The couple in custody for the murder of Indian Air Force corporal Vipan Shukla (inset) in Bathinda on Tuesday. Photo: Pawan sharma

Sukhmeet Bhasin

Tribune News Service

Bathinda, February 21

The chopped body of Indian Air Force (IAF) corporal Vipan Shukla, who had gone missing on February 8, was found today in the staff quarters at the Bhisiana air force station.The police arrested IAF sergeant Shailesh Kumar and his wife Anuradha, who is eight months’ pregnant, for the murder. A co-accused, Shailesh’s brother-in-law Shashi Bhushan, is absconding. A preliminary investigation revealed that Shukla had illicit relations with Anuradha. On getting pregnant last year, she allegedly asked him to marry her as she was prepared to divorce her husband. However, he rebuffed her and told her to get an abortion done.Sources said Anuradha and her husband later hatched a conspiracy to murder Shukla. Her brother, who works in the Merchant Navy, became their accomplice.Police sources stated that around 10.30 pm on February 8, when Shukla was taking a walk, Anuradha sought his help to pack her luggage. He entered her house, where Shailesh and his brother-in-law hit him fatally on the head with an axe and hid the body in a trunk.On February 19, they chopped the body into pieces and packed it in 16 packets. They then kept the parts in the refrigerator and a cupboard in their new quarters, the sources added.The police said Kumkum Shukla, the victim’s wife, had registered a complainant at Balluana police post on February 9 about her disappearance.A police team, along with IAF officials and a dog squad, searched the quarters and recovered the body parts.

SRINAGAR: The Jammu and Kashmir government has reiterated its advice to local youth against running towards the site of gun-battle and issued prohibitory restrictions of up to three kilometers around an encounter site in the three districts of Srinagar, Budgam and Shopian.

The advisory came amidst a political war of words on the army chief ’s recent statement that such people will be dealt with harshly.

“District administrations of Srinagar, Budgam and Shopian advised people not to move towards or assemble near the places where encounters take place between security forces and militants to avoid loss and injuries to precious human lives,” the advisory, released on Thursday evening, said.

It added, “However the restrictions shall not apply to the movement of ambulances, medical, paramedical staff and Government employees.”

The government advisory comes after a year since it first issued such a notice in Pulwama district, following the increasing cases of locals rushing towards the site of a gun-battle to allegedly distract security forces and help the militants in escaping.

Speaking to HT, J&K director general of police, SP Vaid said, “We can advise and if someone still wants to jump into the fire, then what can we do?”

HT had reported exactly a year ago about this trend and experts had observed in the story that “common people openly putting their lives at stake to save militants” was an emerging reality in Kashmir.

Army chief Bipin Rawat has recently commented that those who hinder counter-insurgency operations or display flags of Pakistan and the Islamic State in Kashmir will be considered as “anti-national” and would “face action”.

Asked about why people are continuing with this trend despite knowing the dangers, Vaid said: “Vinasha kale viparith buddhi (When one’s doom approaches, then one’s mind, one’s intelligence works perversely),” he said.

Reacting to Rawat’s statement, senior Congress leader Jyotiraditya Scindia said, “The issue of internal security of the country is a serious one and there can be no compromise on it. But as I had said during the last Parliament session, atrocities should not be inflicted on innocents. Action should be taken against those involved in wrong doings but there is need to adopt restraint.”

Encounter sites in J&K tohave3km no­go zones

Officials say move is to stop civilians from risking lives

The Jammu and Kashmir government has reiterated its advice to local youth against running towards the site of gunbattle and issued prohibitory restrictions of up to three kilometers around an encounter site in the three districts of Srinagar, Budgam and Shopian.

WASEEM ANDRABI/HTKashmiri protesters throw stones at police and paramilitary soldiers during a demonstration after the Friday prayers in Srinagar.

The advisory came amidst a political war of words on the army chief’s recent statement that such people will be dealt with harshly.

