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    KPS Gill dies at 82

    KPS Gill dies at 82
    Illustration by Sandeep Joshi

    New Delhi, May 26

    KPS Gill, the supercop credited with rooting out terrorism in Punjab with an iron hand, passed away today, succumbing to a kidney ailment at the age of 82.The IPS officer, who served as the Director General of Punjab Police twice during the peak of militancy, was considered an authority on dealing with security issues and even after his retirement, his services were utilised by the governments of Chhattisgarh and Gujarat.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)He had also served as the DGP in Assam and after his retirement, the benefit of his expertise was availed of even by Sri Lanka in 2000 during its fight against LTTE.The towering personality breathed his last at 2.55 pm at Sir Ganga Ram Hospital, where he was admitted on May 18. The cremation will take place at 4 pm here on Sunday.An outspoken and daring officer who led from the front, Gill headed Punjab Police from 1988 to 1990 and then again from 1991 until his retirement in 1995.Related: 

    A major feather in his crown was commanding Operation Black Thunder in 1988 to flush out militants from Golden Temple. The operation was a huge success as little damage was caused to the holiest shrine of the Sikhs, compared to Operation Bluestar in 1984 carried out by the Army.During the fight against terrorism under Gill, the Punjab Police faced a number of allegations of human rights violations. After the 2002 Gujarat riots, he was appointed security adviser to the then CM Narendra Modi. Gill requested deployment of 1,000 riot police from Punjab.Gill also headed the Indian Hockey Federation for several years, which too was surrounded often by controversies. His career was tainted by charges of sexual harassment at a party in 1988 for which he was convicted in 1996. — PTI

    Punjab CM condoles former DGP KPS Gill’s death

    Punjab CM condoles former DGP KPS Gill’s death
    Former Punjab DGP KPS Gill. File photo

    Tribune News Service

    Chandigarh, May 26

    Punjab Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh on Friday offered his condolence on the death of former state DGP KPS Gill, recalling his invaluable contribution to bringing peace back to the state from the grip of militancy.The chief minister said Gill’s role in restoring peace and stability to Punjab cannot be undermined or forgotten, and he continues to be emulated by police and security personnel around the country, as an example of how the most complex of problems can be resolved with grit and determination.Expressing his heartfelt sympathies for the bereaved family, the chief minister said his thoughts and prayers were with them in their hour of grief.State Health Minister Brahm Mohindra also expressed profound grief and sorrow over the sad demise of KPS Gill.In a condolence message, Mohindra said KPS Gill was a committed and decorated police officer who served twice as the Director General of Police in Punjab. He termed KPS Gill as an honest, brave, highly efficient and upright officer.

    Gill rules out terror revival in state

    Former DGP says Rajiv brought in Bhindranwale to counter Akalis

    Gill rules out terror revival in state
    Former DGP KPS Gill and Sadhavi Khosla, co-authors of a book on Punjab, in Delhi on Thursday. Tribune Photo: Mukesh Aggarwal

    Ajay Banerjee

    Tribune News Service

    New Delhi, March 2

    Former Punjab DGP KPS Gill said here today that Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale had been brought in by Rajiv Gandhi to counter the Akalis, even as he ruled out the revival of terrorism in the state.Gill, who served as the DGP from 1988 to 1990 and then from 1991 till his retirement in 1995, spoke to The Tribune on the eve of the release of his book, ‘Punjab: The Enemies Within’, co-authored with Sadhavi Khosla.The 1957-batch Assam-cadre IPS officer said the seeds of terrorism in the state had also been sown by the linguistic movement of the 1950s and 1960s, when efforts were made to promote Hindi as the dominant language by suppressing other languages.Commenting on former President General Pervez Musharraf’s assertion that Pakistan could revive the Khalistan movement, Gill said: “Musharrraf will be proven wrong, just as he was mistaken in his assessment before the Kargil War (1999).” He also dismissed speculation that drug addicts in Punjab could be used as fidayeen (suicide bombers).Khosla, who hails from Patiala, said the book also addressed contemporary issues such as drugs, low farm productivity and lack of jobs. “Let’s sort the problems collectively,” said the author, who has made a documentary on Punjab’s drug menace.

    Indira was wrongly advised on Bluestar: KPS Gill
    Blames PMO, but takes no names in his biography Gives clean chit to Army
    Ajay Banerjee/TNS

    New Delhi, October 31
    More than 29 years after the controversial Operation Bluestar in June of 1984, Punjab’s former Director General of Police Kanwar Pal Singh Gill has claimed that then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi would not have allowed the operation, but was wrongly advised to do so as it was presented as the only option by her advisors.

    The operation – much criticised and scrutinised over nearly three decades — was to storm the Amritsar’s Golden Temple with tanks of the Indian Army to flush out Sant Jarnail Singh Bhindranwale and his band of armed supporters.

    The official biography of the supercop titled ‘KPS Gill The Paramount Cop’ released here tonight, also the death anniversary of Indira Gandhi, talks candidly of the role played by the 1957-batch Assam cadre IPS officer in tackling militancy in Punjab. Authored by Rahul Chandan, the 244-page book presents Gill’s opinion of Indira Gandhi, Rajiv Gandhi and PV Narsimha Rao and has passing references to VP Singh and Chandrashekhar, all Prime Ministers during the dark days of militancy in Punjab.

    On Operation Bluestar, the author quotes Gill as having said: “(It) was conducted in a hasty manner and without thinking what impact it would have on the hearts and minds of Sikhs.” The book says Gill told his fellow officers: “Don’t understand how Mrs Gandhi can order such an operation.”

    In what could be seen as a sort of clean-chit to Indira’s decision to order the operation, Gill is quoted as having said: “As far as Operation Bluestar is concerned, I know as being a witness to the secular credentials of Mrs Gandhi, she would have never have let that happen had she been advised properly. Advisors of Mrs Gandhi were not guiding her properly and the problem at hand they told her was a mountain whereas it was only a small hill.”

    Gill, who was posted as IG BSF at Jammu in January 1984 and later posted as IG Punjab Armed Police in September that year, says Operation Bluestar can never be justified and blames the Prime Minister’s Office for it, but stops short of naming anyone in the Indira-led PMO. “The Army, however, is not to blame for this botched-up operation; it was acting on the specific direction of the PMO and had been given little time to prepare.”

