Sanjha Morcha

‘China resorting to confrontation to punish India for rejecting BRI’

‘China resorting to confrontation to punish India for rejecting BRI’

Naypyitaw (Myanmar), July 3, 2020: The confrontation along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) between India and China is the result of Beijing wanting to punish New Delhi for rejecting the multinational infrastructure programme — Belt and Road Initiative — and has nothing to do with the border dispute between the two countries, according to a veteran Swedish journalist.

In an interview to The Irrawaddy, Bertil Lintner said that China is taking advantage of the coronavirus pandemic, flexing its muscles in the Indo-Pacific region with a new security law in Hong Kong, Chinese fighter jets entering Taiwan’s airspace, the ramming of Vietnamese and Philippine fishing boats in the disputed South China Sea, a month-long standoff between a Malaysian oil exploration vessel and a Chinese survey ship in the same waters, and an open confrontation with the Indians along the LAC.

“First of all, the confrontation along the LAC between India and China has nothing to do with the border as such, if it should be on this or that barren rock in an uninhabited area,” he said.

“It is a question of strategic rivalries between Asia’s two giants and, more specifically, China’s wanting to punish India for rejecting its multinational infrastructure programme, the BRI, and show the neighbours who rule the roost in the region,” he added.

China wants to become the world’s leading superpower, and those aggressive postures and the more “benign” BRI are part of that long-term strategy, he said.

Tensions have been escalating along the LAC since May. The Chinese and Indian troops had engaged in a number of confrontations along the LAC.

The border tensions between India and China heightened after 20 Indian soldiers lost their lives in a violent face-off in Galwan Valley on June 15-16 after an attempt by the Chinese troops to unilaterally change the status quo during the de-escalation. Indian intercepts revealed that the Chinese side suffered 43 casualties including dead and seriously injured in the face-off.

When asked about Myanmar China Economic Corridor (MCEC), Litner said that the passage holds more importance to China because it can help Beijing in controlling the insurgents in Myanmar as well as playing a role in domestic politics.

“CPEC is also located in westernmost China, far from the country’s industrial centres. Therefore, the Myanmar-China Economic Corridor is far more important to China. There, they can control the insurgents as well as playing a role in domestic politics. The Ruili-Muse border crossing is much closer to China’s industrial centres and major cities than CPEC,” Litner said.

On the importance of the ASEAN grouping at the time when China is flexing its muscles in the region, the journalist is of the view that the group has no common policies and there is actually minimal cooperation between its member states.

This divergence of political systems and views makes it impossible for ASEAN to agree on its most fundamental principle — consensus, he said.


Modi in Leh to review situation post June 15 Galwan clashes

NEW DELHI:Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrived in Leh on Friday morning to review the situation 18 days after a violent faceoff in Galwan Valley in eastern Ladakh with the Chinese forces, in which 20 Indian soldiers lost their lives.

Modi reached one of the forward locations in Nimu and has interacted with personnel of the Army, Air Force and ITBP, sources said. Located at 11, 000 feet, this is among the tough terrains, surrounded by the Zanskar range and on the banks of the Indus.

The Galwan clash occurred at the south bank of the river, which flows in an east-west direction before its confluence with Shayok river on June 15.

The Chinese side has not yet revealed the number of casualties on its side.

It was the first casualties faced by the Indian Army in a clash with the Chinese People’s Liberation Army since 1975 when an Indian patrol was ambushed by Chinese troops in Arunachal Pradesh.


India must keep Beijing on tenterhooks, and wisely use its economic statecraft

A knee jerk disruption in trade ties will hurt Indian businesses, especially at a time when the economy is beginning to re-adjust to the new normal of Covid-19.

PM Narendra Modi and Xi Jinping | Commons

PM Narendra Modi and Xi Jinping | Commons
As India comes to terms with Chinese border aggression, New Delhi is working on a number of options across a range of domains in order to impose costs on Beijing for its misadventure. One particular sector which has been in the limelight is trade and economics. It is indeed ironical that this should be the case as one of the claims made by those supporting greater economic engagement has been that it induces greater cooperative behaviour between state actors. And for a relationship like India-China which has been fundamentally fractured since 1962, economic ties were viewed as the much needed balm which would reduce distrust. And today this very sector, for many Indians, should be the focal point of India’s expression of outrage vis-a-vis China.

