In a major response to continued ceasefire violations by Pakistan, the Army launched retaliatory fire, inflicting severe damage on several Pakistani posts along the Line of Control (LoC). Pakistani forces targeted Indian positions using small arms across multiple sectors in…

Arjun Sharma

In a major response to continued ceasefire violations by Pakistan, the Army launched retaliatory fire, inflicting severe damage on several Pakistani posts along the Line of Control (LoC).

Pakistani forces targeted Indian positions using small arms across multiple sectors in Jammu and Kashmir, including Kupwara, Baramulla, Poonch, Rajouri and Jammu districts. Firing was reported from eight specific locations.

An Army official said, “During the night of 3–4 May, Pakistan Army posts resorted to unprovoked small arms fire across the LoC in areas opposite Kupwara, Baramulla, Poonch, Rajauri, Mendhar, Nowshera, Sunderbani and Akhnoor in J&K. Indian Army responded promptly and proportionately.”

Ceasefire violations began on the night of April 24, shortly after India suspended the Indus Waters Treaty in the wake of the Pahalgam terror attack that killed 26 people. The initial incidents were reported from areas in the Kashmir region and have since expanded along the LoC.

The Pakistani side reportedly initiated the firing without provocation during the intervening night of April 24–25. Since then, the violations have continued for ten consecutive days. The Army has instructed troops to retaliate to any Pakistani misadventure. This marks the longest period of continuous ceasefire violations by Pakistan since the 2021 agreement, which had brought relative peace to the borders.

Reliable sources have confirmed that many Pakistani posts have been heavily damaged in the Indian retaliation. The sustained cross-border firing has revived fear among residents of border villages, who had previously suffered due to Pakistani shelling.

Munir Ahmed plans to challenge his dismissal in court in the coming days

A day after being dismissed from service for allegedly concealing his marriage to a Pakistani citizen and harbouring her beyond her visa’s validity, Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) trooper Munir Ahmed on Sunday appealed to the Prime Minister and Home Minister for justice. Addressing a press conference in Jammu, Ahmed said he had married his cousin Minal Khan, only after informing his department in the CRPF.

Ahmed, a resident of Gharotra in Jammu, said their marriage was arranged by their families and vowed to challenge his dismissal in court.

“I joined CRPF in 2017. In 2022, I told the department that I am planning to marry my cousin…the department put some objections…they demanded the wedding card and venue of the marriage along with the date… I cleared things in 2023 and gave it to the authorities…my request went to DIG Hiranagar and then to IG sector Jammu…they also demanded some more details from me after which I got the affidavits…then my request was forwarded to New Delhi” he said.nd pictures to support his claim, Ahmed said, “After getting the nod from the headquarters, our families decided to go ahead with the marriage online without waiting for the visa after the condition of my father, a cancer patient, deteriorated. His treatment was also borne by the force.”

The CRPF personnel said he had applied for a No Objection Certificate (NOC), but he was told that such a provision does not exist. He claimed that he had completed the formalities by informing the government about his marriage to a foreign national in accordance in line with regulations.

“My wife is the daughter of my maternal uncle, who migrated from Jammu to Pakistan during the partition in 1947,” Ahmed said, terming the social media reports that they met online and fell in love as false.

Minal Khan entered India through the Wagah-Attari border on February 28 this year. Her short-term visa ended on March 14. However, the High Court stayed her deportation, considering her application for a long-term visa (LTV) and how she is currently residing at Ahmed’s Jammu residence.

“One day I got a mail regarding exit permit of my wife in which it was told that she has to leave India. I told them that my wife is under LTV which was agreed by the authorities,” claimed Ahmed.

Ahmed said he returned from leave and reported to the battalion headquarters at Sunderbani on March 25. But on March 27, “I was handed over a transfer order and posted with 41st Battalion at Bhopal in Madhya Pradesh without providing 15 days mandatory joining period.

“I was given the order copy and relieved immediately, leaving me with no option but to join my duties in Bhopal, where I joined on March 29. I faced the interview of the commanding officer and his deputy on reaching there and completed the documentation process, mentioning my marriage to a Pakistani woman,” he said, adding he had also updated his marital status in the battalion data record book.

