Lt-Gen Baljit Singh (retd)

“If we were doomed to live forever, we would scarcely be aware of the beauty around us.” — Peter Mathiessen

I had a promise to keep since long many years and when at last opportunity gestured, we promptly boarded an Indian Airlines flight to Leh, choosing seats which looked out on the right-hand side. Visibility was excellent, and flying past the Zoji La, we were rewarded for several minutes with the stunning visual of the twin Nun and Kun summits against blue skies, awash in mellow morning sun! About a decade back, we had walked past them after descending the Pensi La en route Kargil but in the instant case, looking down from up above this composite setting of the peaks, a cascading glacier, greenery of the verdant Suru valley and the briefest glimpse of Padam village far out in distant Zanskar, all offered an experience to cherish.

Back in the 1970s, tourist presence in Ladakh was almost non-existent and acclimatisation walks in the countryside around Leh had the elements of both privacy and friendly tete-a-tete with passersby, always smiling and courteously calling out “Jhulay” in a welcome greeting.

By the third morning, we were fit to set out for Darbuk and onward to the western shore of the Pangong Tso. We pitched our tents in the close vicinity of Lakung village which offered us an enchanting view of the lake’s blue waters in sharp contrast to the pale brown and grey ridges beyond. An hour past midnight, our guide, courtesy the Ladakh Scouts, opened the flaps of our tent, handed mugs of piping hot tea and a marching order, “Shaab, ek ghantey baad ridge top ko chalaan gey”! The idea was to gain the highest spot about 2000 feet above on the Lakung ridge. This would give a panoramic view from the south to the north of the lake as well as Fort Kunarak, Konka La, Aksai Chin, and even the Karakoram Pass.

We breathed a sigh of relief standing upon the vantage spot with barely time for a cup of hot coffee (lukewarm by then) before the first rays of dawn lit up the farthest horizon. We stayed anchored on site till mid-day to witness the kaleidoscopic changes of colour tints caused by the continuous shifting angle of the sun’s rays upon both the waters of Pangong and the vast labyrinth of mountains and valleys. But the magic of dusk we would savour the following evening striding at leisurely pace southward, to Chushul village.

May be a paragraph borrowed from Frank Smythe’s writings best capture the mystery and magic of our tryst with Pangong Tso, thus;

“And so from the hills we return refreshed in body, in mind and in spirit to grapple anew with life’s problems… for a while we have lived simply, wisely and happily; we have adventured well. The hills have taught us to be content in our faith and in the love of God who created them”.

Leh (Ladakh): Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat and Army Chief General MM Naravane on Friday arrived at Stakna, Leh to witness para dropping skills of the Armed Forces here.

Troops of Armed Forces carried out para dropping exercise here in presence of the Defence Minister and Army officials. The Defence Minister also witnessed scoping weapons. Defence Minister is on a two-day visit to Ladakh and Jammu and Kashmir.

He will take stock of the situation at both the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and the Line of Control (LOC).

Earlier today, taking to Twitter, Singh wrote, “Leaving for Leh on a two-day visit to Ladakh and Jammu-Kashmir. I shall be visiting the forward areas to review the situation at the borders and also interact with the Armed Forces personnel deployed in the region. Looking forward to it.”

While Pakistan constantly violates ceasefire from across the LoC, China has continued to intrude into Indian territory in Ladakh region in recent past, escalating tensions between India and its eastern neighbour.

On June 15, twenty Indian soldiers were killed during combat with Chinese forces in Galwan valley, leading to tensions between both nations. Chinese soldiers subsequently started moving back following dialogues between two countries through the military level and diplomatic level.

Also read: PM Modi sends message to China from Ladakh: ‘Age of expansionism is over’

Like PM Modi, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh didn’t mention China by name, but said ‘no power in the world can touch even one inch of India’s land’.

Like Narendra Modi, whom he called a “decision-taking PM”, Singh did not name China. But it was clear his speech was directed at Beijing.