“District administrations of Srinagar, Budgam and Shopian advised people not to move towards or assemble near the places where encounters take place between security forces and militants to avoid loss and injuries to precious human lives,” the advisory, released on Thursday evening, said.

It added, “However the restrictions shall not apply to the movement of ambulances, medical, paramedical staff and Government employees.”

The government advisory comes after a year since it first issued such a notice in Pulwama district, following the increasing cases of locals rushing towards the site of a gun-battle to allegedly distract security forces and help the militants in escaping.

Speaking to HT, J&K director general of police, SP Vaid said, “We can advise and if someone still wants to jump into the fire, then what can we do?”

HT had reported exactly a year ago about this trend and experts had observed in the story that “common people openly putting their lives at stake to save militants” was an emerging reality in Kashmir.

Army chief Bipin Rawat has recently commented that those who hinder counter-insurgency operations or display flags of Pakistan and the Islamic State in Kashmir will be considered as “anti-national” and would “face action”.

Asked about why people are continuing with this trend despite knowing the dangers, Vaid said: “Vinasha kale viparith buddhi (When one’s doom approaches, then one’s mind, one’s intelligence works perversely),” he said.

Reacting to Rawat’s statement, senior Congress leader Jyotiraditya Scindia said, “The issue of internal security of the country is a serious one and there can be no compromise on it. But as I had said during the last Parliament session, atrocities should not be inflicted on innocents. Action should be taken against those involved in wrong doings but there is need to adopt restraint.”

“Congress is falling to this temptation of politicising the army chief’s statement… This party can go to any extent for political benefits. It is speaking the voice of separatists for lowly political gains,” Union minister Jitendra Singh retorted.

Since Sunday five soldiers, one officer, eight militants and two civilians have been killed in gunfights in the Kashmir valley. Statistics reveal that the conflict is becoming more local and lethal. The new phenomenon has been in the making over the past two years – belligerent crowds would gather and stone the security forces with an aim to disrupt the counter-insurgency operations and enable the militants to escape.  At times, the militants were protected by the human wall of people of all age groups. This trend picked up pace especially after the killing of militant Burhan Wani in July last year. Burhan’s death became a turning point. The fearlessness with which the mobs attacked the security forces’ camps and convoys has shaped the young generation’s audacity. New information suggests more locals are joining the militants’ ranks.  The security forces are caught in a catch-22 situation for they cannot abandon their operation against militants nor can they fire live ammunition on stone-throwers. Obviously, this new mood of the people has not been factored in by the security forces and the government. The rush-and-raid strategy of the past is no longer relevant. Militants making videos of their preparations to face security forces is something unique. The circulation of such videos on social media as also that of large crowds attending the funeral processions of slain militants works up the intense passions of the young.  They are swelling the militants’ ranks. The counter-terrorism strategy has not moved with this changing pace of reality. The original infiltration-guide-militant and the overground-worker nexus is getting supplemented by fast-growing local militancy. The Jammu and Kashmir Government is looking towards New Delhi to initiate dialogue to infuse hope and defuse militancy as also violent protests.  New Delhi is relying on the old approach of getting everything done and achieved through a hammer approach and leaving things to subside on their own. That strategy appears to be backfiring.  An entire population of civilians is getting sucked into the militant’s corner. The portents of a wider conflict are becoming ominously clear.

Tribune News Service

Bathinda, February 14

Family members of a missing IAF jawan today met Bathinda SSP and demanded a probe into the matter.They said jawan Vipin Shukla had been missing for the past six days but despite lodging complaints, nothing had been done by the Air Force and police.The family members said Sukhla was selected as airman and was now deployed at the canteen of the Air Force at Bhisiana.The missing airman was living with his wife and children in a government quarter at Bhisiana, they added.SSP Swapan Sharma said a police officer had been deputed to look into the matter.

