Monthly Archives: August 2018

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh chaired the inaugural session of the conference.

New Delhi, November 25

Top commanders of the Indian Air Force on Monday brainstormed over the evolving security scenario in India’s neighbourhood and explored ways to further bolster the country’s aerial prowess, officials said.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh chaired the inaugural session of the conference.

The commanders will be deliberating extensively on the need for focusing IAF’s capability in the field of space, cyber, artificial intelligence and drone technology, the officials said. —PTI

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, November 24

The drive to join the armed forces — the Army, Indian Air Force and the Navy — continues to grow in North India. Punjab leads among northern states as far as non-officer strength within the Army is concerned, while Haryana sends maximum airmen to the IAF and sailors to the Navy.

The data shared by the Ministry of Defence in the Lok Sabha last week, detailing state-wise representation of troops in the armed forces from across the country, suggests north-western states — Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana and Delhi along with UTs of Chandigarh and J&K — have 21.88% share among troops and junior commissioned officers (JCOs) in the Army. JCOs are promoted from among the troops.

The Army has 11.54 lakh troops and JCOs, of whom 2.52 lakh belong to north-western states. Punjab alone sends 89,893 troops and JCOs — 7.78% of the total strength.

The Army does not maintain domicile records of its existing 43,000-odd officers. The IAF and Navy have the record, which has been disclosed in the Lok Sabha.

Data of the 2011 Census suggests the collective population of Punjab, Himachal Pradesh, Haryana, Delhi, J&K and Chandigarh constitutes just 7.47% of the country’s population.

Yet, as many as 20,483 (15.85%) of the 1.29 lakh IAF airmen belong to the north-western states. Haryana leads the pack with 13,524 men i.e. 10.46% of the country’s total.

In case of the Navy, the north-western states have a share of 19.36% among sailors. As many as 11,258 sailors out of 50,140 in the Navy are from these states. Haryana leads yet again with 6,114 sailors i.e. 10.51% of the total strength.

Overall, the three forces have 13,41,944 jawans, JCOs, airmen and sailors. The north-western states contribute 2,84,440 (21.19%) of these. Uttar Pradesh, which has 16.50% of the country’s population, has the largest chunk in all three services — 1,74,309 in the Army, 32,817 in the IAF and 11,256 in the Navy.

File photo

Amit Khajuria

Tribune News Service

Jammu, November 24

To step up psychological warfare in Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) and Punjab, Pakistan has increased the frequency of its FM station to incite people of J&K against the Indian Army.

Though the Union Government is taking many precautionary measures to improve the situation in J&K after the abrogation of Article 370, Pakistan is trying to the provoke people of its own country as well as residents of J&K against the Centre’s move.

The frequency of FM104, a radio station being broadcast from Pakistan, is available in most parts of the Jammu region. This station is not only provoking people against the Indian Army but also spreading a campaign on social media platform Twitter called #AllahHelpKashmir.

The radio plays Bollywood songs of India, but when the radio jockey starts talking about any issue, she ends the conversation by saying that the “Indian Army is committing atrocities against Kashmiris” and appeals to its audience to comment and join the chain on Twitter with #AllahHelpKashmir.

This FM has strong and clear presence on the Jammu-Pathankot highway which is near to the International Border.

According to sources, some underground and pro-militant radio stations are also operating on the other side of the border with their strong reception in Poonch, Rajouri, Nowshera, R.S Pura and Jammu city, besides border areas of Amritsar, Tarn Taran, Ferozepur and Fazilka of Punjab.

The Union Home Ministry had directed Ministry of Information and Broadcasting in the month of May this year to take effective steps as to counter Pakistan’s psychological war through FM stations.

In a letter written to Secretary, Ministry of Information and Broadcasting, on May 17, 2019, the Department of Jammu and Kashmir Affairs in the Union Ministry of Home Affairs had directed to set up FM radio broadcasting across the border to counter Pakistan’s vicious propaganda.

Twitter campaign

The radio plays Bollywood songs, but when the radio jockey starts talking about any issue, she ends the conversation by saying that the “Indian Army is committing atrocities against Kashmiris” and appeals to its audience to comment and join the chain on Twitter with #AllahHelpKashmir.