India and China have been in a tense stand-off since early May, and several rounds of talks have been held between the two sides, including at the National Security Advisor level.

Also read: Why the serene Pangong lake lies at the heart of India-China border dispute in Ladakh

India’s self-respect

Addressing troops at Lukung near the Finger 4 area of Pangong Tso, Singh said India has always stood for peace, but will give a befitting reply to any country trying to hurt its self-respect.

“Our character has been that we have never tried to hurt the self-respect of any country. If anyone tries to hurt the self-respect of India, we will not tolerate it and will give a befitting reply,” he said.

Rajnath Singh was accompanied by Chief of Defence Staff General Bipin Rawat and Army Chief General M.M. Naravane. The minister was given a detailed briefing on the situation and also witnessed an exercise by the soldiers besides battle drills by troops of the Ladakh Scouts.

Singh’s statement comes a day after the Army and the Ministry of External Affairs described the ongoing talks as “intricate and complex”.

Progress on de-escalation

Based on the talks so far, the Chinese have pulled back from Indian territory in the Galwan Valley and the Hot Spring Area, but they maintain a huge build-up of tanks, artillery guns and troops in forward locations near the Line of Actual Control (LAC).

Progress in the Pangong Tso and the Depsang Plains areas have been slow. In Pangong Tso, the Chinese have crossed into Indian side of the LAC by about 8 km.

As reported by ThePrint, total de-escalation, which means restoration of status quo ante as of early April, could take as long as the winter.

India has moved in over three divisions of additional troops and equipment into the region, including tanks, artillery and specialised forces.

Also read: How IAF has played a critical role in the India-China stand-off at Ladakh

A photograph from Defence Minister Rajnath Singh’s visit to Ladakh Friday revealed two of the latest acquisitions made by the Para SF — Finnish sniper rifles and American ballistic helmets — that were not widely known.

The photograph shows the .338 SAKO sniper rifle. Made in Finland, it is considered to be one of the best snipers in the world. Sources told ThePrint that around 40-50 of the long-range sniper rifles were procured last year.

It is a manually-operated, bolt-action weapon. This sniper rifle is available in two versions — chambered for .300 Winchester Magnum (7.62×67 mm) and for .338 Lapua Magnum (8.6×70 mm) cartridges — and has a kill range of 1,500 metres.

This acquisition was in tandem with the purchase of two other sniper rifles by the Army last year — the Italian-made Beretta .338 Lapua Magnum Scorpio TGT and the American .50 Calibre M95 manufactured by Barrett.

While the Italian and American rifles are also used by regular soldiers posted in critical locations like the Line of Control (LoC), the Finnish sniper is meant exclusively for the Para SF, sources said.

Another item that sticks out in the picture is the helmet worn by an Army officer.

The helmet is the American-made Exfil High Cut Ballistic Helmet, which features a hybrid composite shell for increased strength with a unique geometry for optimal fit.

Sources said these helmets were also acquired in limited numbers for specialised units. The Army last month also began the process to acquire one lakh ‘AK-47 protected’ helmets — one of the largest procurements of these specialised ballistic helmets in the world.

According to the specifications laid down by the Army, the helmet should offer protection against the AK-47 7.62×39 mm Mild Steel Core and Hard Steel Core bullets from 10 metres.

Also Read: Rifles, missiles, ammunition, drones — armed forces on shopping spree amid LAC tensions

A show for defence minister

During his visit, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh also witnessed a show of operational capability in Ladakh with integrated operations by the Para commandos, Apache attack choppers, C-130 J Super Hercules special operations aircraft, and armoured elements like the T-90 tanks.

The display also involved a ‘Pathfinder Combat Free Fall’ from a C-130J aircraft at 17,000 feet. A pathfinder drop is a freefall from an aircraft by a limited number of soldiers who recce the drop site and find a spot for others to land.

Soldiers also slithered down from Mi-17 V-5 choppers with combat air patrol provided by the Apache attack helicopter. This was part of a simulated raid, and involved linking up of the commandos with mechanised columns.