Sergeant’s wife gets bail in suicide case

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, February 14

A local court today granted regular bail to the wife of a 27-year-old Sergeant of the Indian Air Force in an abetment of suicide case. She was granted bail on the bail bond of Rs 25,000.Her counsel contended that her husband made her nominee for taking all benefits, thus, they had no bitter relation. And why was the FIR lodged after 24 days of the incident by her in-laws. It was further argued that the in-laws had also moved a Maharashtra court, demanding his financial benefits to be given to them. Thus, false allegations were leveled against her for claiming the same amount.Savita Swapnil Ghagare (24) was arrested on February 2, almost seven months after her husband Swapnil Babaso Ghagare, a resident of Maharashtra, committed suicide by hanging himself at his house in Sector 47. The Chandigarh police arrested his wife for abetment of suicide.The victim, Swapan, posted at the 3 BRD Air Force Station had committed suicide in June, 2016. Police officials said the victim had an altercation with his wife before he committed suicide.The victim’s mother had complained to the police that Sawpan’s wife Savita forced him to take the extreme step.After investigating the matter, the Chandigarh police arrested the deceased’s wife and registered a case under Section 306 (abetment of suicide) of the Indian Penal Code (IPC) at the Sector 31 police station.

Tej Bahadur Yadav

New Delhi, February 10

The Delhi High Court today asked the Centre to allow the wife of the BSF jawan, who went public through the social media alleging poor quality food being served to soldiers, to meet and stay with him for two days at the base where he was posted at present.The direction by a Division Bench of Justices GS Sistani and Vinod Goel came after Additional Solicitor General (ASG) Sanjay Jain informed the court that BSF jawan Tej Bahadur Yadav is not under any illegal confinement and he has been shifted to another battalion, 88th Bn HQRS at Kalibari, Samba, in Jammu.Taking note of the submission, the Bench said if the wife had an apprehension that her husband was under threat, she and their son be allowed to meet the soldier.It also said, “We should not get into logistics of any kind, the wife must be allowed to meet him and let us burst the bubble.”The Bench directed the ASG, who was representing the Centre and BSF, to make all possible arrangements for the wife to meet her husband and there should be no difficulties while she visits the place. The direction came after the jawan’s wife, Sharmila Devi, moved the court by way of a habeas corpus plea, alleging her husband is untraceable.  — PTI

External Affairs spokesperson Vikas Swarup. File photo

New Delhi, February 8

Reacting strongly, India on Thursday termed as “figment of imagination” Pakistan’s contention that it is building a secret nuclear city, saying it is a “diversionary tactic” to deflect attention from issues like Pak-sponsored terrorism and harbouring of terrorists.“These are completely baseless allegations. The so-called secret city appears to be a figment of the Pakistan imagination. India has always been in compliance with all its international obligations. This is a very strange statement coming from a country that does not have a separation plan and has a strong record of proliferation which is well known to the world.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)“India has very different credentials. So, clearly this shows a lack of comprehension. Furthermore, there is no doubt that this is a diversionary tactic by Pakistan which aims to deflect attention from the real issue at hand – the continued state sponsorship of terrorism by Pakistan and its harbouring of internationally designated terrorists,” External Affairs spokesperson Vikas Swarup said.He was asked about remarks by Pakistan Foreign Office spokesman Nafees Zakaria that “India is building a secret nuclear city… It has accumulated a stockpile of nuclear weapons which threatens to undermine the strategic balance of power in the region.”Questioned about comments by Pakistan Planning and Development Minister of Pakistan Ahsan Iqbal regarding peace talks with India after the ongoing state assembly elections in five states, he said it is not state elections in India but state terrorism by Pakistan which has stood in the way of a peaceful bilateral dialogue.“It is high time Pakistan gets the diagnosis of the problem right. It should not remain in denial on the impact of cross border terrorism on the bilateral relationship. Both the problem and its solution are within Pakistan’s reach,” Swarup said. — PTI

Mutual hostility between two nations that have in the past shared a common heritage, culture and history is self-defeating. A united subcontinent can be a formidable force. Can two poor nations so situated afford to be in perpetual conflict?