The National Cadet Corps celebrates its 71st Raising Day during the ongoing pre-Republic Day camp being held at the Nagrota NCC camping ground on the outskirts of Jammu. Tribune Photo

Our Correspondent

Jammu, November 24

The National Cadet Corps (NCC), the largest uniformed youth organisation in the world, on Sunday celebrated its 71st Raising Day at Nagrota.

Brig RG Patil, Group Commander, NCC Group, Srinagar, was present during the occasion and addressed around 500 NCC cadets and staff at the Nagrota NCC camping ground where the ongoing Pre-Republic Day camp is being held.

The NCC is at the forefront of contribution towards social causes and community development activities. Its cadets have done the nation and the organisation proud by their remarkable achievements in the fields of sports and adventure. They have also won laurels in national shooting and equestrian competitions and other events.

The NCC also contributes towards social causes and community development activities and to commemorate the occasion, NCC cadets also participated in assisting traffic control and anti-dowry drives.

Col Sant Kumar (retd) opens the athletics ground

Tribune News Service

Karnal, November 24

Former cadets of Kunjpura Sainik School, also known as Kunjeyans, on Sunday enlivened the bygone era as they visited their alma mater to attend the old boys meet.

As per tradition, Principal Col VD Chandola and the staff extended a warm welcome to the former Kunjeyans. The old boys fondly remembered war heroes and paid homage by offering floral tributes at the War Heroes Memorial.

The senior most Kunjeyan, Lt Gen RK Hooda (retd), laid a wreath to start off the proceedings. The golden jubilee batch (1969-76) paid their gratitude to their alma mater by donating Rs 17 lakh for giving an imposing facelift to the Sant Kumar Stadium.

The stadium was inaugurated by Olympian and ex-Kunjeyan Col Sant Kumar who represented India in 1,500m at the Moscow Olympics. He was a bronze medallist in 1500m at the Asian Games at Bangkok, Thailand.

In addition, the staff room was also renovated by grants of Rs 4 lakh from the silver jubilee batch of 1987-94.

After the wreath laying, the guests went around the school and were impressed to see the developmental projects going on in the school. The new synthetic volleyball court impressed one and all. The new hostel building (Block B) is also near completion.

The old boys felt nostalgic visiting the play fields and their dormitories. The young Kunjeyans put up an exhibition of the artefacts prepared by them in their hobby clubs ie art, craft, electronics, science and adventure club.

As part of the exhibition, students of Atal Tinkering Lab assembled and operated four drones which was a huge attraction for the guests.

The former students were highly impressed by the creative genius of young Kunjeyans and felt the school is shaping the personality of the boys well.

Apart from the display of gymnastics, the dog show and horse show were the cynosure of everyone’s eyes. A tug of war between old Kunjeyans and present Kunjeyans was also held.

Along with old boys, some former teachers graced the occasion. Michael Beaumont, an English teacher from 1970-72, flew from Manchester to join his students.

Later in the day, a cultural programme was specially prepared by the present Kunjeyans for their elder brothers and other dignitaries. It included mime, solo and group dance performances.

India has sought recognition of the ancient medicinal tradition as its “intangible cultural heritage”.

New Delhi, November 24

India and China are at loggerheads over the legacy of one of the oldest systems of traditional medicine, known as Sowa-Rigpa, which has similarities with Ayurveda.

India has sought recognition of the ancient medicinal tradition as its “intangible cultural heritage”, a claim contested by China at a global forum, sources said.

Sowa-Rigpa is a traditional Tibetan system of medicine practised in India’s Himalayan belt. It is popular in Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, West Bengal’s Darjeeling, Himachal Pradesh and the Union Territory of Ladakh.

“India has approached UNESCO, seeking enlisting of the Sowa Rigpa as its ‘intangible cultural heritage’. China has raised objection to it,” an official said.

An Indian delegation is strongly pushing the country’s application based on detailed documents and evidence provided by the AYUSH Ministry which has been working closely with the Ministry of External Affairs on the matter, officials said.

The move comes in the backdrop of the Modi government promoting the traditional medicine system, one of the oldest surviving medicine systems in the world. The Union Cabinet on November 20 approved the setting up of National Institute for Sowa-Rigpa (NISR) in Leh as an autonomous organisation.