Three Army soldiers lost their lives on Sunday morning when the vehicle they were travelling in skidded off the road and plunged into a deep gorge in Jammu division’s Ramban district. The deceased soldiers have been identified as Sepoys Amit…

Our Correspondent

Three Army soldiers lost their lives on Sunday morning when the vehicle they were travelling in skidded off the road and plunged into a deep gorge in Jammu division’s Ramban district.

The deceased soldiers have been identified as Sepoys Amit Kumar, Sujeet Kumar and Man Bahadur. They were a part of routine Army convoy moving towards Srinagar.

The accident occurred around 11.15 am near Battery Chashma, a section of the Jammu-Srinagar National Highway currently undergoing road construction. According to Army officials, the Army vehicle veered off the road and rolled down into a gorge over 800 feet deep, sustaining heavy damage and causing critical injuries to the personnel on board.

An official said the vehicle’s reportedly lost control while negotiating a turn, resulting in the vehicle’s fall into the deep gorge.

Rescue efforts were launched by local police, Army personnel, the State Disaster Response Force (SDRF) and local volunteers from NGOs The Quick Reaction Team of Ramban police also reached the accident site to assist the operation.

Using ropes and rescue equipment, personnel descended into the gorge to retrieve the bodies of the soldiers. After recovery, the remains were brought to the main road and subsequently sent to the hospital.

In an official posted on X, the Northern Command of the Army said, “An army vehicle moving as part of routine convoy on May 4, slid off the road and fell into a gorge near Ramban. All three Army personnel travelling in the vehicle succumbed to the injuries in this tragic accident. Northern Command stands firm with the bereaved families in this hour of grief.”

The nation’s first PM regarded them as non-partisan constitutional functionaries

Ajay K Mehra

GOVERNORS continue to trigger controversies over their apparent attempts to disturb the federal balance of power. The latest example is a detailed report sent by West Bengal Governor CV Ananda Bose to the Ministry of Home Affairs regarding the law and order situation in Murshidabad, which witnessed violence recently after the enactment of the Waqf (Amendment) Act. Bose toured the state before submitting the report, in which he stated that the “twin spectres of radicalisation and militancy” posed a serious challenge to the state.

A flashback is instructive: In 1952, then Governor Sri Prakasa swore in a 152-member Congress government led by C Rajagopalachari in the 375-member Madras Legislative Assembly, ignoring United Democratic Front leader T Prakasam’s claim of support of 166 legislators. Gian Singh Rarewala’s coalition government in PEPSU (Patiala and East Punjab States Union) was dismissed in 1953 by invoking Article 356 (pertaining to President’s rule) of the Constitution. In 1959, the Union Government dismissed the EMS Namboodiripad government in Kerala on the pretext of deteriorating public order.

Following the fourth General Election in 1967, the Governor’s office was misused to dismiss coalition governments in seven states. Then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi had no qualms about removing a non-Congress government. Later, the brazenness of Governors Thakur Ram Lal (Andhra Pradesh, 1983-84) and Romesh Bhandari (Uttar Pradesh, 1996-98) led to their removal. The unabashed misuse of Article 356 prompted the Supreme Court to deliver a landmark judgment in the SR Bommai case (1994). In a recent significant judgment on withholding of Bills by the Tamil Nadu Governor, the apex court redefined gubernatorial powers.

Since 2014, when Narendra Modi took charge as Prime Minister, several governors have tried to exceed their Raj Bhavan brief. As the Governor of West Bengal, Jagdeep Dhankhar (now Vice-President) — and now his successor Ananda Bose — made it a routine to tour the state without taking the state government into confidence. They have used their visits to comment against the government while addressing the media.

Did the makers of the Constitution envision the Governor’s role outside the Raj Bhavan, on the streets? If yes, how was his/her role defined vis-à-vis the elected state government?