Also Read: Defence ministry approves purchase of 33 fighter aircraft for IAF, 248 indigenous missiles

New Delhi: China has earned much infamy as an opaque country that relies on its security and intelligence agencies to keep a tight grip on its citizens, dissidents and foreigners, while also indulging in practices like industrial espionage and cyber warfare.

While intelligence agencies of India, Pakistan and many countries like the US, Russia and Israel are well-known, the Chinese intelligence set-up is shrouded in secrecy. But these layers are slowly peeling off, sources in the defence and security establishment have told ThePrint.

“They operate through multiple layers, which could include media or commercial firms. It is believed that many of the Chinese tech companies and other firms have connections to the Chinese Communist Party and the military,” a source said.

However, it is difficult to verify these claims because China remains a closed and controlled society, and there is a language barrier.

Anne-Marie Brady, professor of political science at New Zealand’s University of Canterbury, has written about the main Chinese intelligence agencies in an article titled ‘Party Faithful’ published in the latest issue of Australian Foreign Affairs, brought to light in a column by Peter Hartcher of The Sydney Morning Herald this week.

Hartcher also cites the 2019 book Chinese Communist Espionage: An Intelligence Primer by Americans Peter Mattis and Matthew Brazil to say that today, China has more people engaged in its spying network than any other country.

Also read: Huawei has deep connections with Chinese intelligence service: Mike Pompeo

Ministry of State Security

The foremost Chinese civilian intelligence agency is the Ministry of State Security or MSS, which Brady describes as a “full-spectrum intelligence agency” spying on the world, similar to the Soviet Union’s KGB, which translates to ‘Committee for State Security’ in English.

Formed in 1983, the MSS is mandated with counter-intelligence, foreign intelligence, as well as domestic surveillance and intelligence for national security. It is often described as something like a cross between the American Central Intelligence Agency and the Federal Bureau of Investigation.

The MSS also has a public ‘research’ front, the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations, which was set up as a single institute in 1980 and became ‘institutes’ in 2003.

The South China Morning Post reported that “under the National Intelligence Law enacted in 2017, the MSS — along with other intelligence authorities — has broad powers to conduct various types of espionage activities both in China and overseas, to monitor and investigate foreign and domestic individuals and institutions, and it can order them to engage in or support intelligence activities”.

It is also empowered to administratively detain those who impede or divulge information on intelligence work for up to 15 days.

Ministry of Public Security

This ministry looks after internal security dynamics and dissidents, besides counter-terrorism. It controls China’s internal cyber policy.

From administering household registration, identification cards, nationality as well as entry status and exit of Chinese and foreign nationals, to manage gatherings and demonstrations, to even border management, the MPS is a critical tool that keeps China opaque.

Also read: Sri Lanka ex-military intelligence head a ‘Chinese spy’ who was ‘blocking’ bombings probe

Joint Staff Department Intelligence Bureau

This is the external intelligence agency of China’s People’s Liberation Army.

“The JSD Intelligence Bureau also sends its people abroad as undercover operatives in companies, universities and other outfits. It has its own front organisation for welcoming foreign military officials, the China Institute for International Strategic Studies. It also operates the Institute of International Relations,” Hartcher states in his column.

Strategic Support Force

This agency of the PLA handles everything related to cyber warfare, conducting a spectrum of operations — from political interference abroad to carrying out hacking targeting military and commercial secrets, to psychological operations, commonly known as PsyOps.

The Jamestown Foundation, a Washington DC-based institute for research and analysis, notes that the SSF, as the new information warfare force of the PLA, has two primary missions.

“First, it is to provide the PLA with strategic information support through space and network-based capabilities, including communications, navigation and positioning, intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, and the protection of military information infrastructure,” it says.

“Second, the SSF is to conduct information operations, including space and counterspace, cyber, electromagnetic warfare, and psychological operations,” it adds.

