Jammu, March 6
At the moment, J&K is caught in a vortex of an unprecedented spell of political instability, with no blueprint in sight to revive the democratic institutions. It has been reduced to a theatre of absurd, the choreography of which is making the revival of political process more complex.
Political inertia
The Congress has lost its moorings. It is suffering from political inertia plaguing the party at the national level. The BJP, the most vibrant national party, that until June 2018, was an active partner in the coalition government with the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), is unable to drive the narrative of stability for it is lost in its own contradictions in J&K. It is uncertain whether J&K should stay as UT or return to statehood.
The political barrenness is too visible – all the major political leaders of the mainstream regional parties who had contributed in keeping the Tricolour flying in Kashmir, including three former chief ministers, are under detention, that too under the PSA, a draconian law.
The Congress has lost its moorings. It is suffering from political inertia plaguing the party at the national level.
The BJP, the most vibrant national party, that until June 2018, was an active partner in the coalition government with the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), is unable to drive the narrative of stability for it is lost in its own contradictions in J&K. It is uncertain whether J&K should stay as UT or return to statehood. The local unit of the BJP is split into countless groups, where each leader is waiting to become Chief Minister, without any plans for the Assembly polls.
It is a situation with an unbridgeable vacuum. No amount of stop-gap arrangements or experiments without any defined roadmap can chart the course for the revival of the political landscape.
The truer statement, as many agree, is that J&K is politically most unstable. The problem lies with the policy failure. A visibly and palpably animated democracy is a must in this part of India. It is a national necessity.
Post scrapping of the special status granting Article 370 and doing away with the statehood on August 5 last year, it also is a prerequisite to blunt the mounting international criticism on Kashmir.
The chronology of the events is self-speaking.
The BJP withdrew support to the Mehbooba Mufti-led coalition government without having a plan B. It was nebulous and based on speculative politics of attracting lawmakers from here and there to cobble a set-up without testing its stability for future.
Even that was a half-baked approach, the events that followed proved the naivety of the whole plan.
On receiving fax from the BJP leaders about the withdrawal of the support to the Mehbooba Mufti government, the then Governor NN Vohra invoked the Constitution. He called leaders of different political parties, followed it up by convening an all-party meeting wanting to know whether they could set up a group to form the government. Since all of them declined, he recommended Governor’s rule and announced the Assembly to be kept under suspended animation.
His act of consulting political groups and imposing the Governor’s rule was appreciated by Union Home Minister Amit Shah on June 29, 2019, on the floor of Parliament, where he had stated: “The Governor (Vohra) had consulted all parties before imposing the Governor’s rule.”
Vohra had also refused to install any government made of defectors, for he knew how the Kashmir situation had taken a turn for the worse when a government of defectors was installed in July 1984 within hours after the dismissal of the duly elected government of Farooq Abdullah.
He had the record of holding elections in 2008 in the immediate aftermath of the massive Amarnath land row agitation that year. He had proved the doomsayers wrong. That was done within six months of the Governor’s rule to avoid the state sliding into the President’s rule.
Again, in 2014, when the century’s worst floods hit Kashmir, the elections were held. He did not yield to pressures urging him to impose the Governor’s rule and defer the polls.
Things started sliding after the new Governor Satya Pal Malik dissolved the Assembly on November 21, 2018 – the day when a combination of groups like the NC, Congress and PDP staked their claim to form the government.
The competing claim was made by Sajjad Gani Lone, People’s Conference leader. Instead of judging merit of the two rival claims, Malik dissolved the House. That ended the prospects of early elections. And, on December 19, 2018, the state came under the President’s rule.
The parliamentary elections were held in 2019. But the Assembly elections were not held at all. Security concerns were voiced, overlooking the contradiction that similar concerns were valid for the parliamentary, panchayat – now hanging in balance after massive boycott in the Valley – and municipal polls. The security concerns were a concoction as Malik had himself declared that not even a bird was hit during the (civic body polls), but there were no answers as to why similar narrative could not apply for the Assembly polls.