India’s first Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru reflected on this question in his fortnightly letters to provincial/state premiers/chief ministers. He used to write long letters to provincial/state governments, dealing with a wide range of issues, including those being discussed in the Constituent Assembly, the policy measures being carried out by the Union Government regarding agriculture, food, refugee resettlement, foreign policy and industrial production, the way the UN Security Council dealt with the Kashmir issue in a partisan manner, and so on.

Obviously, the Governor’s office did not escape his attention. First and foremost, he looked at governors as non-partisan constitutional functionaries. He did not endorse politicking by them, particularly parallel politics in states, as political activities of governors that could make the Raj Bhavan a centre of partisanship would destroy the constitutionally designed power balance, equilibrium and ecosystem of governance.

After attending a Conference of Governors, he wrote on May 14, 1949: “As was natural, the question of the relationship between the governors and ministers was considered. There was no question, of course, of the governors interfering with the work of the ministry. He had to function as a constitutional Governor. At the same time, it was pointed out that it would be undesirable and wasteful of talent if we did not utilise the governors’ experience.”

He stressed that the premiers/chief ministers must keep the Governor of their state informed. Governors should also keep themselves informed. This is when he stressed that the governors should be touring the state within the bounds of the dignity of their office. However, he ruled out interference by governors in the work of the provincial/state ministries: “The Governor shall do all that in him lies to maintain standards of good administration, to promote all measure making for moral, social and economic welfare and tending to fit all classes of the population to take their due share in the public life and government of the State, and to secure amongst all classes and creeds cooperation, goodwill and mutual respect for religious beliefs and sentiments.”

The following paragraph, included in the draft Constitution, reflects the mindset of the drafting committee: “It should be desirable, therefore, for provincial premiers and ministers to keep governors informed of all important matters relating to policy and administration and to consult them before any decision in respect of such matters is taken. This does not mean interference by the governors and the views of the ministry no doubt prevail. All that it means is that we should take full advantage of the experience of the eminent man or woman who is the Governor before coming to final decisions in respect of major matters of policy and administration.”

Nehru believed that there was one other way in which governors could be helpful, and that was by touring. “I do not mean the type of touring in which previous governors indulged with great pomp and circumstance. A certain dignity, of course, has to be maintained in keeping with the high office, otherwise we are likely to be sloppy. Governors’ tours can be of great help to a ministry from many points of view. A Governor naturally must support his Government. Nevertheless, he can support it as a person above parties and groups,” he wrote.

But with or without Nehru’s consent, the instances of Madras, PEPSU and Kerala belied his noble words.

Ajay K Mehra is a political scientist.

Chandni S Chandel Tribune News Service

Measures taken by India, like halting water flow, blocking YouTube channels of famous Pakistani artistes and cricket stars, aim at crippling Pakistan

Amid heightened cross-border tensions following the Pahalgam terror attack, India has been exerting relentless pressure on Pakistan. Measures taken by India, like halting water flow, blocking YouTube channels of famous Pakistani artistes and cricket stars, banning imports and suspending shipping and postal services, are aimed at crippling Pakistan while keeping the military option as the last resort.

That is the question The Tribune Editor-in-Chief Jyoti Malhotra has asked in her OPED piece How to solve a problem like Pakistan. With his ‘friend’ Donald Trump walking the middle path and his enemy Pakistan hell-bent on trying to internationalise the issue, PM Narendra Modi has the realisation that his legacy will be affected by how he deals with his belligerent, trouble-stoking western neighbour. The next few days, probably even weeks, are going to be the toughest for him, she writes.

Former DGP Punjab Julio Ribeiro offers a part solution about Kashmir through his article Win over locals to combat terror. He shares his own experience in Punjab, where farmers started informing the police about the presence of terrorists in villages that helped the police crack down on them. When a state is afflicted with terrorism, local conditions have to be studied before plans are made and in terrorism-affected areas, you can’t let your guard down even for a moment.

Adding to the above perspective is the military standpoint of former deputy chief of army staff Lt Gen Harwant Singh (retd), who in his article Avoid strike against Pakistan. It could escalate into war. The better option is to prepare well at the LoC to face any mischief by Pakistan, which hasn’t understood even after the suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty that it needs to focus on economic progress.