Why not talk to each other?: From right: G Parthasarathy, Anatol Lieven, Khurshid Mahmud Kasuri & Ahmed Rashid, at a session on Pakistan moderated by (extreme left) Suhasini Haider at a literary festival. PTI

From L): Justice Gurnam Singh, Chief Minister of Punjab in 1967, the Governor of undivided Punjab , Evan Jenkins & the head of the Unionist Party, Sikandar Hyat Tiwana.

A house divided against itself cannot stand. — Abraham LincolnTHE partition of Punjab between India and Pakistan in 1947 is perhaps the most important event in the history of modern India, second only to its Independence. We are reaping its consequences in terms of geopolitics, erosion of civil liberties, communalism of politics and poverty.The end of World War II marked the start of the cold war between the Soviet Union and the West. A Russian presence in the Indian Ocean was seen as a threat to the Middle East and its oil under western control. Therefore, the declared British policy was to transfer power to a strong united India to prevent a Russian entry therein. The failure of the Congress and the Muslim League to reach a settlement made Partition inevitable. The demand for Pakistan did not originate from the Muslim-majority provinces of Punjab, Bengal, Sind and the Frontier but from the United Provinces (UP).  In UP, the Muslim minority feared an existential threat from Hindu organisations such as the RSS, the Hindu Mahasabha and the right wing of the Congress. Punjab was ruled by the Unionist Party, a coalition of Muslims, Sikhs and Hindus led by Sir Sikandar Hyat Tiwana, who dismissed the concept of Pakistan as “Jinnahstan”. His successor Khizr Hyat broke with Jinnah on this issue. In 1946, Jinnah and his Muslim League managed to communalise Punjab politics by painting a doomsday scenario where the Punjabi Muslims would be at the mercy of the Hindu majority in India once the British left.  The same argument was used by the Hindu and Sikh leaders in reverse. Hence the Partition.The Governor of Punjab, Sir Evan Jenkins, repeatedly warned that the partition of Punjab as proposed would result in widespread massacre and damage to property. His warning went unheeded. A million Hindus, Sikhs and Muslims were brutally murdered and another 15 million forced to migrate from the land of their forefathers. Millions lost their properties and thousands of women were raped, abducted and forcibly converted to another faith. The damage of Partition is permanent. It altered the geopolitics of this region. China is strategically located as a Pacific Ocean power. It borders Russia, Central Asia, South Asia and South-eastern Asia. In contrast, India’s strategic location has been greatly reduced. Undivided India would have bordered the Islamic world and been an influential interlocutor on the world stage. This advantage shifted to Pakistan and China. Pakistan’s strategic alliance with China to balance India has allowed the Chinese armed forces to establish a strong military presence in the subcontinent for the first time in history.The Kashmir conflict which is directly related to the partition of Punjab has made the subcontinent amongst the most dangerous, bloodiest and costly places on earth. Pakistan inserted Pathan tribal insurgents and their copycats into India as an extension of its military strategy. The Pathans have since evolved into the Mujahideen, the Taliban, regional ISIS and Kashmir jihadis. Two armies who fought as one in the world wars face each other with hostility. Both are nuclear powers with the capacity for mutual destruction. The apprehension of a nuclear device falling into “Islamic jihadi” hands is real.The violence and chaos caused by the holocaust in Punjabinfluenced the Constituent Assembly into creating a strong executive armed with draconian powers and weak legislatures. Gurnam Singh, a retired High Court judge and Chief Minister, felt that India did not evolve into a traditional liberal democracy. It was a hybrid system, half-democratic and half-colonial where power was transferred from nominated British officials to an elected Indian executive without accountability.  He cautioned Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru that the system was open to abuse of power, corruption and intimidation of opponents by implicating them in false cases or branding them as antinational. Little wonder that in a system with weak checks and balances, Prime Ministers can take major decisions like “notebandi” by an executive fiat, without reference to the public, legislature or even the Cabinet. In Pakistan, Jinnah promised a nation where all citizens were equal and there was “no discrimination, no distinction between one community and another”. Partition ended such sentiments.  Inevitably, a state founded on sectarian violence and fear of a large Hindu neighbour turned to the military and the clergy for its identity and survival. This system has little space for non-Muslims, liberal democracy and social reform. India and Pakistan are a house divided against itself. They are an anomaly: Both are sovereign states and also an integral part of each other by their origins, history and culture. Both states can pay heed to the three Franco-German Wars (1870-1945), which cost a hundred million lives. Today, the one-time enemies are close allies and economic partners to their mutual benefit. For the same reason, India and Pakistan need to be friends not enemies. Punjab was the cradle of Hinduism, Sikhism and the evolution of Islam in India. It had seen many invasions and religious conflicts. However, Muslim, Hindu and Sikh elites were integrated by a common language, culture and shared economic interests. The forced migration of Hindus and Sikhs radically changed the religious, social and intellectual structure of West Punjab. However, 70 years of separation and conflict cannot totally erase millenniums of shared bonds.  The way forward is for the people of both Punjabs to rediscover their roots and common interests by free interaction as a first step towards reconciliation between the two nations.  Secondly, the RSS Chief has a choice between an “Akhand Bharat”: a confederation of India and Pakistan he advocates, or politics of division to win elections. As long as the Muslims feel insecure there can be no peace in the subcontinent. Thirdly, the Muslim clergy must rise above dogma and meet the concerns of their own and other communities.  So far it has refused to come to terms with the damage it has caused. No doubt any radical departure from the status quo will meet with strong resistance and even violence on both sides. However, our politicians and opinion makers must appreciate that great issues are settled by statesmanship, courage and common sense in the face of seemingly insurmountable hurdles.  The writer, an educationist, is the President of the Guru Nanak Education Trust, Ludhiana.