    The book says Operation Bluestar and the November 1984 Sikh massacres were the two most significant happenings for the cause of ‘Khalistan’ inflicted upon the nation by its own government. These two events in combination, gave a new lease of life to a movement, which could have easily been contained in 1984 itself, it says.

    Giving reasons for militancy in Punjab, the book says: “One of the factors of militancy in Punjab was the high-level of complicity of New Delhi. Eager to consolidate its political hold over the state, the ruling party at the Centre (Congress) was prepared to ignore political violence.”

    Gill goes on to speak about Rajiv Gandhi and the conduct of Operation Black Thunder in 1988: “(Rajiv) He had a very good grasp of what was happening and how it should be tackled. He was personally very honest… If any of his decisions didn’t go well, the fault lay with people who surrounded him.”

    The supercop also narrates how PV Narimsha Rao (1991-1996) gave him a “free hand” and how Punjab Chief Minister late Beant Singh was keen to tackle militancy.

    The book also reveals the genesis of Gill’s friendship with internal security ex-minister late Rajesh Pilot. Both were together in Shillong when Gill was a young IPS officer and Pilot was serving the Air Force as a fighter pilot. Pilot died in a road accident in 2000 and Gill retired from the IPS in 1995. 

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    L TO R–Late S. Albel SIngh Grewal,Media advisor to CM,KPS Gill,CM Beant Singh


    PUNJAB NEWS::27 MAY 2017

    Capt to re-examine Ladhar case, HC told

    Chandigarh, May 26

    The Chief Minister would have a re-look on the previous government’s decision to let off senior IAS officer SR Ladhar with just a warning, the Punjab and Haryana High Court was today told.Ladhar had collected an arbitration fee from farmers for deciding disputes with the National Highway Authority of India. Additional Advocate-General V Ram Swarup informed the Bench of Justice Rajan Gupta that the competent authority — the CM — would re-look at the decision of October 9, 2012, taken by the then CM.”Taking a lenient view of the matter, if the officer complies with the orders of the government, a written warning may be issued to him and he may be instructed to remain careful in respect of government rules/instructions,” the CM had ordered.An affidavit filed by Chief Secretary Karan A Singh said the matter was being taken up with the competent authority. For the purpose, six weeks’ time was sought.The HC, on the previous date of hearing, had asked the state to specify whether the action amounted to “misconduct” or “offence”. The query came on a contempt petition by advocate HC Arora against IAS officer Sarvesh Kaushal and others for not complying with directions issued by a Division Bench in October, 2013.Arora earlier stated that in October, a Division Bench had directed the state to ensure remittance of the arbitration fee charged by Ladhar along with proportionate interest. The exercise was to be completed in a month from the date of amount deposit by Ladhar. Thereafter, the amount charged from individual landowners was to be refunded within the next month. Arora submitted that the respondents were unable to ensure compliance of judgment. — TNS

    Court stays dismissal of Punsup DGM

    Saurabh Malik

    Tribune News Service

    Chandigarh, May 26

    Just about a fortnight after the services of Punsup (Punjab State Civil Supplies Corporation Limited) Deputy General Manager were terminated on the allegations of possessing a false experience certificate, Justice Jaishree Thakur of the Punjab and Haryana High Court has stayed the operation of the impugned order.Justice Thakur said the court was prima facie of the opinion that it was a fit case where stay could be granted since a co-ordinate Bench was already seized of the matter regarding the genuineness of the experience certificate and challenge to the appointment was already pending consideration in different proceeding.“Hence, the effect and operation of the impugned order dated May 10 is stayed till the next date of hearing,” she added.The Bench was earlier told that the impugned order was passed in accordance with a condition in the offer for appointment. It specified that the appointment letter issued would be cancelled without issuance of notice, if deficit was found upon checking of certificates. It was added that the petitioner’s appointment was challenged by one Harmeet Singh, who alleged that the experience certificate was forged and fabricated.Justice Thakur observed that the stand taken by Punsup in an earlier written statement was that an inquiry, marked to Manager (Administration) for checking the authenticity of the experience certificate submitted at the time of appointment, found it to be “correct and genuine”. The Bench directed Punsup to conclude the inquiry. But apparently a fresh inquiry was initiated against the petitioner.Appearing before Justice Thakur’s Bench, the petitioner’s counsel, Akshay Bhan, submitted that once the High Court was seized of the matter regarding the genuineness of the experience certificate, the order of termination should not have been passed.

    Not afraid of threats, don’t need more security: Amarinder

    Not afraid of threats, don't need more security: Amarinder
    Capt Amarinder Singh. File photo

    Chandigarh, May 25

    Punjab Chief Minister Amarinder Singh on Thursday said he is not afraid of threats to his life from pro-Khalistan elements and that there was no question of enhancing his security.Three videos are rocketing around the Internet in which men, suspected to be based in Canada, are seen giving threats to the chief minister and Congress MP Ravneet Singh Bittu.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)He dismissed media reports that the Punjab government has sought Z-plus security from the Centre for him and Bittu, saying the state police was “more than capable of protecting the people, including Congress leaders”.”There is no question of approaching the central government for more security. I have full faith in the capabilities of Punjab police, which is doing an excellent job,” the chief minister said.Singh in a statement said he was more than ready to take on “such forces which are trying hard to disrupt peace and harmony in Punjab. I will do everything in my power to thwart their nefarious designs”.The chief minister said he and his government will not be cowed down by the threats from such “spineless people who do not have the courage to come to Punjab and openly confront him”.He said if pro-Khalistan elements came to Punjab, his government will “take suitable action to ensure that they do not get away with their cowardly threats and attempts to revive terrorism in the state”.The Punjab government will retaliate in a suitable manner to ensure that peace in the state is not disturbed at any cost, he said.An official spokesperson in the Chief Minister’s Office also said Singh was not going seek additional security in the wake of the threats.The chief minister has clearly told his officials and colleagues in the government that there should be no move on their part to scale up his security cover, the spokesperson said.He said organisations like Sikhs for Justice, which was purportedly behind some of the videos doing the rounds on social media, “were being supported, overtly or covertly, by certain Indian-origin members of Canadian Parliament”.These elements were bringing a bad name to the NRI Sikh community and diluting the latter’s contribution to the development and progress of those countries, including Canada, he added. — PTI

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    182 schools record zero pass percentage

    Ludhiana district tops the list with 30 such schools

    As many as 182 schools in the state have recorded zero pass percentage in Class-10 examination of the Punjab School Education Board (PSEB), results of which were declared recently.