This is, perhaps, one of the first decisions taken by the Union Cabinet on Ladakh’s development after it became Union Territory on October 31 following the bifurcation of Jammu and Kashmir. The theory and practices of Sowa Rigpa are similar to that of Ayurveda and include a few principles of the traditional Chinese system of medicine.

The fundamental textbook ‘Rgyud-Bzi’ of Sowa Rigpa is believed to have been taught by Buddha himself and is closely linked with Buddhist philosophy. The establishment of the NISR as an autonomous body under the Ministry of AYUSH has been approved at an estimated cost of Rs 47.25 crore.

According to an official, setting up of NISR would provide an impetus to the revival of Sowa-Rigpa in the Indian subcontinent and provide opportunities to students of the traditional medicinal system, not only in India but also from other countries. — PTI

Sowa Rigpa has similarities with Ayurveda

• Sowa-Rigpa is a traditional Tibetan system of medicine practised in India’s Himalayan belt. It has similarities with Ayurveda
• It is popular in Sikkim, Arunachal Pradesh, West Bengal’s Darjeeling, Himachal Pradesh and Union Territory of Ladakh
• The theory and practices of Sowa Rigpa are similar to that of Ayurveda and include a few principles of the traditional Chinese system of medicine

Security has two important facets: proximate and peripheral. The SPG or now the CRPF caters only to proximate security, while the peripheral one is the responsibility of the local police. Peripheral insecurity adds to the problem of proximate security. To avoid that, the SPG does advance security liaison by visiting the places the way the VVIP cell of the IB used to do.

Reality check: Like the SPG, will the CRPF perform advance security liaison or merely accompany the Gandhi family like bodyguards?

Vappala Balachandran
Ex-Special Secretary, Cabinet Secretariat

The withdrawal of protection by the Special Protection Group (SPG) to Congress president Sonia Gandhi and family has been described as ‘vendetta politics’ It is compared to a similar step against Rajiv Gandhi by the VP Singh government in December 1989. Although Cabinet Secretary TN Seshan had ordered the extension of the SPG cover by three months after a high-level review on December 4 1989, Vinod Pande who succeeded him on December 23, 1989 reversed it as it was not allowed under the SPG Act, 1988. This was permitted only in September 1991 by the Chandra Shekhar government by amending the law after the assassination on May 21, 1991.

The Justice JS Verma Commission, which probed the security failure leading to Rajiv Gandhi’s assassination, had referred to the December 4, 1989 meeting in its 1992 report, adding that a legal solution could have been found to extend the SPG cover. Besides accusing the Tamil Nadu police of blatant neglect with regard to security precautions, the Commission also blamed the VP Singh government for ‘arbitrarily’ withdrawing the SPG cover within a month of its taking over without any fresh security assessment.

Parliamentary debates on May 14, 1993 mentioned P Chidambaram’s repeated pleas and meetings with the then Secretary (Security) for reinstating SPG protection to the Prime Minister. Not mentioned openly but whirling in intelligence circles was a rumour at that time about that officer’s personal animus against the PM.     

The NDA government which also decided to withdraw SPG cover to the Gandhi family from November 8 this year took care to avoid being charged with ‘arbitrariness’ like in 1989 as it has claimed that the decision was taken after a ‘detailed security assessment’.

At the same time, we need to realise that security in this interconnected world has many nuances and not necessarily connected to legal subtleties or a person’s official government status. A person may be out of power, yet be the most threatened individual than even the highest political dignitaries in a country. Thus, one needs to traverse beyond the realm of politics and legal quotients in making an assessment on security issues affecting high personages like the Gandhis who are perhaps the only family in the world to suffer two assassinations within a decade like the Kennedys. Their international status would be evident by the courtesy calls most foreign dignitaries make on them during their official visits to New Delhi.

That is the reason why the London Metropolitan Police (MET) guards high personages, including unidentified persons. They guard former Prime Ministers John Major (1990-97) and Tony Blair (1997-2007) even during international travels unconnected with any British government work. A report in The Telegraph (September 8, 2010) said the MET spent 128 million pounds in 2010 for protecting such dignitaries, including former Pakistan President Pervez Musharraf staying in London. In 2012, US President Obama amended the Former Presidents’ Protection Act to give life time protection to former Presidents and spouses, altering the 10-year restriction after retirement.