Taking us further is the former Northern Army commander Lt Gen DS Hooda (retd) through his OPED article, Drones are changing war and India must catch up and he answers a pertinent question: Are we battle ready? Of course, we are. But it is a reality that drone warfare has become a central feature of modern combat so much so that special drone units and counter-drone units will have to be created within all three armed forces, he writes.

Meanwhile, former diplomat Syed Akbaruddin adds a different dimension to the issue. He writes in his article, Pakistan ‘s old playbook in a new crisis that our western neighbour is using the same old playbook—upping the ante at the time of a foreign dignitary’s visit to India to draw international attention, holding post-midnight press conferences and crying wolf to draw attention to unimportant details, and asking for a neutral inquiry. But he writes that in India-Pakistan matters, sometimes backchannel diplomacy has proved effective.

Highlighting a more immediate and assertive policy shift, India suspended the Indus Waters Treaty that survived four wars, countless skirmishes and deep-rooted enmity. What message does it send? When core interests are threatened, no agreement is beyond revision writes Uttam Kumar Sinha in his article Indus Waters Treaty needs to be renewed.

Let’s shift focus from Pakistan to our eastern neighbour China. It is consistently trying to portray a picture of neutrality post-Pahalgam massacre, not to miss that it is supporting Pakistan as part of a transactional approach. In his OPED piece, China’s calculated neutrality on Pahalgam, Jabin T Jacob writes that for the moment, China doesn’t want to complicate ties with the US or India. The India-Pakistan conflict would drain both the countries and it is a win-win situation for China, he writes.

Meanwhile, shifting from geopolitical tensions to the war of technologies being waged by various countries, science commentator Dinesh C Sharma gives warning signs to the Indian government in his article Don’t miss the chip bus again. He writes that India should not neglect research & development for developing and testing semiconductor technology, which is the backbone of products ranging from automobiles, mobile phones, missiles, and whatnot. The Covid pandemic had triggered a shortage of semiconductor chips, which was the first wake-up call to India and now the tariff war is the second such warning. India needs to take a mission approach if it wants to stay in the race, and boost the economy, which in turn will boost our defence as well.

To begin with, we must define what our aim is — do we want to deal a decisive, final blow to terrorism that comes from Pakistan or do we want to do the same to Pakistan?

Lt Gen Vinayak Patankar retd

Nearly two weeks after the horrific, targeted killing of defenceless tourists at Pahalgam, the dust has not yet settled to enable us to view the situation with clarity. The seething anger within our hearts is not abating. Though the single common emotion is revenge, its suggested method, modalities and manifestation vary. Public fora are full of views, opinions, recommendations, critiques, et al, depending upon the sources of their origin. But in the discussions, everyone seems to agree that the situation is more complex than what was perceived at first.

When faced with complex problems, it is a good idea to revisit the first principles and lessons of history. While principles bring to fore axioms, history can be a good reminder of events and lessons that ought to have been learnt from them.

Some of our fellow citizens see war clouds gathering, but the more informed minds look at many other options short of, or more effective than, war. It is often said that if one wants peace, one must prepare for war. It would do no harm, therefore, to see how some of the time-tested and proven principles of war could help us to see through the haze.

To begin with, we must define what our aim is — do we want to deal a decisive, final blow to terrorism that comes from Pakistan or do we want to do the same to Pakistan? This is vital as the measures to be taken for both would be quite different.

Offensive action could be physical or non-physical. Physical offensive must achieve surprise and it should be ensured that it is applied at the right time and at the right place. To that end, patience and level-headed planning and not knee-jerk reactions are the key. Non-physical actions, on the other hand, could be sustained over a long period and would generally be multi-pronged.

There is a need to apply sufficient force to ensure success, yet there is the principle of economy of effort to be kept in mind. To achieve the two seemingly contradictory requirements, concentrating the force at the point of decision is essential. That calls for mobility of assets and flexibility of plans. This is possible in both physical and non-physical offensive actions. The suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) and the ban on mail and trade are two recent cases that exemplify the latter.