    Ludhiana district tops the list with 30 schools registering zero pass percentage this year, followed by Patiala with 24 schools, Jalandhar 21 and Sangrur 17.

    This dubious distinction has also been achieved by 12 schools each in SAS Nagar and Bathinda districts, 11 in Hoshiarpur and 10 in Mansa.

    When HT visited some government schools in Jalandhar with zero pass percentage, principals and teachers blamed the government for not providing them enough teachers. Some others blamed the Right to Education (RTE) Act under which they get “weak” students.

    In Government Senior Secondary School at Khiwa in Nakodar, English lecturer Tej Pal Kumar was seen doing clerical work on a computer and when asked about the principal, he said the school does not have principal for the past four years and he is officiating.

    Asked about the 0% result of the school, he said, “The RTE policy is responsible for it. A student who reaches Class 10 does not even know a basic formula of mathematics,” said Tej Pal. From the school, 11 students had given the exam and not even a single student could pass.

    Moreover, he claimed, the school has no language teachers and even science and maths mistresses joined in November 2016.

    In Government High School, Sarhali, all the 31 students have failed. “There are no teachers of social studies and English. Lack of a proper head in the school is another major problem,” said Leena, the school in-charge.

    In Government Senior Secondary School, Nihaluwal, all 36 students who appeared in the exams flunked. Principal Harmeet Kaur said, “The school doesn’t have maths and English teachers.”


    HEADLINES ::26 OCT 2017

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    FREE 3 MONTHS PRE-RECRUITMENT TRAINING FOR PUNJAB YOUTH AT C-PYTE CENTRES: Maj Gen Rajesh Bawa DG

    NOW, ARMY HQ CAN MODIFY OFFICERS’ ACRS

    A SIGNAL THAT THE ARMY MEANS BUSINESS? BY LT GEN RAJ KADYAN (RETD)

    Attorney general defends Major Gogoi

    J&K : MIX OF OLD AND NEW MAKES A WORKABLE STRATEGY BY LT GEN SYED ATA HASNAIN, PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, SM, VSM (RETD)

    HOW NATIONS DEFIED THEM BY LT GEN BHOPINDER SINGH

    HOW TO LINK YOUR AADHAAR AND PAN DETAILS TO FILE INCOME TAX RETURNS

    MISSING SUKHOI: CHINA PAYS CLOSE ATTENTION; IAF SEARCH ON

    SOLDIER KILLED NEAR LAC AS MORTAR GOES OFF TRACK

    LT GEN ANBU STRESSES RELENTLESS OPS

    PUNJAB NEWS–26 MAY 2017

    • Punjab school board chairman resignsSEARCH PANEL TO FIND A NEW CHAIRPERSON WITHIN 30 DAYS
    • Oppn seeks action against minister
    • Poor results? School board chairman Dhol calls it quits
    • No teachers, villagers lock school
    • Probe Capt’s claim on ‘fake’ encounters: DSGMCto CBI
    • CM refuses more security
    • THREAT TO CAPTAIN AMRINDER SINGH AND RAVNEET BITTU – ਕੈਪਟਨ ਅਮਰਿੰਦਰ ਅਤੇ ਰਵਨੀਤ ਬਿੱਟੂ ਨੂੰ ਮਿਲੀ ਧਮਕੀ::vedio
    • 4 Sikhs thrashed in Ajmer, panel seeks report
    • Weeds at Harike Lake pose fresh trouble for amphibious bus project

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    Now, Army HQ can modify officers’ ACRs

    Vijay Mohan

    Tribune News Service

    Chandigarh, May 25

    Two years after the practice of the Army headquarters modifying and moderating the annual confidential reports (ACR) of officers after those had been duly finalised by the appropriate chain of command was struck down by the Ministry of Defence, it is now being re-introduced. The policy was done away with earlier following a legal opinion rendered upon it by the Solicitor General. Assessments in ACRs are the basis of promotion.Following deliberations in the Army Commanders Conference held in April, Army headquarters — in a letter sent to all Commands last week — highlighted the salient features of the policy. The headquarters maintains it will curb the “inflationary” trend of commanders awarding high grades to assessees in routine.Under this policy, the Military Secretary’s Branch will filter all ACRs by adopting a computer-assisted mathematical formula to identify assessment inconsistencies.Individual cases will then be identified for further analysis by a board of officers, which will give specific recommendations — requiring the Army Chief’s final approval — of corrective action to be carried out in each case. The changes will be subject to review if an individual feels aggrieved.The policy, according to the letter, will act as a precise tool to handle inflationary and deflationary assessments when warranted, control violation of NPN norms and assist in balancing assessments.The present tools, the letter added, suffer from certain limitations and have failed to arrest inflationary trends.Some officers, on the other hand, are of the opinion that the policy of moderating ACRs at Army headquarters amounts to questioning the credibility and judgement of senior reporting officers within a well-established hierarchical system assessment.It also runs the risk of promoting favouritism by targeting officers who have been otherwise found meritorious in original ACRs.The implementation of the policy could also lead to more litigation involving service matters. A large portion of cases concerning the armed forces are associated with ACRs, promotions and distribution of vacancies amongst various arms and services at the higher echelons.There have been several judgments in the recent past where the courts have come down heavily on the Army in the manner in which promotion matters have been handled. Also under scrutiny is the “value judgement” component of ACRs which accounts for 5 per cent of the marks awarded and is the discretion of the assessing officer.