Also read: China Study Group, the elite Indian govt body that guides policy on ties with Beijing

The CSG is the central and sole advisor to the government on policies related to China, and is currently playing a key role as the two countries try and chalk out a comprehensive disengagement process.

On Wednesday, the CSG held a review meeting on the 15-hour-long fourth round of talks between the Indian and Chinese corps commanders at Chushul the previous day.

On 9 July, the CSG had reportedly met to review the details of the disengagement of Chinese troops from Galwan, Gogra post, and Hot Springs areas along the LAC. The meeting took place soon after the 6 July agreement by the Special Representatives of the two countries, National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi.

Also read: India’s credibility will be hit if our posture on China doesn’t match new realities at LAC

History and composition of CSG

The CSG is a secretary-level grouping which includes the foreign secretary, home secretary, defence secretary, and the vice-chiefs of the three services, along with the chiefs of the Intelligence Bureau and R&AW.

The group meets on its own, but the National Security Advisor convenes the meeting from time to time. At such meetings, the service chiefs also attend, and based on the issue at hand, the external affairs minister may also attend.

Sources said there can be special invitees too, like 14 Corps commander Lt Gen. Harinder Singh in Wednesday’s meeting.

The CSG was set up in November 1975 on the instructions of then-PM Indira Gandhi, comprising the secretaries of external affairs, defence, and home. Its first head was diplomat K.R. Narayanan, who would go on to become President of India.

The primary task of the CSG was to monitor the India-China border, assess its management, and help in preparations for negotiations with China on the border question.

After Narayanan was appointed India’s ambassador to China in 1976, the foreign secretary was designated chairman of the CSG, with the vice-chief of Army staff as a member.

The CSG was subsequently upgraded post 2003, after the establishment of the Special Representatives meetings to resolve the border question with China. It was also put under the charge of Brajesh Mishra, the NSA at the time, and many top civil servants were brought into it.

In the next few years, the CSG was further expanded to include representatives of intelligence agencies.

Lt Gen. S.L. Narasimhan (retd), member of the National Security Advisory Board (NSAB), told ThePrint that the CSG has got all the people required to take decisions on China affairs.

“Whether it is a larger decision on the roads and other infrastructure to be developed at the border or monitoring of the present situation, CSG has been keeping a close watch on all developments related to China,” he said.

Narasimhan explained that the patrol points along the LAC were identified by the CSG, keeping in mind all important aspects.

“The CSG had also identified 73 strategically important roads along the border, and is part of the planning of the larger infrastructure development in the region,” he said.

Srikanth Kondapalli, professor of Chinese studies at the Jawaharlal Nehru University, said the CSG is a classified organisation and meets depending on the situation at hand.

“It also includes the policies we need to adopt vis-à-vis China, aside from the military component,” he said.

Kondapalli added that even the decision to ban 59 Chinese apps could have been made with the CSG’s nod.

In contrast, China has “leading small groups” to advise it on policies towards many countries, Kondapalli explained.

In an interview to ThePrint, NSAB chairman P.S. Raghavan had said close observation of the LAC is ingrained in government procedure, and is done perhaps even more stringently than the Line of Control with Pakistan. The CSG is an integral part of that structure.

Also read: Modi has chosen discretion on China because India’s real failure is in defence capabilities

In a developing country like India, there would invariably be competing priorities for limited resources available. However, the two-front threat has highlighted the primacy of national security even if it means going slower in other sectors. In fact, the Chinese action of last two months has already forced us to enhance allocation to the BRO for development of border infrastructure.

Gen Deepak Kapoor (retd)

Former Chief of Army Staff

The Chinese attempt at expansionism in east Ladakh has kept the attention of the nation riveted on national security for more than two months now. Hopefully, their policy of ‘creeping aggression’ would not ultimately be allowed to succeed in creating a new status quo which may then become the take-off point for future expansionism.