China’s mishandling of the coronavirus pandemic in its initial stages, resulting in global health crisis and the resultant economic distress had already generated a backlash worldwide against the Chinese Communist Party. Demands for a complete boycott of Chinese products that have risen in India from time to time in the past have only become stronger in recent months. Even before Indian and Chinese militaries started squaring off across the LAC, Prime Minister Narendra Modi was suggesting that the biggest lesson from the Covid-19 pandemic was the need to become self-reliant though New Delhi had been underlining that this call for Atmanirbhar Bharat was in no way a call for protectionism and was certainly not directed towards any other country including China. However, there has been a concerted attempt by India to reduce reliance on Chinese imports as well as investments in recent months. And after the border crisis erupted, it has been quite clear that all gloves are off and India will be considering all possible options on the table, including seriously limiting trade and commercial ties with China.


Also read: Will give a befitting reply if anyone casts an evil eye on India: Ravi Shankar Prasad

In the last few days, Indian railways has terminated a Rs 470 crore contract to a Chinese firm for signaling works in UP that had been given to a Chinese firm and Bharat Sanchar Nigam (BSNL) and Mahanagar Telephone Nigam (MTNL) have been asked by the government not to use Chinese equipment for the upgradation of their 4G facilities. India has also gone ahead and banned 59 Chinese apps, including the popular TikTok, ShareIt and UC Browser, terming them “prejudicial to sovereignty, integrity and national security.”

New Delhi is reportedly making a list of alterative suppliers of critical components which India can’t manufacture and can be used as substitutes for Chinese imports. The Confederation of All India Traders (CAIT) is calling for reducing imports from China to $13 billion by December 2021 from $70 billion in 2018-19. With China’s share in Indian’s total imports being around 11.8% and Indian exports to China barely 3%, India’s trade deficit with China has been a persistent problem. On the investment front, Chinese investment has been growing with around $4 billion investment in Indian start-up sector since 2015.

A knee jerk disruption in trade ties will likely hurt Indian businesses and the Indian poor the most, especially at a time when the economy is beginning to re-adjust to the new normal of Covid-19. Even as India is trying its best to emerge as a global investment destination and global supply chains gets re-jigged, it will be some time before the sheer scale of China can be expected to be matched. New Delhi has been right to focus on developing its own manufacturing capacities but it is not going to happen in the short to medium term. It’s a long term sensible goal for Indian policy-makers to pursue but it won’t change the operational realities in the short term. A blanket ban on Chinese imports will not only derail the nascent recovery post Covid-19 but will also challenge Indian aspirations to emerge as a manufacturer of finished goods. It is precisely because of this that transport and MSME minister, Nitin Gadkari, is urging for a quick release of Chinese imports held up at Indian ports as this would severely impact Indian businesses.

There is also the issue of India as a responsible global player. As a nation that has often argued that playing by the rules of the WTO is essential of global economic stability, any arbitrary trade behaviour on its part will jeopardise its diplomatic campaign to target China as the great disrupter. New Delhi, of course, can’t be prevented from cutting off economic ties with China if and when hostilities between the two escalate but that is likely to be a measure of last resort.


Also read: India can’t afford to be defensive against China like it has been with Pakistan on terror


In the short to medium term, therefore, a complete economic break with China is neither desirable nor necessary. Instead, New Delhi should use the threat of an escalated trade and economic conflict as a lever to continue to keep China on tenterhooks. In a relationship which is devoid of substantive leverage, every possible measure should be exploited with due consideration. Just as military confrontation has a logic of its own when it comes to escalation, an economic confrontation should not be presented as a fait accompli but as another step in a ladder which New Delhi should seem ready to climb.

There is no doubt that India has to reduce its economic dependence on China in the long term, but in the short to medium term a more sectoral walling off from China should be used to signal India’s seriousness of intent. With its recent actions, China has clearly signalled that it doesn’t value its economic ties with India. New Delhi’s response should not be driven by the immediacy of emotion but by the long term need of building its own economic sinews so that it can manage to sit at the core of the post-Covid-19 global economic order.