The Verma Commission report and the 1993 parliamentary debates give further reasons why a security downgrade would affect the quality of security. The Congress had to repeatedly move the Lieutenant Governor of Delhi to get security assistance each time Rajiv Gandhi moved out. As a result, the former prime minister who was elected with the largest majority of 414 seats in the Lok Sabha in 1984 had to travel to Manipur with one Delhi Police guard.

The report castigates the then government and its agencies for merely exchanging notes without taking any step to protect the former PM. It mentions that the Intelligence Bureau (IB) started warning about the danger to his life as the 1991 elections approached. In April 1991, it warned of LTTE threats through explosive devices. A few days before the Sriperumbudur address, they conveyed that an attempt would be made ‘during an election meeting’. On May 20, the IB requested the state police to control access to Rajiv Gandhi and also urged the Home Ministry to give him NSG cover. There was also a state intelligence warning on ‘garlands and bouquets’. All these fell on deaf ears.

The 1993 parliamentary debates also saw opposition members indulging in political polemics in defending the VP Singh and Chandra Shekhar governments who were accused of security neglect. Jaipal Reddy, who was then a minister in the Chandra Shekhar government and also in the UPA-II, laid blame mostly on the Tamil Nadu Congress for breaching security instructions. The omissions included lack of coordination between the police and the organisers, ineffective access control, no sterile area, erection of single barricades, inadequate lighting and uncontrolled movement of people behind the rostrum.

These points are relevant even now as our politics has become more divisive and polemics sharper. The Verma Commission blamed the short-lived VP Singh and Chandra Shekhar governments for the withdrawal of SPG cover ‘without provision for a suitable alternative for proximate security’. What could be the ‘suitable alternative’?

Security has two important facets: proximate and peripheral. The SPG or now the CRPF caters only to proximate security, while peripheral security is the local police responsibility. Peripheral insecurity adds to proximate security problems. To avoid that, the SPG does advance security liaison (ALV) by visiting the places like how the IB’s very efficient VVIP security cell used to do. An ALV can cure loopholes by briefing the local police. The local police are attentive to the SPG with its elevated status in the national security realm.

At Sriperumbudur, both proximate and peripheral security broke down. The question is whether the CRPF would do the ALV or merely accompany the Gandhi family like bodyguards, leaving the onus on the local police, who may not be very cooperative, especially in non-Congress ruled states? Would the local police be as attentive to the Central Reserve Police Force as they used to abide by the SPG suggestions?

The last question is whether the CRPF team would be given access to last-minute threat intelligence? At Sriperumbudur, the IB had the last mile intelligence which got clogged in the inattentive bureaucratic pipeline for which a popular Prime Minister had to pay a heavy price.

A CDS with operational control and effective participation in HR issues is required. Control of operations, currently highly centralised at the HQ, needs to be delegated to theatre commands, as is prevalent in most advanced armed forces. We need integration, albeit a full-spectrum one, extending all the way to the Defence Ministry through cross-manning and joint staffing. The model has to be supported by an approved national security strategy.

Needed: An empowered Chief of Defence Staff.

Lt Gen KJ Singh (retd)
Former GoC-In-C, Western Command

The PM, in his trademark style of springing surprises, announced the institution of a Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) in his Independence Day speech. This was followed by a flurry of articulations, centred on the CDS, limited to: who and when? As the deadline of November-end for the committee to finalise the contours of the proposed system approaches, speculation is further fuelled by the impending superannuation of the Army Chief. It is time to attempt to get the focus on the most relevant issues — what, if any, will be the transformative ecosystem accompanying the CDS? Alternatively, as is our wont, will it once again be incremental tinkering with the existing system?

Speculation emanating from informed circles, based on the purported report of a well-connected think tank, has thrown up ominous signals. As per this report, the CDS is likely to be a souped-up version of the current Chief of Integrated Staff (CISC), who heads the coordinating mechanism instituted consequent to some honest introspection after the rude jolt in Kargil. There is no mention of joint theatre commands, which are globally accepted as the essential framework for integration. Locked in our turf- and pelf-centric outcomes, debate is primarily focused on a four- or five-star status for the CDS, influenced by the bureaucratic fetish of ‘coup proofing’.