    A signal that the Army means business? by Lt Gen Raj Kadyan (retd)

    The award of Commendation Card by the Army Chief to Major Leetul Gogoi has strirred a hornet’s nest. Those looking at rule-book correctness of the means employed need to remember that the rules are framed for normal circumstances. Irregular situations demand bending of those rules

    THE action of Major Gogoi, in tying an unarmed civilian on the bonnet of his jeep last month, aroused both admiration as well as scorn. Social media had a field day. The first to tweet was Omar Abdullah, who termed the action as shocking but his views no longer merit being taken seriously. The veterans were divided, with a majority applauding the officer’s action.The interest in the issue had barely begun to flag, when it hit the headlines again with the award of Commendation Card by the Army Chief to the officer. Both his action and the award merit discussion. Military operations seldom follow a predictable path.  This is even more true in the irregular scenario of counter-militancy operations. There are no chalkboard situations or template solutions. The proverbial fifty-third card invariably shows up. Tackling such situations demands out-of-the-box thinking and an innovative mind. Major Gogoi’s   action needs to be viewed in this light. Even with the sketchy information, one was convinced that Gogoi had displayed a remarkably quick-thinking mind. After he himself addressed the media on May 23, one also saw him as a mature commander possessing high equanimity in the face of adversity. As he explained, his small party was confronted with a nearly 1,200-strong  mob armed with stones, blocking his route. He announced on the hailer that he had come to collect the polling party  and requested for passage. Many in the mob would actually have taken this as a sign of weakness. The most obvious option for a conventional military mind would have been to use force to extricate his heavily outnumbered party.  But that would have caused dozens of deaths among the civilians. His maturity did not allow him to do so. On the spur of the moment, he thought of using one of the stone-pelters  as a deterrent. And that is how Ghulam Ishaq Dar got to travel on the bonnet of his vehicle. The mobsters were too stunned to act. Finding a window of opportunity, Gogoi managed a safe passage for his men. Thus using his wit instead of his weapons, Gogoi accomplished the rescue mission without letting even a drop of blood be shed.How does one view the Major’s action in doing what he did? Those seeped in Army’s conventional ethos and culture decried it. But they miss the point. The prevailing scenario of irregular proxy warfare, calls for an innovative approach. A straitjacket approach, which may work in a conventional setting, has no place in fluid and unpredictable situations that our commanders are encountering  almost daily. Given  the Army’s result-oriented culture and  philosophy, where methodology plays a subordinate role, Gogoi comes out with a high score.Critics who chide him with violation of human rights, are off-track. The most fundamental right of a human being is the right to life. And lives are what Gogoi saved through his unorthodox action. In the end, the result is what matters. Like the ditty goes, “I eat my peas with honey/ I have done it all my life. It may look funny/ but it keeps them on the knife”. Metaphorically, Gogoi kept the peas on the knife. He acted with honest intent. Flexibility should remain the cornerstone of Army’s functioning. Those who are looking for elegance and rule-book correctness of the means employed, need to remember the rules are framed for normal circumstances. Irregular situations demand bending of those rules.  I will say: “Well done, Major Gogoi”. I wish the Indian Army has more of his brand and ilk.The award of a Commendation Card by the Army Chief to Major Gogoi raked up a lot of heat, including by a few politicians from the Valley. Some even went to the extent of calling the Army Chief’s action as an insult to the Kashmiris. Strong words of condemnation were no doubt meant to please the ears of their constituents. One wonders how many of them spoke with conviction. It was even more disconcerting to see the leaders of some mainstream political parties, with high national visibility, speaking critically of the award.  But that is India, where freedom of speech is stretched to extremes. It may be advisable to eschew populist comments on subjects where one has no expertise.To every rational thinking Indian, the award is very well-deserved and timely. It serves a dual purpose. It sends out a clear signal to the Army rank and file to act boldly and that the hierarchy stands solidly behind them in their efforts towards normalising the situation.  Even more importantly, it is a signal to the militants that the Army means business and it is high time they stopped taking law into their own hands. The writer is a  former Deputy Chief of Army Staff

    Attorney general defends Major Gogoi

    MAJOR BACKING Rohatgi salutes officer for using Kashmir weaver as human shield, says ready to represent him in court if need arises

    NEW DELHI: Attorney general Mukul Rohatgi promised on Thursday he will defend Major Nitin Leetul Gogoi in court on the Kashmir human shield row, if needed.

    HT FILEMajor Gogoi had tied Farooq Dar (above) to a military jeep’s bonnet and drove him around during a violence­marred Lok Sabha bypoll in Srinagar in mid­April.

    “I salute Major Gogoi,” he said, joining a long list of people praising the army officer under investigation for tying a Kashmiri weaver to a military jeep’s bonnet and driving around during a violence-marred Lok Sabha bypoll in Srinagar in April.

    The major’s action triggered a fierce debate about military ethics and atrocities on people in the insurgency-hit Kashmir Valley. He defended his act saying he did it to save people from a stonethrowing mob.

    Gogoi was nominated to receive the COAS commendation award despite facing a court of inquiry for alleged human rights violation.

    He is also named in an FIR registered by J&K police.

    Rohatgi, the country’s top law officer, supported the military officer and said he will “defend Gogoi if a case is lodged against him”.

    “Major Gogoi risked his life for the nation. His critics are speaking rubbish and they have no respect for valiant soldiers…”

    “I salute him for his presence of mind” to avert violence and that should not be condemned, the attorney general said. According to him, the officer followed “principles of restraint” to resolve an explosive situation and “he did so without any loss of life”.

    Rohatgi has defended the armed forces during litigation in the Supreme Court, the latest being his defence of pellet guns used by paramilitary forces in Kashmir for crowd control.

    These weapons are called nonlethal, but blinded and maimed many people and caused fatal wounds too during last year’s public unrest in the Valley.

    Rohatgi criticised the top court’s verdict against the controversial Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, which allowed security forces extra-judicial powers and protection against prosecution during counter-insurgency operations.

    The verdict last year restrained security personnel from using “extreme force” even areas where the AFSPA is invoked. The act is blamed for several alleged extra-judicial killings in Kashmir and the Northeast throughout the past decade.

    But the attorney general argued that “the principles of right to self-defence cannot be strictly applied while dealing with militants and terrorist elements in a hostile and unstable terrain”.

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    J&K : Mix of Old and New Makes A Workable Strategy BY Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, SM, VSM (Retd)

    We need a healthy mix of old and new options to formulate a workable strategy to resolve the current imbroglio
    Author:
    Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, SM, VSM (Retd)
    Wednesday, May 24, 2017

    Burhan Wani, new militancy, the scourge of the stone thrower, terrorist funerals, emboldened school children resisting the CRPF, manipulated video and the like are all associated with the new Kashmir situation. For veterans of the past who saw a different dimension of the militancy it is not easy to appreciate the new threats and the dangers they spell. However, there are some basics which apply in every situation and not for nothing do accomplished practitioners of operational art advise their subordinates to go back to the drawing board or ‘back to basics’ to address most problems.