Sustainability of an offensive depends on several factors; principle among them is robust economy. Our economy is on an upward curve; nothing we undertake should hurt that progress. Keeping our economy secure could, therefore, be a term of reference for our planners.

Cooperation between all organs of the government is essential to achieve optimum results. Fortunately, given the state of high morale not only within all ranks of the armed forces but also among all our citizens, necessary cooperation would be readily forthcoming.

This is not the first time we are facing post-trauma complex challenges for decision-making at various levels and it most certainly would not be the last. In 1971, we faced not only an unbearable burden on our economy but also a grave national security concern arising from the influx of millions of refugees from the erstwhile east Pakistan. Acting on multiple fronts, like international diplomacy, political consensus and decisive military actions, we achieved a historic military victory over Pakistan. It was no hasty decision. The offensive was launched after waiting for many months of biding our time to select the right time and method and after full preparation.

We learn from our mistakes, too. Who can forget the episode when lapses in security, lack of coordination between departments and some questionable decision-making resulted in the hijack of an Indian Airlines flight to Kandahar and the release of jailed terrorists? We are now far better prepared against such threats.

Then, there have been the attacks on pilgrims of Amarnath Yatra, on Raghunath Temple, Akshardham and the Army camp at Kalu Chak and Pulwama. We have learnt and improved from each of them.

During the Kargil war, our leadership showed considerable statesmanship in keeping the conflict confined to a specified geographical area. In fact, the need to remain within our means and in control of the situation at all times brought about the concept of ‘limited war’.

In an adverse situation such as the one we have experienced recently, it is common to hear of ‘intelligence failure’. By holding someone or some agency accountable and placing the blame at its door, there is almost a sense of having nabbed the guilty. Before we indulge in any hasty blame game, we must remember two things. First, many such attacks are nipped in the bud by the security forces (SF) when ‘actionable intelligence’ is given to them by the intelligence apparatus. It is generally all in a day’s work for the SF and rarely, if ever, publicised. Next, the SF work round the clock, ready and hoping for action against terrorists. The terrorists, on the other hand, can select a time and place to strike — so they have to be lucky just once.

The jury is still out on the whys and wherefores of the Pahalgam attack. We are also not certain what the Pakistan army’s aim was in selecting an easy target in a cowardly, senseless attack. It could be to divert the attention of the Pakistan population from its recent failures in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Or, to hinder India’s economic progress, or to provoke us and lure us to walk into a trap — a massive ambush waiting to be sprung.

Till the truth is revealed, as it was in the case of the intrusions in Kargil in 1999, we need to keep our powder dry for action, keep a cool head, continue to apply economic squeeze and continue our ‘war by other means’, as Clausewitz would say!

Lt Gen Vinayak Patankar (retd) is ex-GOC, 15 Corps, Srinagar.

An uneasy calm prevailed in Ferozepur after security agencies conducted a blackout drill for half an hour in the border town on Sunday. At the sound of a siren, all lights were turned off as per an advisory issued by…

Anirudh Gupta

An uneasy calm prevailed in Ferozepur after security agencies conducted a blackout drill for half an hour in the border town on Sunday. At the sound of a siren, all lights were turned off as per an advisory issued by the Cantonment Board.

Residents were informed about the drill through a letter issued by the board. It had advised the residents to remain indoors and keep the lights out from 9 pm to 9.30 pm.

Issuing a press note, Deputy Commissioner Deepshikha Sharma had assured residents that there was no need to panic as today’s blackout was a routine drill in such conditions.

But everyone here is in “panic” mode, keeping themselves glued to the media channels and social media to get the latest updates, though outwardly things appear “normal”.

Earlier also, as it happened during the Kargil war and after the attack on Parliament, the contours of a “war-like” scenario can already be felt here. Old-timers are smelling some action on the ground and have been sharing their experiences of the 1965 and 1971 wars.

“My relatives have been calling me after instructions regarding the blackout drill went viral on social media,” said Sandeep Kumar, who belongs to Uttar Pradesh and has been working here for the past few years. He said even if the situation is normal here, the impression that the border district gives to outsiders is quite worrying.

