Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi.

The promotion of Gen Asim Munir to the rank of Field Marshal is very clearly an indication of the consolidation of the military’s position in Pakistan.

TCA Raghavan

THERE is something about epigrams, coined for different contexts and geographies, and the explanatory and analytical capacity they show with regard to Pakistan. The elevation of General Asim Munir to Field Marshal status readily evokes French political philosopher Voltaire, who, in describing central Europe in the 18th century, had noted: “Some states have an army, the Prussian army has a state.” For those who study Pakistan, this seems unusually apposite to describe a Prussian-type entity from the mid-20th century South Asia.

Similarly, British historian AJP Taylor, characterising Germany during the 1848 “revolutions” in Europe, had noted of that conjuncture: “German history reached its turning point and failed to turn.” Again, this seems a tailor-made analysis of our western neighbour and the numerous times that it has continued on a particular path, notwithstanding all expectations that it was on the threshold of change. Thus, quite regardless of its breakup in 1971 or numerous other traumas such as the assassination of Benazir Bhutto in 2007, Pakistan’s tryst with the military and with terrorism has continued undeterred.

Natwar Singh, former High Commissioner to Pakistan, former Foreign Minister and a gifted litterateur and writer, also realised the value of epigrams to capture that frustrating and enigmatic quality of India-Pakistan relations. “The future lies in the past,” he once cryptically noted about the inner dynamic of India-Pakistan relations.

Has the recently ended 17-day crisis in April-May 2025 caused by a most egregious terrorist attack on innocent tourists altered that dynamic? Some novel elements do stand out in the otherwise sterile and repetitive world of India-Pakistan relations. The announcement regarding keeping the Indus Waters Treaty in abeyance fans a key Pakistani anxiety. Its message is equally clear — providing sanctuary and support to terrorist groups means that no aspect of the India-Pakistan interface will be left untouched.

For most, perhaps all, Pakistanis, this announcement is the ultimate act of bad faith and the conviction that its lower riparian rights are being trampled upon. To many Indians, this was a long overdue measure and its delayed invocation only underlines the latitude Pakistan has enjoyed to provoke and harm India.

The May 7 strikes on Muridke, Bahawalpur and other locations also represent a change. In the past, as in the case of the 2016 surgical strikes or the 2019 Balakot air strike, the targets were either adjoining the border or the LoC or relatively remote places.

The May 7 locations were hardly that. The underlying message is also self-evident — that India’s counter-terrorism response would henceforth cover the whole of Pakistan and no part of its territory can be considered safe sanctuary for terrorist groups.

How strongly have these messages registered? It is tempting to think that the alacrity with which Pakistan accepted the cessation of hostilities suggests that it has understood a new reality has emerged. But such a conclusion may also be premature.

To many Pakistanis, India has behaved in much the same way as it always has and nothing therefore has changed. Insofar as the mood in Pakistan can be read, it appears bellicose about having stood up to “India’s aggression” both militarily and diplomatically.

To a narrower but still significant section, the fact that the United States has spoken at the highest levels about mediating in the Kashmir dispute and that the IMF tranche release went through without a hitch despite India’s opposition suggests that Pakistan has come out on top from the April-May crisis.

This may well be delusional, but a certain amount of this kind of thinking has always had deep roots in Pakistan. In any event, there is so far little sign of it being chastened or introspective about where its policies are leading the country. If there are contrary sentiments, for the moment at least, they remain deeply buried and are not visible to the outside world.

That the two countries can read a particular set of events completely differently is also not new. Indian and Pakistani narratives about 1965, 1971, Kargil, and in fact of each of the crisis situations that have occurred in the past, remain radically opposed.

So what has changed, given the long history of acrimony, conflict and markedly different readings of the same event that has been so representative of the India-Pakistan interface? Perhaps, the most significant change is the mood in India, with a willingness to go further than before in inflicting punishment on Pakistan for its repeated transgressions.

This new mood may be the result of different factors and forces. One of these certainly is the confidence which has emerged from the consistently growing asymmetry between the two countries over the past quarter century. This asymmetry is political, economic and strategic. Its overall quality and presence is self-evident and that it will also express itself increasingly to an even greater extent in short-term calculations is inevitable. Pakistan’s long crisis, which now manifests itself as periodic poly crisis, is the obviously causal factor. But it is also useful to pose a qualifier that strategic asymmetry does not translate immediately into tactical military advantage.