    In the world of soldiering the nature of conflict may rapidly change but most essentials just remain the same. Basic instinct tells a soldier what is the next thing to do. A prudent mix of the old and new makes a workable strategy. Here is how.

    I ascribe the above understanding to the adoption of the Cordon and Search Operations (CASO),now under execution in South Kashmir. Lots of veterans would recall how populations loathe these when they are conducted as per the book. They are also great occasions to fraternize and even attempt to change the minds of the public. Earlier CASOs were invariably accompanied by a civic action team comprising a Regimental Medical Officer (RMO), his staff and administrative elements. Off late, at least since the beginning of the millennium we have been carrying out only intelligence based search operations. The scope of generic CASO was reduced to just a few houses on basis of suspicion. With the kind of situation which has recently developed in the area bounded by Kulgam, Shupian, Pulwama and Bijbehara and the daily run of bank robberies, the writ of the state has virtually come under question with governance nearly paralyzed. A series of CASOs of the old-world style, a sweep through, selective searches and broad domination, appear to have been followed displaying flexibility in thinking. When in trouble going back to the drawing board and to the basics, appears to have been followed as a notion.

    When there were attempts at intimidation of the columns through stone throwing coercion was given a bye. However, if these operations have to continue for effect and there is more intimidation, limited coercion will have to follow. This cannot be one off and needs to repeat often irrespective of material results; domination and prevention of freedom of movement being the essential focus.

    Surprisingly there were expectations of definitive results from these operations, even by some people in uniform. It should be well known that CASOs rarely produce results but are outstanding means of measured ‘intimidation’, domination and psychological pressure on terror groups and their supporters. These active day and night operations will keep terrorists on the run. The crossings on the Jhelum River need to be controlled, in fact dominated, even if Marcos from Bandipura have to be redeployed. Obviously more troops are required and these should be brought in very early, possibly a division worth along with a HQ. We cannot have HQ Victor Force alone responsible for the Amarnath Yatra, Central and South Kashmir. Troops had been redeployed from South Kashmir to the LoC for the counter infiltration grid when things had become quieter here. Prudence demands that there need be no hesitation on part of senior commanders to turn the clock. If tactics of old are to be followed so must force levels of the past be restored.

    A notion which needs analysis is the idea that Kashmir is back to the Nineties and that India is losing it. Somehow Pakistan also perceives as if it is winning the proxy conflict and its perception is prevailing upon the Indian public in no small way. I can recall the number of times this question has been put to me through the last fifteen years or so. Each time the security situation slips self-doubts rise. It is to the credit of the Indian Army that despite the ups and downs due to the inability of taking the situation beyond security stabilization, we have still managed to keep it well short of the Tipping Point towards which Pakistan wishes to push it. Yes, the situation today is bad and alienation is very high but in 1990 when it all came to a head we were responding with virtually shoe string resources and experience only of Sri Lanka or Nagaland. Today we have 63 battalions of Rashtriya Rifles (RR) in J&K and we need to be thankful these did not redeploy to the Red Corridor as was being contemplated in 2010. There are close to 60 CRPF units in the Valley alone and the JK Police has its own numbers. More than anything else we have the experience and the benefit of success and failure. That, however, is a subjective asset contingent upon the amount of intellect we wish to apply and quantum of failure we wish to admit. Converting near failure to success is an art of leadership and I would always look upon the current situation as a grand opportunity to apply the lessons of failure and reinforce the lessons of success. The only thing we definitely did not have in 1990 is 24×7 media penetrating our homes and minds. How this can be converted into an asset is another aspect which has been insufficiently examined.

    A public order situation as the one in Kashmir,seen to be crossing a threshold, needs to be tackled the robust way in a calibrated manner. We did it in 1990 and some years thereafter. Formal adoption of Sadbhavana as a hearts and minds exercise only commenced in 1997 after we had crossed a threshold of control through the employment of legitimate hard power. The Security Forces (SF) therefore have to demonstrate firmness with correctness. They need to ensure that they are not baited into overreaction. Qualification of what is legitimate hard power must be clearly understood by commanders down the chain and an extra effort must be made to embed the altered rules of engagement into all ranks.

    There are other domains which need to be simultaneously addressed. As a policy the Government does not wish to engage with separatist leaders or anti-India elements that for long appear to have been legitimized as the potential future political leadership of J&K. The events of 2016 were like a watershed when the reluctance of these very elements to engage with India became almost final. The Government then decided not to engage but rather delegitimize them; it has actually led to their disempowerment in the eyes of the separatist cadres too. However, it has also led to the creation of a dispersed under cover leadership which may not fully have been discovered even by intelligence agencies. This identification is a necessity and must form one of the elements of focus of the intelligence campaign.

    Among all supportive dimensions relevant to the restoration of the situation in Kashmir, two stand out. First is the identification and engagement of the right people whose support will work against the anti-national elements. Second is to follow an effective policy of countering the proactive Pakistani and Separatist propaganda; ideal is to have a proactive policy of information handling to take your own message to the people before the adversary’s message. In other words it is all about messaging the narratives openly, transparently and sufficiently.

    Engagement and Outreach

    One can start with a definition of the term which has rarely been attempted in the past. It can involve the following:-

    A series of actions taken over time to meet and fraternize with different Definition. segments of the public for better understanding of culture, faith, social environment, aspirations and level of alienation.

    • Involves determining specific administrative problems of the people, resolving those that can be within means and taking up issues with Government authorities for resolution of the remaining.

    • Also assist in explaining Government’s views to the public.

    • Countering Pakistan and Islamic propaganda.

    Functionaries I meet who know J&K well all recommend engagement and outreach alongside robust no nonsense operations but remain hesitant about how this can be done in the face of ongoing violence and alienation. I find this strange; a lack of application of experience, intellect and an inability to take risk. “It requires creativity and will to explore ideas”, as one experienced journalist puts it. The dearth is of ideas which flow when you keep channels of communication open with diverse entities. If you do not meet people and do not go down to villages to speak to those who matter little, the ideas will seldom come. It is not for me to suggest models of outreach but I would follow a simple dictum of hybrid conflict; ensure what you do carries the stamp of the whole of government.