Professor Harsh V Pant is Director, Studies and Head of the Strategic Studies Programme at Observer Research Foundation, New Delhi. Views are personal.

The article was first published on the Observer Research Foundation Website.

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Indian army demands waterproof clothing as water flow increases in Galwan river

The Indian side is preparing itself for the possible long term deployment in the Galwan valley and other areas where the Chinese have deployed heavily along the LAC.

A road bridge built by India between Durbuk and Daulat Beg Oldi in eastern Ladakh (representational image) | Photo: ANI

A road bridge built by India between Durbuk and Daulat Beg Oldi in eastern Ladakh | Representational Image | ANI
New Delhi: As the water-flow has increased in the Galwan river, the Indian Security forces are now feeling the need for specialised waterproof clothing for the troops deployed there in a standoff position with China.

The Chinese side seems to have come prepared for the deployment as their troops deployed in the Galwan river valley bed are wearing water-proof clothes which allows them to step in the icy water there. “There is a need felt for specialised clothing for deployment alongside the river with ice-cold water as the water flow has increased in the river with the rise in temperature,” sources told ANI.

The Chinese side which has made camps all along the Galwan river valley up to near the Indian Patrolling Point 14 has come with specialised clothing where the lower portion of the combat dress is made up of waterproof material which allows them to step into the water, the sources said.

The Galwan river after originating from Aksai Chin passes through the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and merged with the Shyok river near Indian PP-14.

Earlier also while patrolling the area from KM-120 post to the PP-14, Indian security men had to step inside the river water which would wet their shoes, they said.
Sources said the special clothing with Chinese could have helped them in avoiding a higher number of hypothermia casualties during the Galwan valley clash on June 15 with Indian soldiers.

The Indian side is also preparing itself for the possible long term deployment in the Galwan valley and other areas where the Chinese have deployed heavily along the LAC.

All along the LAC from the Ladakh sector to Arunachal Pradesh, the Chinese Army has done heavy deployments and not showing any signs of thinning down despite holding talks at multiple levels with the Indian agencies.

The Chinese buildup had started around May 4 almost two months ago when they marched along the LAC to multiple points including the Finger area, Galwan valley, DBO sector, PP-15, Hot Springs and Ghoghra.

The Chinese have also been fortifying their positions and troops’ strength in areas where they have come and it is being perceived that they are using the time in talks for building up further.


Also read: Shut up and put up — What Chinese companies in India should do as Galwan crisis continues


22 Medium Regiment, which took part in 1962 war, completes 100 years of its raising

In the battle of Bum La and Nuranag of 1962, the regiment played a crucial role in the fight against the Chinese. The regiment also participated in World War I and II.

Victoria Cross Action by Havaldar (Later Honorary Captain) Umrao Singh of the 22 Medium Regiment, World War II, Battle of Kaladan Valley, Burma in 1944 | Source: Army

Victoria Cross Action by Havaldar (Later Honorary Captain) Umrao Singh of the 22 Medium Regiment, World War II, Battle of Kaladan Valley, Burma in 1944 | Source: Army
New Delhi: The 22 Medium Regiment of the Army, which played a crucial role in the 1962 war with China, has completed a century of its raising.

It was 100 years ago on 29 June that four oldest artillery batteries in British India — 22 (Derajat) Mountain Battery (Frontier Force), 5 (Bombay) Mountain Battery, 4 (Hazara) Mountain Battery (Frontier Force) and 7 (Bengal) Mountain Battery — were grouped to raise the artillery regiment as part of the then British Indian Army at Peshawar in present day Pakistan.

The regiment was initially named 8 Pack Artillery Brigade, but later renamed as 22 Mountain Regiment. The number 22 was taken from 22 (Derajat) Mountain Battery.

Lieutenant Colonel Alan Gordon Haig was designated as the first commandant, Army sources said, explaining the history of the regiment.

While the regiment has participated in World War I and World War II, besides others, one war that stands out, in which it took part, is the 1962 one with China.