The general expectation is that the CDS will be four and quarter star, in the mould of ‘primes inter pares’, first among equals, yet keeping alive the possibility of politico-bureaucratic lobbies playing favourites. It really implies that the remit of the proposed incumbent will be limited to the coordination of capability building and perspective planning with no real control on two major functions — operations and personnel management. Ask any professional to name the most powerful branches, invariably the answer is: military operations and military secretary (dealing with officer management). The new dispensation, like the current CISC, will remain ineffective without control over these two vital functions. 

The reform process is resisted till we are jolted out of our inertia by shocks and setbacks. We were surprised in 1947, 1962, 1965 and Kargil. Mercifully, except the Chinese debacle, the forces have saved the situation. Kargil was followed by a critical analysis and a series of committees — Kargil Review Committee, followed by sub-groups and, later, the Group of Ministers deliberations headed by the Deputy PM. The consensus was for a CDS and joint commands. In keeping with our bureaucratic DNA, notwithstanding the initial euphoria and consensus, back-pedalling took over. The first manifestation was cobbling up an Integrated Defence Staff (IDS) HQ instead of a full-fledged CDS. Nearly a decade later, the Naresh Chandra Task Force came up with an incongruous Permanent Chairman Chiefs of Staff Committee and just skipped the issue of joint theatre commands.

The government created two joint commands, initiating a pilot project as the forerunner to the proposed integrated structure. The first one, on a functional basis, established the Strategic Forces Command (SFC). The second one, on a regional basis, led to Fortress Andamans (Fortran) being converted to the integrated Andaman and Nicobar Command (ANC). Essentially, it was a ploy to buy time to overcome the inherent resistance and paranoia of the IAF, of being subsumed and obstinate insistence on fighting standalone centralised air war. Reservations persist and the main argument advanced now is the dwindling inventory of fighters. This obviously disregards that surveillance, air defence, communications are organised on joint and integrated theatre grids. The IAF assets, like radars, unarmed aerial vehicles and helicopters, both attack and logistics, have a pivotal role, even if aircraft are centrally applied.

The most pertinent requirement at this juncture is to take stock of the pilot projects. The IDS HQ, despite getting no role in operations and a raw deal in staffing, has managed to reinforce the need for jointness. The SFC has been a hugely successful experiment and has paved the way for the setting up of integrated agencies on emerging disciplines of cyber, space and special operations. Presently, these agencies are headed by Major General-level officers and it is hoped that they will be incrementally upgraded to the desired level of joint commands.

It is rather unfortunate that the directive on regional joint command was implemented in the most lackadaisical manner. The Services, treating it as unwanted baby, provided neither cutting-edge assets nor quality manpower. The current thinking in the ministry is that the ANC should be headed by the Navy. Missed out in this ill-advised formulation is the cascading debiting effect in our spoils-driven system. This move would deny the Navy a rotational share in the top slots in the CISC and SFC. It is ironical that while we are committed to the triad in strategic weapons, leadership in the SFC will be in the diad mode.

The tortuous process of integration is based on forging consensus, resulting in sub-optimal lowest common multiple (LCM) solutions. It is hoped that the government will emulate the top-down approach displayed in Goldwater-Nichols Act of 1986 in the US and promulgate an eco-system that will promote operational synergy. The way forward is to reduce the complexity of 14 regional commands by creating the optimum number of integrated theatre commands. Instead of aping the Chinese or American models, we should customise our own theatres, based on our unique challenges.

We do need a CDS, but an empowered one, with operational control and effective participation in HR issues. Control of operations, currently highly centralised at the HQ, needs to be delegated to theatre commands, as is prevalent in most advanced armed forces. We need integration, albeit a full-spectrum one, extending all the way to the Defence Ministry through cross-manning and joint staffing. The proposed model has to be supported by an approved national security strategy, enhanced budgeting, functional procurement system, National Defence University and clarity on interfaces with other security management structures.