    Start from places least affected by violence; there is never a need to jump into the eye of the storm. It must start small with local administrators and police officials, the security and administration being provided by the Army.

    Ensure presence of maximum young people and also women plus a few members of the clergy.

    Use the points of the above definition to good effect.

    Listen rather than talk and allow legitimate grievances to be aired. Resolve what one can be with assistance of the civil administration.

    I am aware that the resentment among the youth is immense and there will be attempts at rabble rousing but that is the risk one takes in such initiatives. The event must never be labeled an Army initiative but a local government one for greater legitimacy. A small medical camp on the sidelines increases the legitimacy; lady doctors and pediatricians are a must.

    This is just a model of the past which needs adaptation to the current. It needs to be done at unit level. With a few elders, one or two members of the clergy and some youth; there can be legitimate discussions even at company level. I always admit that better than me were my company commanders; the young majors of 46 RR (Sikh); in dealing with the populace of Baramula. That was our strength and still is, in that very sensitive town. Implicit faith in the capability of the junior officer and his Commanding Officer holds the Indian Army in great stead and that should never dilute. From the peripheral areas when the word spreads replication can begin in the inner core in a gradual spread. The recent move, in Victor Force to conduct engagement in small groups, is already receiving positive feedback.

    It is a question of understanding and experience. The kind of engagement described above gives no political legitimacy to anyone; it only gives administrative empowerment to the people and the administrators. The security so necessary for the safe move of administrators is provided by the Army and Police along with intelligence backup. None of this goes against the national discourse of not giving in to violence as a means of coercing the government. In due course it will assist in political outreach too.

    There has to be a media imprint for this. National and local media can be sounded. ‘Government Functionaries interact with Local Youth’ at different places in Kashmir should be headlines in local media and the subject of discussion in the evening on national visual media. Repeats of this will multiply interest and create more faith and more hope. That has what has been destroyed in the last one year which needs to be restored.

    Counter Propaganda and Strategic Communication

    There is a physical dimension to outreach as explained above but there also exists a virtual one. It’s old wine to keep regretting how Pakistan realized the significance of the information domain and continues to exploit it to the hilt. The recent uploading of videos, WhatsApp messages, generation of flash mobs and anti-government propaganda have only one source, the Inter Services Public Relations wing (ISPR) of the Pakistan Army. The important thing is to realize that without a campaign to counter the ISPR and build favorable narratives; our efforts to stabilize Kashmir may not fully succeed. It’s not for me to suggest themes, narratives and ideas but suffice to flag that this has to be institutional. It cannot be left to the Army to run although we can build on its efforts which continue with limited resources. There has to be a national effort which has to be civilian oriented with ownership at both Central and State Government levels. It may also be prudent to advise that these campaigns need professionals to run them with deep insight into the situation, cultural and political sensitivities and psyche. Since this is something quite new and the information domain has hardly been our forte ever since its very effective handling in 1971, we need a body to examine this thoroughly on fast track. The mechanism for execution must be established in less than six months.

    The Indian public need not be demotivated or disturbed by any notions of having lost Kashmir. It will take much more than just a couple of stone throwing demonstrations for Pakistan to wrest Kashmir from us. In fact that is the underlying theme of the very first campaign which must be crafted.

    Bringing a nation of 1.25 billion people with an Army of 1.3 million to its knees by attempting to take away a part of the national territory and its people is surely not something Pakistan is ever capable of achieving.


    How nations defied them by Lt Gen Bhopinder Singh

    The onus of ‘responsible’ international behaviour is realistically self-mandated on nations as the mechanisms for enforcement are weak.

    Nations have unique foundational narratives, governing instincts and moral scruples that drive them to respond varyingly to internatio­nal verdicts and advisories. The verdicts, advisories or opinions of the International Court of Justice at Hague, which adjudicates over international legal disputes are a test of the intrinsic morality of the sovereign, as the same gets tested by the way the affected nations internalises, rationalises and honours the same.

    As the judicial branch of the United Nations, all 193 UN-member nations automatically become party to the court’s statutes – though, the element of mutual consent to resolve disputes through the ICJ intervention, affords moral implications on complying with the ultimate verdict, irrespective of favourability.

    The complexities, intrigues and unsettled positions of the Indo-Pakistan saga have ensured that the ICJ has been invoked four times (including, the recent Kulbhushan Jadhav case where India obtained a stay against the execution orders, by the questionable Military Martial Court in Pakistan). Interestingly, while India initiated the recent proceeding by invoking the Vienna Conventions of 1961, the previous three cases before the ICJ were initiated by Pakistan.

    The first was in 1971 when Pakistan alleged that India had violated the International Civil Aviation Convention and the International Air Services Transit Agreement (India’s initial appeal that Organisation’s Council had no jurisdiction to decide was dismissed in Pakistan’s favour — though, the matter was mutually dropped in 1976 after the creation of Bangladesh, as the issue of overflight became irrelevant).

    Similarly, the second case involving the fate of 195 Pakistani Prisoners-of-War was again mutually withdrawn with the signing of the bilateral New Delhi Agreement in 1973 that encompassed the issue. However, it was the 1999 shooting down of the Pakistani Navy patrol and reconnaissance Atlantique plane over the Indian airspace, with 16 people on board, that made Pakistan seek reparations of $60 million in the ICJ for compensation to the victims’ families.

    Soli Sorabjee, India’s then attorney general, won the day with the essential plea that the International Court had no jurisdiction on disputes covered by multilateral treaties or by disputes between India and the Commonwealth countries, besides the fact that Pakistan had violated a 1991 bilateral treaty prohibiting the flying combat planes within 10 km of each other’s airspace, including Air Defence Identification Zone.