“In 1962 war, the accurate fire by the regiment in battle of Bum La, defeated numerous Chinese attacks in support of 1 Sikh,” an Army officer said, adding that the men of the regiment engaged the enemy accurately in battle of Nuranag, including close-range direct engagements of enemy along with 4 Garhwal Rifles.

This is regarded as one of the fiercest defensive actions in the 1962 war.

“The regiment also fought hand to hand combat in the battle of Bomdi La against the belligerents. Twenty gallant men of the regiment, including three officers, were killed in action in this war,” the officer said.


Also read: 61 Cavalry isn’t just a ceremonial Army regiment, it played key role in Pakistan standoff too


Participation in 1965 and 1971 wars

In the 1965 war, the famous battle of ‘Ichhogoil Canal’ was fought under the leadership of Major General Mohinder Singh, Military Cross, first Indian Commandant of the regiment. He was awarded with Maha Vir Chakra during the 1965 operations.

During the 1971 war, the fire power of the regiment proved decisive in numerous battles, including the battle of Madhumati river and raid of Dhopakali. The war in Eastern Theatre commenced with the salvo fired by 7 (Bengal) Mountain Battery, as part of the regiment, the sources said.

In the period after 1971, the regiment has effectively conducted numerous counter-insurgency and counter-terrorist operations in Northeast, and Jammu and Kashmir.


Also read: Army plans to expand roles for elite special and airborne forces known for surgical strikes

 


Russia to deliver S-400 by 2021-end, but will supply missiles and bombs amid LAC tensions

The S-400 is capable of destroying incoming hostile aircraft, missiles and even drones within a range of up to 400 km. It has a tracking capability of nearly 600 km.

File photo of S-400 | Commons

File photo of S-400 | Commons
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New Delhi: India’s S-400 Triumf air defence system is currently in production in Russia and will undergo a series of trials before its arrival in the country by the end of 2021.

Sources said amid tensions with China at the Line of Actual Control in Ladakh, Russia will supply certain kinds of missiles and bombs for the Indian Air Force and the Army as part of emergency procurement.

Sources also said during the recent visit of Defence Minister Rajnath Singh to Russia, a review of all defence contracts signed and those in pipeline was done.

Diplomatic sources said India has sought emergency delivery of quite a few items.

They said India is aware that according to the contract, the delivery of the S-400 system would begin within 24 months from the payment of the first tranche of the $5.2-billion dollar deal.

Sources said even though the contract for the system, which will be India’s air defence umbrella and the main pillar of the Indian Air Force’s defence grid, was signed in October 2018, the payment took time because both countries had to find a way around the US sanctions against Russia.

Initially, it was expected that the first of the five S-400 systems will start coming in by the end of 2020. Following this, the rest of the four systems will be supplied over a period of four years.

“The production process involves a lot of computing and coding, which is very specific to the requirements of a particular customer. There are series of tests that are conducted, which are also followed up by training. The production can’t be simply sped up,” a source said.

 The source added it is not like in-use missiles, which can be diverted from Russian forces to India or any other customer.

Also read: Covid-19 pandemic won’t affect S-400 deliveries: Indian Ambassador in Russia


India keeps tight watch on Pakistan as ceasefire violations rise at LoC amid China standoff

According to govt figures, April, May and June (as of 25th) have seen 387, 382 and 302 ceasefire violations, respectively — a three-fold rise since 2018.

Indian Army (representational image) | Photo: PTI

Indian Army (representational image) | Photo: PTI
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New Delhi: India is keeping a close watch on Pakistan’s military activities as a massive rise in ceasefire violations has been witnessed at the Line of Control (LoC) this summer, even as a standoff continues between India and China at the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

According to available government data, the months of April, May and June (as of 25th) have seen 387, 382 and 302 ceasefire violations, respectively, this year. In the year-ago period, the respective numbers were 234, 221 and 181.

Compared to 2018, the violations are up nearly three-fold, with the corresponding figures at 176, 104 and 19, respectively.

The full-year ceasefire violation count was 3,168 in 2019 and 1,629 in 2018. In just six months this year, the LoC has already seen 2,215 violations.

Army sources told ThePrint that security forces on the LoC are active and the areas there have been under strict surveillance.