“Whenever any subversive incident happens or terror attack takes place in the Kashmir Valley or be it in any part, like the recent Pahalgam massacre, the border folks have to bear the brunt. The trade disappears, investors become “shy” and the already wretched economic conditions further worsen,” said Anuj Mittal, president, Shopkeeper Welfare Association.

Mittal said that he was not sure whether a war would take place or not, but the business of the shopkeepers here has already gone down. “Due to panic, people have started hoarding ration in houses, that too on debt. Moreover, Army personnel have not been coming to the markets for the past several days, hitting local trade,” said another shopkeeper.

The security establishment is not taking any chances and is keeping a close eye on the evolving situation. All incoming vehicles are being checked at various entry points of this border district; gun-carrying security personnel are ascertaining the identity of every person, especially those going towards the border area; and security all around has been beefed up.

Even the Army has reportedly restricted the movement of its men outside the cantonment and the entry of civilians has been restrained in and around the cantonment area.

While the BSF has enhanced patrolling along the border, the Punjab Police has set up ‘nakas’ at all strategic points — all as a precautionary measure.

Harmanbir Gill, Deputy Inspector General, Ferozepur Range, said that the police were keeping a close watch on anti-social elements, smugglers and history-sheeters, besides increasing the overall vigil. As per the information available, toll barriers are being monitored so that any movement of vehicles is not shared with external elements. Social media is also being actively scanned.

Vishal Gupta, a teacher at Gatti Rajo ke village, said that his vehicle number was noted by armed guards near Hussainiwala barrage, adding that the IDs of everyone moving in the border belt were being checked even if they were regular visitors like him.

Two days after carrying out a de-silting operation in the reservoir of the Baglihar dam on the Chenab, the sluice gates of the reservoir have been shut to hold back the water, restricting the flow towards Pakistan — at least…

Arjun Sharma Ajay Banerjee

wo days after carrying out a de-silting operation in the reservoir of the Baglihar dam on the Chenab, the sluice gates of the reservoir have been shut to hold back the water, restricting the flow towards Pakistan — at least temporarily.

With the Indus Waters Treaty (IWT) being held in abeyance following the Pahalgam terror attack, India need not inform its western neighbour about the opening and closing of the sluice gates. Earlier such activities used to be informed across the border through an established mechanism. Sources said during the de-silting process, the gates of the reservoir were thrown open two days ago, causing swelling of the Chenab in Pakistan.

Normally, the de-silting process used to take place during the peak monsoon season, specifically in August. This is not the first time that de-silting has been done or the gates have been closed for filling water in the reservoir.

Since the peak filling season for dams in North India is between May 20 and September 20 each year, the process of filling the Baglihar’s reservoir at this time of the year will take longer than what it takes in August.

The Baglihar reservoir can hold 475 million cubic metres of water. It has an installed power generation capacity of 900 megawatt — 450 MW across two phases. With high silt content, the power production drops and a periodical flush-out is needed.

Data from the Central Electricity Authority shows that last year, the Baglihar Phase one generated 2,707 gigawatt hour (GWh) power. That was 104 per cent of the laid-down target. The Phase two of the project generated 1,535 GWh of power (102 per cent of the target). These indicate the reservoir is filled up in routine to generate power through turbines.

Being a run-of-the-river project, Baglihar’s reservoir is small when compared with others like the Bhakra Dam, which is designed to hold 9.3 billion cubic metres of water. In comparison, the Baglihar is 20 times smaller than the Bhakra.

As per a study on the project by senior geologists from the University of Jammu, the field investigation of the reservoir area of Baglihar project showed that the sediment in the reservoir depends on fragile rock type like shale, sandstones, phyllites and slates. The area has steep hills that are prone to landslides. “The rocks are highly weathered, fissile and micaceous in nature and very sensitive to water absorption,” the study stated.

India is planning similar measures at the Kishanganga Dam on the Jhelum river, a source said. The source familiar with the matter said these hydroelectric dams — Baglihar in Ramban in Jammu and Kishanganga in north Kashmir — offer India the ability to regulate the timing of water releases.