A chief of defence staff must be superior in the chain of command to the service chiefs for him to be effective and empowered

The expert committee led by Lieutenant General (retd.) D.B. Shekatkar has recently submitted its report to the defence minister. The panel, composed mostly of retired senior military officers, was appointed in May 2016 and was tasked with looking at “Enhancing Combat Capability and Rebalancing Defence Expenditure”. Among its many recommendations is the appointment of a single-point adviser to the Defence Minister. Since Manohar Parrikar has already spoken of his desire to move in this direction, the recommendations of the Shekatkar panel assume greater importance.

PTIDefence Minister Manohar Parrikar has already expressed his desire to move in the direction of a single­point military adviser

The panel has reportedly recommended the new post should be a four-star appointment – equivalent to those of the service chiefs. This top four-star officer is envisaged as a coordinator, who won’t impinge on the operation or administrative functions of military chiefs. The creation of such a post should be accompanied by the integration of the service headquarters with the Ministry of Defence. However, the panel has apparently recommended against integrating the three services into joint commands. This is seen as an American model tailored for expeditionary role rather than homeland defence and hence unsuitable for the Indian context.

While the committee’s recommendations are well-intentioned and such reforms long overdue, the proposed institutional design is deeply problematic.

The idea itself is hardly new. The Group of Ministers (GoM) following the Kargil Review Committee called for the appointment of a Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) as a singlepoint military adviser to the Defence Minister. This stemmed from the lack of integrated planning and operations between the services during the Kargil War. In fact, this is a problem that has plagued the armed forces in every conflict since 1947. The appointment of a CDS was expected to usher in top-down integration among the services and better coordination between the services and the government.

The Vajpayee government created a new joint headquarters of the Integrated Defence Staff (HQ IDS). But it baulked at appointing a CDS and instead appointed a Chief of Integrated Defence Staff who would run the HQ IDS until the CDS was appointed. This half-baked solution persists to date. In fairness, HQ IDS has managed to bring a degree of coherence to issues like procurement and joint doctrine. But this is hardly adequate. More importantly, it has allowed the political leadership to perpetuate an illusion of reforms while continuing to resist the appointment of the CDS.