“The counter infiltration grid has been effective and infiltrations (which peak during summer months) have reduced substantially. Also, the terrorists are running out of weapons. The OGW (over ground worker) network has been compromised,” an Army source said, adding that the summer strategy has been effective.

“The LoC remains the priority area,” the source added, given that troops deployed in the Valley continue to remain there and the build-up on the LAC has been from the other reserve formations.


Also read: India, China repeat calls for phased de-escalation in 3rd round of corps commander talks


Summer strategy

The summer strategy involves redeployment of troops who are already present in Jammu and Kashmir, explained the Army sources.

Along the LoC, there are four divisions but they have got enhanced strength this summer with additional battalions and brigades. In addition, there are five Rashtriya Rifles divisions and reserve formations, which are deployed in the hinterland of J&K.

“Due to the terrain and heavy snow in winters, certain troops pull back from some posts and occupy the lower heights during winter and are staged forward on the LoC as the snow melts,” a second Army source said.

“Infiltration is difficult during the winters in the areas north of Pir Panjal, while in the Rajouri-Nowshera belt, there is an all-season scope for infiltration. In summers, the troop moves to the higher reaches in areas north of Pir Panjal, to dominate the routes of infiltration and effectively patrol the LoC,” added the source.

Data shows 47 terrorists have been killed in J&K until 29 June, while 18 and 28 terrorists were killed in May and April.


Also read: 118 militants, 11 of them Pakistanis, killed in 6 months, 48% dip in recruitment: J&K Police


Defence ministry approves purchase of 33 fighter aircraft for IAF, 248 indigenous missiles

IAF jets

IAF’s MiG-29 jets. Ministry of Defence has cleared the purchase of 21 MiG-29 aircraft (representational image) | Indian Air Force official website
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New Delhi: In a boost to the armed forces, the Ministry of Defence Thursday cleared the purchase of 21 MiG-29 and 12 Sukhoi-30 MKI fighter aircraft, besides 248 indigenous long-range air to air missiles, Astra, among others.

In total, the ministry cleared the purchase of platforms and equipment for the armed forces to the tune of Rs 38,900 crore. It has also approved the upgrade of the existing 59 MiG-29 aircraft for the Indian Air Force (IAF).

The approvals by the Defence Acquisition Council headed by Defence Minister Rajnath Singh come amid the two-month military standoff with China at multiple points along the Line of Actual Control in Eastern Ladakh.

Of the 248 indigenous Astra missiles, 200 is for the Air Force, and 48 for the Navy, and the estimated cost of their procurement is Rs 2,700 crore, sources said.

According to the ministry, the MiG-29 procurement and upgrade from Russia is estimated to cost Rs 7,418 crore. The Sukhoi-30 MKI will be procured from the state-owned Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) at an estimated cost of Rs 10,730 crore.

The approvals would also address the long-felt need of the IAF to increase its fighter squadrons, the defence ministry said in a statement.

Currently, the IAF has 30 active fighter squadrons of a sanctioned strength of 42 squadrons. Air Chief Marshal R.K. Bhadauria in an interview to ThePrint in May had said the depletion will be offset by deliveries of Rafale from France and the indigenous LCA MK IA, while a follow-up acquisition plan will start to recover the overall squadron strength.

The IAF would order Light Combat Aircraft (LAC) Tejas MK IA soon and expects deliveries to commence in three years, even as at least four Rafale fighter jets of the total 36 bought by India are scheduled to land in Ambala on 27 July.


Also read: IAF receives its first Rafale aircraft in France, to be inducted on 8 October


Indigenous acquisition of over Rs 30,000 crore

Stating that the approvals are in line with Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s clarion call for ‘Atma Nirbhar Bharat’, the defence ministry said much of these approvals include indigenous acquisition to the tune of Rs 31,130 crore.

It said the equipment to be manufactured in India involves the Indian defence industry with participation of several MSMEs as prime tier vendors, emphasising that the indigenous content in some of these projects is up to 80 per cent of the project cost.

“A large number of these projects have been made possible due to Transfer of Technology by DRDO to the indigenous industry. These include Pinaka ammunition, BMP armament upgrades and Software Defined Radios (SDR) for the Army, Long Range Land Attack Cruise Missile Systems (a derivative of Nirbhay missiles) and Astra Missiles for Navy and Air Force,” the ministry said, adding that the cost of these design and development proposals is in the range of Rs 20,400 crore.