The Indus Waters Treaty, brokered by the World Bank, has governed the use of the Indus river and its tributaries between India and Pakistan since 1960.

Security talks day after Navy Chief briefs Prime Minister on preparedness

Amid rising tensions between India and Pakistan, Indian Air Force Chief Air Chief Marshal AP Singh met Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Sunday and is understood to have discussed the security situation.

Heavy firing at LoC

Pakistani troops continued unprovoked firing in different sectors along the LoC in Jammu and Kashmir late on Saturday night, prompting effective retaliation by the Army

This was the 10th consecutive night of unprovoked firing from across the border in J&K, amid heightened tensions following the April 22 terror attack in Pahalgam

This comes just a day after Navy Chief Admiral DK Tripathi apprised the Prime Minister on the overall situation in the critical sea lanes in the Arabian Sea.

The meetings hold significance as the last major terror attack in Pulwama in February 2019 was met with a swift response from the IAF, which carried out airstrikes on Balakot in Pakistan. Since then, the IAF’s capabilities in long-range missiles and air defence have significantly strengthened. The Rafale jets, inducted after Balakot, are equipped with precision-guided missiles, while the Russian-made S-400 air defence system can track and target multiple threats simultaneously.

During his meetings with the IAF Chief and the Navy Chief, the Prime Minister is likely reviewing various strategic options India could consider in response to the recent terror attack in Pahalgam on April 22.

In a high-level meeting with the top defence brass, PM Modi on last Tuesday gave the armed forces “complete operational freedom” to decide on the mode, targets and timing of the response to the Pahalgam attack. Modi also emphasised the national resolve to deal a “crushing blow to terrorism”.

A day after the attack, India announced a raft of punitive measures against Pakistan, including suspension of the Indus Waters Treaty, shutting down of the land border crossing at Attari and downgrading of diplomatic ties.

India also imposed a complete ban on imports of all goods from Pakistan with immediate effect on the grounds of national security and public policy. New Delhi also suspended all postal services from Pakistan and banned entry of Pakistani-flagged ships at Indian ports.

Earlier this week, US Vice-President JD Vance, in an interview with Fox News, stated, “We hope that India responds to this terrorist attack in a way that doesn’t lead to a broader regional conflict.” He also advised Pakistan, saying, “Frankly, we also hope that Pakistan, to the extent it is responsible, cooperates with India to ensure that terrorists, who sometimes operate from its territory, are hunted down.”

Pak supplied artillery ammunition worth $364 million to Ukraine

Ajay Banerjee Tribune News Service

Pakistan’s current artillery ammunition reserves are estimated to last only four days in a full-scale war scenario, largely due to significant exports to Ukraine, reveals Indian assessment. Artillery guns, capable of striking targets up to 40 km away, play a critical role in modern warfare.

Indian security agencies have informed the government that Pakistan’s artillery ammunition shortage was discussed during a high-level meeting held in Rawalpindi on May 2.

Pakistan had international commitments, which were financially beneficial as it supplied artillery ammunition worth $364 million to Ukraine. Despite maintaining public neutrality in the Ukraine-Russia conflict, Pakistan has supplied substantial quantities of artillery ammunition to Ukraine. These exports were facilitated by the Pakistan Ordnance Factories (POF) in Wah Cantt, which has emerged as a key supplier to Ukraine via covert channels.

In early 2023, between February and March, Pakistan shipped 42,000 122mm rockets and 60,000 155mm howitzer shells. It also signed agreements with two US companies for additional ammunition supplies which were then sent to Ukraine. Pakistan’s arms exports surged to $415 million in the fiscal year 2022–23.

The POF — originally designed to prioritise domestic military needs — has struggled to replenish stockpiles due to outdated production facilities and growing global demand. As per the Indian assessment, at present, Pakistan’s artillery reserves could sustain for only 96 hours of high-intensity conflict.

This situation reflects a key lesson from the Ukraine war, where continuous artillery fire depleted stocks in weeks, exposing the fragility of underprepared militaries. Pakistan’s military doctrine, which relies on rapid mobilisation to counter India’s numerical superiority, could be undermined by these shortfalls.