Then again, in the early years after the GoM report, the services themselves were a divided house on this. The air force resisted the creation of a CDS – apparently on grounds that it would pave the way for institutional domination by the army. This came handy to political leaders and bureaucrats in deflecting questions about their own unwillingness to institutionalise the system. Towards the end of the UPA-II government, the three service chiefs jointly wrote to the prime minister expressing support for the creation of a CDS.

Meanwhile, the government had appointed another panel led by Naresh Chandra to examine why the GoM’s recommendations of were not fully implemented and to suggest a new road map for security reforms. This panel suggested that instead of a full-fledged CDS, the government appoint a permanent Chairman of the Chiefs of Staff Committee with a fixed tenure. By giving the chairman a fixed term of, say, twoyears, it was hoped that he would have enough time to work on key issues of integration between the services. Now the Shekatkar panel has come up with another halfway house.

Any institutional solution along these lines is unlikely to deliver the necessary levels of integration. If the CDS does not outrank the service chiefs, then his ability to function as the single-point military adviser to the government will be undoubtedly circumscribed. At best, it will amount to an incremental improvement on the existing HQ IDS. Worse still, it will yet again create the illusion of progress and delay real reforms . The idea that such reforms should be imposed gradually or piecemeal is seriously mistaken. In most countries that have achieved institutional integration, the process has been driven politically from on high.

The CDS must be empowered fully. There should be no doubt about his being superior in the chain of command to the service chiefs. The appointment should be followed by the setting up of integrated theatre commands. The supply and logistics commands could be integrated. It is an indispensable prerequisite for ensuring “jointness” in war fighting. Simultaneously, the service chiefs should prepare to relinquish operational control over the services and become what their titles suggest: chiefs of staff, responsible for raising, equipping and training of the forces. The chain of operational command should run from the Defence Minister through the CDS to the integrated theatre commanders.

Something is not always better than nothing. As the case of HQ IDS shows the half-life of such institutional short-cuts tends to be very long. More worryingly, it helps anaesthetise the system and masks need for real reform. Enhancing the combat capability and effectiveness requires full-blooded measures. It would be sad if the government perpetuates or aggravates the problem by using palliatives. It would sadder still, if the government were forced to consider real reform by another external crisis.

After a particularly harrowing year, now is the time in J&K to be more optimistic. We can move ahead by strategising. Serious ideation, instead of negative reviews, is required and a window is available for that. The world is witnessing a change in the strategic environment. Tackling core issues is the need of the hour