Pinaka is an all-weather, indirect fire, free flight artillery rocket system and consists of a rocket, multi-barrel rocket launcher, battery command post, loader-cum-replenishment vehicle, and digicora MET radar.

SDR is a secure indigenous system with legacy communication support and secure digital voice/data communication.

Astra missiles induction a ‘force-multiplier’

The ministry said the acquisition of new missile systems such as the Pinaka will enable raising additional regiments above the ones inducted.

The procurement of Long Range Land Attack Missile Systems having a firing range of 1,000 km and the induction of Astra missiles having Beyond Visual Range (BVR) capability will serve as a “force multiplier” and add to the strike capability of the Navy and Air Force.

ASTRA is a BVR class of Air-to-Air Missile (AAM) system designed to be mounted on fighter aircraft. The missile is designed to engage and destroy highly manoeuvring supersonic aircraft.

The ASTRA MK-I Weapon System integrated with Sukhoi-30 MKI aircraft is being inducted into the IAF.


Also read: IAF to buy 83 more Tejas fighters from HAL instead of foreign jets, CDS Rawat says


 

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India cautious of China on de-escalation at LAC, both agree on 72-hr observation window

File image of Indian soldiers in Ladakh | By special arrangement

File image of Indian soldiers in Ladakh | By special arrangement

New Delhi: India is being cautious of the de-escalation process at the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China, and both sides have agreed on a 72-hour observation window to make sure that steps agreed upon have been taken on the ground, ThePrint has learnt.

The 72 hours’ timeframe has been decided on India’s request, sources said, adding that both sides will during this time satisfy themselves about the de-escalation steps agreed upon before moving ahead.

This decision, the sources said, was taken because while India had fulfilled the de-escalation commitment made at a meeting on 6 June, China did not do so.

Indians had observed that the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) had not lived up to the commitment that both sides would fall back by about 2 kilometres from their current positions at Patrol Point 14, which led to burning down of a Chinese tent in the Galwan Valley on 14 June, as reported by ThePrint earlier.

Another round of meeting between the commanding officers of two sides was held at Patrol Point 14 on 15 June, following which Col Santosh Babu had gone in the evening to check if the Chinese had removed the observation post near the Y Junction, about 1.5 km inside the Indian territory.

This resulted in the deadly clash, which led to fatal casualties on both sides.


Also read: If you don’t shoot, you don’t escalate: NSAB chief explains how India, China have avoided war


Not much of a change in ground situation yet

“The de-escalation will happen in a phased manner. During this process, there will be a 72 hours period during which both sides will make sure that the other has carried out the commitments made. Only then will the next round of de-escalation happen,” a source said, explaining the situation.

They added that there has not been any actual de-escalation since the third round of meetings between the corps commanders of the two sides Tuesday.

However, defence sources have maintained that the process will be long drawn.

The two countries had already agreed to follow some protocols, such as keeping a distance of at least 100 metres between patrols, desisting from ramming boats and vehicles into each other, avoiding confrontation, and disengagement in case of an eventuality.

Despite multiple rounds of talks at several levels, there has not been much of a change in the ground situation.

The sources said implementation of the understanding arrived at by the two sides is a real challenge on the ground.

Following the 12-hour meeting between the corps commanders Tuesday, sources had said they discussed the need for an “expeditious, phased and step-wise de-escalation”.


Also read: China ‘deploys’ S-400s, IAF has war gamed the scenario multiple times for air ops


 

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The mistaken Chinese calculation | Analysis Its economy is shrinking; PLA isn’t fully prepared; anti-China sentiment is high; India will be resolute

A mountain strike corps to create a deterrent capability is imperative

A mountain strike corps to create a deterrent capability is imperative(AP)

China has been uncomfortable with the emergence of another Asian power. Apart from checkmating proposals made by India at the United Nations and other global forums, Beijing has tried to contain New Delhi’s influence in the region. In a bid to throw a cordon sanitairearound India, China has focused on the countries in India’s immediate and extended neighbourhood. It has established a strategic partnership with Pakistan and deepened diplomatic, economic and military engagements with others. The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI)  has been leveraged for this purpose. China also employs both inducements and coercion. In the Indo-Pacific region, Africa and some other regions, China has unabashedly interfered in internal matters.