Alongside this, it is also of use to recall another basic feature in the India-Pakistan interface: India has always loomed larger than life in the Pakistani mind and psyche. To that extent, the impact of its numerous fault lines, internal crisis and the poor state of its economy all retreat into the background in the face of an Indian threat — real or imagined.

The promotion of General Asim Munir to Field Marshal rank is very clearly an indication of the consolidation of the military’s position in Pakistan and, to that extent, it means that its dented reputation has to a great extent been salvaged in popular esteem.

So, to return to epigrams from other contexts, it is useful to recall another one: “Russia is never as strong or as weak as she appears.” Attributed variously to different authorities, from Bismarck in the 19th century to Winston Churchill in the 20th, perhaps this applies to the most recalcitrant of our neighbours also.

TCA Raghavan is former High Commissioner to Pakistan.

The villages to be included are Manakpur, Khera Gajju, Urna, Changera, Ucha Khera, Gurditpura, Hadayatpura, and Lehlan

Mohit Khanna Tribune News Service

Cashing in on the booming real estate prices in Mohali and surrounding towns, the state government has officially transferred eight villages from Rajpura sub-division of Patiala district to Banur Sub-Tehsil in SAS Nagar (Mohali) district, as per a notification issued by the Department of Revenue, Rehabilitation and Disaster Management on May 20.

A notification issued by Anurag Verma, Additional Chief Secretary-cum-Financial Commissioner Revenue, Department of Revenue, Rehabilitation and Disaster Management, states that the transfer has been executed under the powers conferred by Section 5 of the Punjab Land Revenue Act, 1887, and Section 5 of the Registration Act, 1908, and all other powers enabling him in this behalf. The Governor of Punjab is pleased to transfer the villages.

The authorities in the Patiala district administration confirmed the development regarding the notification of transferring land from Patiala district to SAS Nagar. Sources in the department said that while landowners in the villages falling under Mohali’s jurisdiction were receiving high returns, the land prices in villages falling under Patiala district were not appreciating as desired. The hassles of finalising land deals by visiting Rajpura and obtaining other bureaucratic approvals were stated to be the reason behind the dip in land prices.

The villages to be included are Manakpur (HB No. 272), Khera Gajju (HB No. 269), Urna (HB No. 2), Changera (HB No. 243), Ucha Khera (HB No. 271), Gurditpura (HB No. 268), Hadayatpura (HB No. 270), and Lehlan (HB No. 267). These villages will now fall under the jurisdiction of Sub-Tehsil Banur in SAS Nagar (Mohali) district. The changes come into effect from the date of publication of the notification in the official gazette.

Says India has demonstrated a shift in its strategic thinking by striking hard and with precision deep inside Pakistan

Jyoti Malhotra Vijay Mohan

ndia has sent a strong message of intent and capability by not just punishing Pakistan’s act of terror in Pahalgam with punitive missile strikes in the heart of Pakistan Punjab, but also by successfully calling its nuclear bluff.

“By carrying out strikes deep inside Pak, we showed our resolve to strike with impunity at a time and place of our choosing. The message has gone home to the Pakistan leadership about the intent of our leadership and the capability of our Army”, says Lt Gen Manoj Kumar Katiyar

In an exclusive interview with The Tribune, Lt Gen Manoj Kumar Katiyar, General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Western Command, stated that India had demonstrated a shift in its strategic thinking since Operation Parakram in 2002 by striking hard and with precision both in Pakistan Punjab as well as on 11 airbases across the length and breadth of the neighbouring nation.

“By carrying out strikes deep inside Pakistan, we demonstrated our resolve to strike with impunity at a time and place of our choosing. The message has gone home to the Pakistan leadership about the intent of the Indian leadership and the capability of the Indian Army,” said General Katiyar, who heads the Western Command, tasked with protecting India’s western frontier facing Pakistan. He was speaking at his office in Chandimandir.

Significantly, he noted that India had called Pakistan’s nuclear bluff, which had loomed over the subcontinent since both countries went overtly nuclear in the summer of 1998.