Trust has been the biggest casualty in dealing with the Chinese. Repeatedly, there have been attempts to gain undue advantage by subverting, misinterpreting and obfuscating decisions arrived at the negotiating table. Now that we are wiser to it, implementation of every agreement would need verification and continued monitoring. A sense of complacency is best avoided if we are able to extract any concessions.

The media has discussed threadbare the likely motivation that propelled the Chinese to engineer a Sino-Indian face-off. While that speculation continues, we need to look at various national security aspects from the Indian perspective and decide what needs to be done to make the nation secure from future predatory actions.

A nation cannot depend on others for its national security, especially if it wants to follow an independent and autonomous foreign policy. National interest overrides all other considerations in the current global geopolitical environment. Even for the all-powerful US, it is ‘America First’. Self-sufficiency in national security is an essential step for guarding India’s national interest if push comes to shove.

The anti-India nexus between China and Pakistan is well known. Since the 1960s, they have followed a coordinated and synchronised approach against India in all spheres. History has shown that while India was busy dealing with Pakistan in 1948, 1965, 1971 and 1999, China did not start a war along the Sino-Indian border, possibly because Pakistan was firmly in the US camp. However, an assertive and expansionist China today is vying for global dominance. In case a major Sino-Indian confrontation occurs, the possibility of an opportunistic Pakistan trying to settle old scores by starting hostilities against India is strong.

India cannot ignore this threat. In fact, outlines of such an occurrence were visible during the Sino-Indian face-off in June with increased Pakistani ceasefire violations all along the Line of Control and attempts at pushing in a large number of jihadis into J&K. The reality of a two-front threat cannot be wished away. Should it materialise, we can adopt a defensive approach, which is likely to result in salami slicing of our territory from time to time. Conversely, we can adopt the better option of becoming strong enough to defend ourselves against any eventuality.

In a developing country like India, there would invariably be competing priorities for limited resources available. Poverty, illiteracy, unemployment, healthcare and infrastructure need major allocations for alleviation. However, the two-front threat has highlighted the primacy of national security even if it means going marginally slower in other sectors. In fact, the Chinese action in the last two months has already forced us to enhance allocation to the Border Roads Organisation (BRO) to Rs 11,800 crore for 2020-21 from Rs 8,050 crore in 2019-20 for the development of border infrastructure. Our rush to the US, France and Russia for quick delivery of contracted for as well as additional weaponry is indicative of crisis management which would not have occurred if we had allocated adequate resources ab initio.

As percentage of GDP, India’s defence budget has seen a continuously downward trend for over ten years now. Currently, it stands at approximately 1.49% of the GDP for this financial year. The then vice-chief of Army Staff, while deposing before the Defence Parliamentary Standing Committee in March 2018, had brought out that 68% of the Army equipment is reaching vintage levels, only 24% is current and just 7% is futuristic. The Air Force and Navy are not much better off. For the last two decades, the Chinese annual defence budget has been three to four times more than ours every year. Pakistan military too has ensured a lavish defence budget through the years. We need to enhance our budget to 3% of the GDP gradually to defend against a two-front threat.

Atmanirbhar Bharat is indeed an excellent initiative, which should in fact have been launched on gaining independence. It would ensure self-sufficiency in the sphere of national security, reduce dependence on costly imports, and provide greater bang for the limited bucks available. However, defence projects take 15-20 years to fructify. Make in India projects, commenced in 2014, are nowhere near completion so far. Until self-sufficiency is achieved, we have no choice but to import hardware to defend ourselves against the emerging threats.

The state of infrastructure in our border areas is poor which places us at a disadvantage and limits our options. Coupled with lack of state-of-the-art weaponry, it encourages a defensive mindset. While both these aspects are now receiving attention, there is a need to considerably hasten the entire process.

The incident at Galwan on June 15 has already highlighted two facts. First, the training and motivation of the Indian soldier vis-à-vis his opponent is far superior. Secondly, it is the language of firmness and strength which carries weight with our adversaries. We need to empower our soldiers to meet the challenge of the threats that lie ahead.