    The thumping endorsement of the bench decision, with a score of 14-2, was in favour of India — the two dissenting jud­ges were Awn Shawkat Al-Khasaw­neh from Jordan and Justice Syed Sharifuddin Pirzada (who along with India’s former SC judge B P Jeevan Reddy, co-opted into the bench as ad-hoc judges).
    Pakistan’s frustrations in its first three failed attempts at the ICJ were accentuated by the fourth debacle in the Kulbhushan Jadhav case. Unsurprisingly, a jarring note of disrespect emanated from the official spokesperson of Pakistani Foreign Office Nafees Zakaria, who unequivocally stated, “Pakistan doesn’t accept ICJ’s jurisdiction in Jadhav’s case”, after the negative verdict.

    Now, a glaring contrast to the Pakistani response to the recent ICJ judgement is the India-Bangladesh dispute regarding the delimitation of the maritime boundary. This five- year-long arbitration case under the UN Convention on Law of Sea (UNCLOS) resulted in the tribunal awarding Bangladesh 19,467 sq km of 25,602 sq km sea area of Bay of Bengal.

    However, the unambiguously negative verdict against India did not manifest in any nationalistic bravado or refusal, ins­tead the Indian external affairs ministry spokesperson stated, “We are committed to abiding by the outcome of that pro­cess.” Adhering and respecting the binding nature of the ICJ orders, given the voluntary acceptance of allowing the case to be tried in the ICJ, is a logical expression and expectation of any ‘moral state.’

    Like Pakistan, its ‘all-weather-friend’ China exhibited a similar instinct to that of Pakistan’s, when it lost an arbitration case against Philippines in 2016, where the Permanent Court of Arbitration rejected China’s claim to historic rights on the region and its creative interpretation of territorial limits via the ‘nine-dash-line’ approach.

    Chinese President Xi Jinping then stated, “China will never accept any claim or action based on those awards”, eerily reminiscent of the recent Pakistani intransigence. The question of a ‘moral state’ were poked by the US State Department spokesman John Kirby who said, “The world is watching to see if China is really the global power it professes itself to be, and the responsible power that it professes itself to be.”

    Legislative escape-vents
    The onus of ‘responsible’ international behaviour is realistically self-mandated on nations as the mechanism for enforcement are essentially weak and susceptible to the subsequent angularities of the five UN Permanent Security Council members, who can veto any proposal. However, even countries like the US are often guilty of dishonouring ICJ verdicts owing to technicalities and legislative escape-vents that belie the spirit of legality and morality.

    The restive perceptions between the US and some Latin American co­untries can be explained by the US’ frequent unwillingness to submit to the plenary authority of the ICJ, especially when the verdict in a dispute is adverse to US positions. The US brazenly refused to participate in the proceedings in the merits of the case initiated by Nicaragua in 1984 and later withdrew from compulsory jurisdiction — the optics of such irresponsible sovereign behaviour militate against efforts towards international justice.

    Islamabad has its own political compulsions and existential intrigues that routinely vitiate against the expected standards of a ‘moral state’. The often interchangeable terms like ‘rogue nations’ (currently the US considers North Korea, Iran, Sudan and Syria), ‘pariah states’, ‘states of concern’ or ‘state sponsor of terrorism’ are typified by a certain irresponsible sovereign behaviour towards international law, undemocratic internal frameworks and dubious intents towards other nations. Herein, disrespecting an international verdict of an independent court of law is a sure-sign of a ‘non-moral’ state.

    Pakistan has an increasingly inglorious reputation of harbouring the ‘terror nurseries’ of the world, and the emerging optics of defiance to the ICJ verdict are worrisome pointers of a flawed national nar-
    rative, aspiration and ultimately destiny.

    (The writer is former Lt Governor of Anda­man & Nicobar Islands, and Puducherry)


    ‼ *सोच और समझ में अंतर* ‼  

                             ÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷÷

    ●एक डॉ.चाहता है कि हर आदमी बीमार हो.!

    ●वकील चाहता है कि हर आदमी झगड़ालू हो.!

    ●पुलिस चाहती है कि हर आदमी जुल्मी हो.!

    ●ठेकेदार चाहता है कि हर आदमी मजदूर हो.! 

    ●दारू का ठेकेदार चाहता है कि हर आदमी शराबी हो.! 

    ●बैंक चाहता है कि हर आदमी कर्जदार हो.! 

    ●नेता चाहता है कि हर आदमी भोला-भाला और अनपढ़ हो.!

    ●पुजारी चाहता है कि हर आदमी अन्धविश्वास में डूबा रहे.! 

    ●तांत्रिक चाहता है कि हर आदमी भूत-प्रेतों से डरता रहे.! 

    *लेकिन* एक फौजी ही चाहता है कि सभी लोग अपने अपने घर सही सलामत रहें…,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,,असली हीरो यह हमारे देश के जवान हैं

    🔴 *आइए, फौजीऔं का सम्मान करें* 💐👏

    अच्छा लगे तो जरूर शेअर करें।


    How to link your Aadhaar and PAN details to file income tax returns

    NEW DELHI : The Finance Act, 2017 has made it mandatory to quote your Aadhaar number while filing your income tax return with effect from July 1. For this, you need to link your Aadhaar with your permanent account number (PAN). However, many were finding it difficult to link Aadhaar with PAN, due to details mismatching on these two documents. In order to solve this problem, the Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT) has come out with a simple solution.

    MINT/FILEThe Finance Act, 2017 has made it mandatory to quote Aadhaar number while filing income tax returns

    LINK YOUR AADHAAR

    Minor discrepancies like different

    names in the two documents—say names with initials in one and expanded initials in another —were earlier creating problems. This has now been solved.

    To link your Aadhaar with PAN, just go to www.incometaxindiaefiling.gov.in and click on the tab ‘Link Aadhaar’ on the left-hand side of the website. First, fill out your PAN and Aadhaar number; then enter your name exactly as mentioned in Aadhaar and then submit it. After verification of details from the Unique Identification Authority of India (UIDAI), the linking will be confirmed.

    However, if there is any minor mismatch in your Aadhaar name, a one-time password (OTP) will be sent to your Aadhaar-registered mobile number. Make sure that the date of birth and gender in PAN and Aadhaar are exactly the same. There is no need to even log in or be registered on the e-filing website.

    If you are already registered on the e-filing website, you can link your Aadhaar after logging in to the e-filing website. Just click on the Aadhaar linking option under profile settings. The details as per PAN will be pre-populated and you only need to enter your Aadhaar number and name exactly as mentioned in Aadhaar. Once you link your Aadhaar with PAN, you will be able to e-verify your income tax return using OTP sent to your mobile.