THE year 2016 had so much negativity for Jammu and Kashmir that in the new year every article or essay related to the state is tending to be negative. Recalling the year gone by; the state of polity, level of alienation or the continued Pakistani role, are among the subjects being discussed by analysts but rarely do we find suggestions on the way forward.  2016 will probably be most remembered for the reverse in the tide although we have witnessed equally serious situations in the past and bounced back to full control thereafter. There have been constants in all these situations as well as dynamic and fluctuating aspects too. Strategic planners, who are reviewing and re-examining future strategy, need to be aware of the reverses and the bounce backs of the past. They have to be aware of the constants, the imponderables and the “definitives”. It is not as if India sat back on its haunches and did not respond in equal measure and more when its security was threatened in Jammu and Kashmir. What perhaps it did lack was the killer instinct to resolve the issue or send an appropriate message to adversaries that there was no question of their success in the face of India’s comprehensive resolve.There are different ways of looking at the situation and this can be done by reviewing what happened at some junctures in the 28-year asymmetric conflict in the state. In 1996, militancy was still at a high but the mercenary content from outside South Asia was diluting. A bold decision was then taken to go in for elections, with the full knowledge that neither was the situation conducive for electioneering, nor would the turnout indicate any major success. This was just a year after the Al Firan kidnapping incident which had sent shock waves around the world. Alienation was high, Kashmir’s media and intelligentsia were spewing venom at the Indian government and Army but militarily some success had been achieved with the setting up of the Rashtriya Rifles (RR) headquarters in south Kashmir. Prime Minister Narasimha Rao had succeeded in building a political consensus of  sorts with his February 22, 1994, joint parliamentary resolution indicating India’s full resolve to not only defend its stance on Jammu and Kashmir but also recover all its former territories. The Indian position on Jammu and Kashmir and human rights was projected at the 1994 meeting of the UN Human Rights Commission at Geneva by none other than a delegation which had the presence of Atal Behari Vajpayee and Salman Khurshid. Could there be a better message of political consensus on a national security issue? This brilliant period of national consensus diplomacy needs reiteration in today’s environment. It was India all the way. Later, 1996 proved to be a crucial year in which the democratic process was re-seeded in Jammu and Kashmir after a fairly long time. The effects of it may not have been immediate but the long-term effect was profound.In 1999, the situation was the worst in a decade. North Kashmir had been denuded of troops with the move of 8 Mountain Division to Kargil. Tension on the LoC remained high even after withdrawal of the Pakistani troops in Kargil. There were incidents in Gurez, Gulmarg, Lipa and elsewhere even post-withdrawal. The so-called Fidayeen had just commenced their suicide attacks in mid-1999, which had got all security forces in a defensive mode, at least for some time. Yet, the Parliamentary elections were held, though again with low but a marginally better voter turnout. There was no flinching from the difficult task. I remember running battles with terrorists and sounds of blasts all around our location at Avantipura on polling day. In 2003, the LoC was still alive with heavy artillery exchanges when we decided to commence construction of the LoC Fence. As the then Commander of the Uri Brigade even I had serious doubts about its viability. However, the ingenuity and energy of the troops in taking ownership of respective segments ensured that the terror mathematics was reversed in three years. Along the way, President Pervez Musharraf announced a unilateral ceasefire.  We supported it and played along. There was no change whatsoever in the levels of alienation or activities of the separatists but the effect of changed strategy of focusing closer to the LoC, led to reduction in successful infiltration and dilution in terrorist strength in the hinterland. This had a cascading effect on future operations. The period 2001-7 was the consolidation stage. The Army had the sagacity to fully support Mufti’s “healing-touch” campaign, even as it undertook proactive operations against the terrorists and achieved spectacular results.In 2008-10, the separatists changed strategy and took their struggle to the streets. There was paralysis of administration and chaos in the streets but it could not be sustained. With an outreach programme for the youth, the public at large and greater political activism, we turned 2011-12 around. This gave Jammu and Kashmir probably its most peaceful period in two- and-a-half decades and its best tourism and horticulture figures in some years. Infiltration was reduced to the lowest ever and the ratio of security men to terrorists killed during the year was also by far one of the best. A hope was rekindled in the public. Unfortunately, new militancy, lack of continuity, out-of-context demands by the state government, without considering the security situation and a general apathy by the leadership allowed a drift. This resulted in the mayhem of 2016, post the killing of Burhan Wani. The current situation has been described as an ominous silence awaiting outburst from pent- up passion. 2017 could witness this or, going by our past record, fresh initiatives could come from any quarter. This could once again witness a turnaround, this time hopefully sustainable.There is no need for despondency among those who matter in India’s strategic discourse. Such campaigns by our adversaries are open-ended, without pegged way points to objectives. The world is witnessing a change in the strategic environment. This is the time when those with a grasp of geopolitics have to be in sync with those looking at geo-strategic aspects. Initiatives must include incentives for Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh. A general theme giving sustained peace a chance, along with means by which all core issues can be discussed by the people most affected, could be the need. For that, leaders have to come forward, shed inhibitions and take issues by the horns, as was done in the past. The stakes of peace must be dwelt upon minds and hearts   with a resolve that 2017 will never be a repeat of 2016.The writer, a former General Officer Commanding of the Srinagar-based 15 Corps, is now associated with the Vivekanand International Foundation .