All emerging great powers tend to be aggressive to maximise their influence in the geopolitical arena. However, in the case of China, such behaviour seems premature. While China has made discernible strides in augmenting its comprehensive national power (CNP), there are still several internal and external challenges that continue to give President Xi Jinping sleepless nights. On the domestic front, these pertain to its economy, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA)’s leadership, national morale, and the rising anti-China sentiment in the international domain.

China’s shrinking economy has generated widespread unemployment. The Chinese Communist Party (CPC)-driven policy of empowering State-owned enterprises has impacted the private sector that used to contribute over 65% of the Gross Domestic Product (GDP) and more than 90% of new jobs. Moreover, the relocation of manufacturing, growing debt, and an ageing population that will shrink its workforce, will impinge on China’s economic stability in the long-term.

In 2012, Xi had announced the transformation of PLA into a world-class military, that would facilitate its journey towards the “world’s centre-stage” by 2049. Since then, multifaceted reforms have been undertaken to enhance its combat power and accountability to the CPC. However, Xi, who personally monitors the reforms, is unhappy with the professional standards of PLA leadership as it lacks practical war-fighting experience. Several think-tanks have assessed that at this juncture, PLA is well short of the capabilities required to challenge other militaries.

National morale is a crucial ingredient of CNP. China’s national morale should not be gauged by its captive media’s reportage and the diplomatic activism unleashed by its new brand of “wolf warriors”. Both are involved in countering the western and Indian media, besides marketing the Chinese model of governance and projecting Xi as a global leader. But beneath the surface, there is growing dissent against the CPC owing to the spike in unemployment, choked civil liberties and victimisation of all perceived detractors and minority communities. Xi’s heavy-handed approach in enhancing the CPC’s control is also creating dangerous undercurrents. As per open-source information, he had dismissed and imprisoned over 2.3 million officials between 2013-2018, including several senior PLA officials and bureaucrats.

Given these challenges, PLA’s adventurism in eastern Ladakh appears to be ill-timed and based on flawed assumptions. Perhaps, Beijing never expected a resolute politico-military response from India. India’s military build-up and posturing, along with the measures to hurt its economy and garner international support, will give Beijing the jitters.

India’s short-term strategy should aim at restoring the status quo ante along the Line of Actual Control through a combination of military and diplomatic negotiations. The use of force should be considered only after exhausting all possible non-kinetic options. While implementing a kinetic option, we must cater for the escalation, institute viable measures in the cyber domain, and also remain poised to thwart any adventurism by Pakistan.

India’s long-term strategy should be guided by its national interests, based on pragmatism. To minimise risk in the face of Chinese deception, the ends, ways and means must be aligned. The ends are the objectives that we wish to achieve vis-à-vis China. The means are the political, diplomatic, economic, military and information elements of national power along with other internal and external resources available to the government. The ways are the most efficient and effective options for the application of resources to achieve the objectives. The ways selected should not get influenced by any extraneous or parochial factors.

While garnering international support, India should incrementally exploit the economic pressure points against China and fast-track the initiatives to enhance its combat power and infrastructure development. A re-evaluation of the mountain strike corps to create a deterrent capability is perhaps a strategic imperative. Its application could be in the newly-created battle groups. I am flagging this issue as, during my official visit to China in July 2014, I had sensed PLA leadership’s concerns and anxiety on its raising. Today, India has the military capability to give China a bloody nose. However, the political leadership will also require large tracts of real estate across the border to enable post-conflict negotiations from a position of strength.

Since the development of the necessary combat power will take time, in the interim, it would be prudent to align with like-minded nations to balance the regional military power equations. However, this should be undertaken with due diligence.

To effectively deal with China’s hostile designs, the nation must stand united behind its soldiers, sailors and airmen. This will help sustain the highest levels of military morale, a sine qua non for victory.

General Bikram Singh is former Chief of the Army Staff
The views expressed are personal