    If your Aadhaar name is completely different from that in PAN, then the linking will fail and the taxpayer will be prompted to change the name in either the Aadhaar or PAN database.

    MAKING CORRECTIONS

    In case you want to make corrections in your PAN or Aadhaar, you can do so by going to the National Securities Depository Ltd website www.onlineservices.nsdl.com/paam/ endUserRegisterContact.html and UIDAI portal ssup.uidai.gov.in/web/ guest/update respectively.


    STATECRAFT Revolution, three years later b y Harish Khare

    Revolution, three years later
    Illustration by Sandeep Joshi

    A revolution was deemed to have been ushered in on May 26, 2014, in the forecourt of Rashtrapati Bhavan. Three years later, it is all too obvious that the meretricious cult has not been allowed to go stale; nor, have the “revolutionaries” lost their swagger. If anything, the revolution and its high priests seem inexhaustible and unstoppable. The Prime Minister’s reputation as the greatest demagogue of our times stands undiminished; he has been blessed with, to use Tiruvallavar’s words, “the gift of the gifted tongue.” As a nation, we remain seduced. Our anxieties and animosities are kept bubbling; and, we are all comfortable with #hashtag ill-liberalism. We have been induced to believe that we are being governed by less corrupt and more effective rulers than we were during the days of the parasitic Gandhis; we are unceasingly bombarded with facts and fiction, all intended to convey a sense of competence and accomplishment. Indeed, we are not allowed to catch our breath; we are being constantly transported from one crisis to another — and, a sense of relief that there is someone out there who is willing to use violence against those who threaten us with violence. There is no denying that the new revolution continues to demonstrate untiring political energy and populist verve; perhaps its greatest — uniquely unprecedented — strength remains its ability to control the national narrative, what we think or are allowed to say in public domain. It has mastered the new communication techniques and technology. The result is a bit of national incongruity. The same media that only a few years ago thought its primary institutional responsibility — rather its very raison d’etre — was to ask uncomfortable questions, to show a mirror to power, to speak up to authority, has been enlisted, unresistingly and self-consciously, as a government surrogate. Night after night, dissent and disagreements are shouted down in television studios; those in disagreement with the government are simply told to “stop cribbing.” This has been one of the most remarkable achievements, that too without seemingly any recourse to the coercive instruments available to any government. The media has been seduced to redefine its role: run the Opposition out of town. No other government since Independence has had the media so eagerly eating out of its hand, not even during the infamous Emergency. Yet, three years later, the character and direction of the revolution stand changed. It can be argued, admittedly with a bit of exaggeration, that the “revolution” has been reduced to a fight over Indira Gandhi’s legacy between her biological grandson (Rahul Gandhi) and a putative political grandson (Narendra Modi). The revolution changed direction once the Bihar electorate in the late 2015 put an end to the emerging Modi presidency; and, suddenly, the man who was widely hailed to be an Indian Deng Xiaoping, dexterously changed the course. After the Bihar voter settled Modi’s hash, the reformist platform was pushed on the back-burner (even though the FICCI and the ASSOCHAM continue to sing paeans, perhaps out of habit.) Let us make no mistake. Three years after the revolution, the Indian State is back with a bang — back with all the Stalinist impulses of the Indira Gandhi era. The State and its authorised functionaries breathe down the citizen’s neck, in the most intrusive and demanding manner. At least, three elements of the Indira Gandhi State stand restored as functioning mantras of the new revolution. First, the poor have been discovered, circa 1969. The grand disruption that went by the demonetisation was dressed up in pro-poor rhetoric in a manner that would have earned a nod of approval from Indira Gandhi. All those who thought that the corporate imagination and the market innovation would be relied upon to find answers to our problems of economic stagnation and unemployment, have watched in silence as the State was now charged with the responsibility to ameliorate the poor’s plight. Shades of Garibi Hatao. All the Indira Gandhi acolytes have noted with satisfaction that the 2014 revolution has not meant the withering away of the welfare State. Second, the inspector and his stick are back. In the name of unearthing black money, the raid raj has been brought back. Not since the brief period of VP Singh’s tenure as Finance Minister has the country been invited to celebrate the daily visits from the CBI or the Enforcement Directorate. It is being harshly demanded that taxes be paid up; otherwise be prepared for a visit from the income-tax man. Rather than the citizen being asked to live up to his obligations to the State, a collectivist mindset appears to be at work. And, where the legal functionaries are unable to be persuasive, there is the lynch mob, out to enforce and impose new prejudices and preferences. The State has asserted its right to oversee all spheres of cultural and social activity. The State is more muscular, more muzzling, and more manipulative than at any other time in recent decades. And, the third Indira Gandhi mantra at work is invocation of nationalism and its unremitting demands on our emotions and loyalties. Our nationalism has been reoriented as an anti-Pakistan mantra. Stupid and shallow men in Islamabad and Rawalpindi continue to fuel our sense of righteous indignation. Indira Gandhi remains the historic role model. Our present leaders cannot be faulted for remembering that Indira Gandhi enjoys the status of being the only “Hindu” ruler in our history to have inflicted a crushing defeat on a “Muslim” adversary. Even Atal Behari Vajpayee had to hail her as Durga. History carries its own allurements for the current saviours. And, just as it was Indira Gandhi’s wont, these mantras are being pressed to good use for a single-minded pursuit of personal political dominance and hegemony. The pursuit of personal political hegemony has, necessarily, to be non-ideological, practical, pragmatic and tactically ambiguous. The purists can keep on bemoaning the ideological flakiness and the absence of a Margaret Thatcher-like clarity and conviction, the hegemon has no doubts about his aims and direction: maximalist power as a personal entitlement, as a necessary requisite for orderly and stable governance. A political leader defines himself as much in terms of what his regime stands for as in terms of who he chooses to designate as his putative enemy. The Modi revolution continues to position itself as the anti-thesis of the Gandhis, and to appropriate for itself a moral and spiritual superiority — a very Indira Gandhian ruse, as it seeks to lay its own claim to the historical legacy of Indira Gandhi. In this quest lie the seeds of the revolution’s own disintegration.