Pakistan believed it could carry out repeated terror strikes against India — in the J&K Assembly in 2000, in Parliament in 2001, in Mumbai in 2008, in Uri in 2016, in Pulwama in 2019, and in Pahalgam in 2025 — assuming India would not retaliate due to fear of international restraint over a potential nuclear flashpoint. With Operation Sindoor, India has called Pakistan’s nuclear bluff, General Katiyar asserted.

Highlighting that this key achievement of Operation Sindoor serves as a message for both Pakistan and the world, General Katiyar emphasised that the operation had made clear the linkages between Pakistan’s military establishment and its terror groups.

“Linkages between Pakistan’s ISI and various tanzeems (terror groups) in Pakistan have been well documented,” he said, adding, “The world should take notice of the collusion between terrorism and the Pakistan establishment.”

General Katiyar pointed to photos of men in Pakistani military uniform attending the funerals of terrorists killed in the strikes on terror camps in Muridke and Bahawalpur in Pakistan Punjab as proof. “Why would you have Pakistani military men attending these funerals otherwise?” he asked.

The Army Commander explained the shift in India’s strategic doctrine since Operation Parakram in 2002, when the Indian Army mobilised along the western frontier for 10 long months following the terror attack on Parliament in December 2001 —without firing a shot.

“Since Operation Parakram in 2001-02, the thinking has changed from deterrence by threat to deterrence by punishment. We saw it happening post-Uri in 2016. We saw it happening post-Pulwama in 2019. Now, what we have done in Operation Sindoor is on a completely different scale and the scope was very big,” he said.

Following the Pahalgam massacre, the General said the Pakistan army had enhanced its deployment in border areas, occupying most forward posts while mobilising some of its reserve and mechanised formations.

“There was a possibility of some misadventure by Pakistan, but we were prepared for any eventuality. Our defensive safeguards, including air defence and surveillance elements, were deployed and offensive formations were geared up to undertake operations at short notice,” the General said, referring to the seamless synergy between the three services in executing Operation Sindoor.

Stays probe against Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation (TASMAC) in row over liquor shop licences

The Enforcement Directorate is crossing “all the limits” and violating the federal concept of governance, the Supreme Court on Thursday said while staying the money laundering probe against Tamil Nadu-run liquor retailer TASMAC over alleged corruption in grant of wine shop licences.

Issuing notice to the ED on pleas filed by the Tamil Nadu government and the Tamil Nadu State Marketing Corporation (TASMAC), a Bench comprising Chief Justice B R Gavai and Justice Augustine George Masih told Additional Solicitor General S V Raju, appearing for the anti-money laundering probe agency, that “Your ED is crossing all the limits.”

“The Enforcement Directorate is violating the federal concept (of governance),” the Bench observed, adding that the ED’s probe against the state-run TASMAC will not proceed in the meantime.

The law officer opposed the order, saying the issue involved corruption over Rs 1,000 crore and the ED is not crossing the limits “at least in this case.”

The Bench took note of the submissions of senior advocates Kapil Sibal and Amit Anand Tiwari that the state itself has lodged over 40 FIRs in cases related to allotment of liquor shop licences from 2014 and now the ED jumps in the picture and raids the TASMAC.

“How can you raid the state-run TASMAC,” the Bench asked.

The DMK-run state government and TASMAC moved the top court against the raids conducted by the ED at the premises of TASMAC.

The pleas challenged an April 23 order of the Madras High Court dismissing its pleas giving the go ahead for the ED action.

The ED was allowed to proceed with its action under the Prevention of Money Laundering Act (PMLA).

Four terrorists are said to be trapped in the area

A soldier was killed in an encounter with terrorists during a cordon and search operation launched by security forces in Jammu and Kashmir’s Kishtwar district on Thursday, officials said.

The gunfight took place when the security forces were conducting a search operation following a tip-off about the presence of terrorists in the Shingpora area of Chhatru, they said.

Four terrorists are said to be trapped in the area.

“Contact has been established with terrorists during a joint operation with police at Chhatru in Kishtwar this morning,” the Indian Army’s White Knight Corps said in a post on X.

Additional troops have been deployed and the operation is ongoing to neutralise the terrorists, it said.

“During the ongoing operation, fierce gunfight is continuing. One of our bravehearts sustained grievous injuries in the exchange of fire and has succumbed despite best medical efforts,” the White Knight Corps said.The operation is in progress, it added.