Says India’s first indigenous aircraft carrier to be commissioned next year

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh waves during a visit to the INS Vikrant in Kochi on Friday.

Tribune News Service
New Delhi, June 25

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh on Friday said the Navy’s forward deployment showed the country’s intent and readiness during the Galwan incident amid the military face-off in Ladakh between India and China.

“The Navy’s proactive forward deployment signalled our intent that we seek peace, but are ready for any eventuality,” he said during a visit to Kochi to review the construction of the upcoming indigenous aircraft carrier (IAC).

Much-needed boost

The aircraft carrier, INS Vikrant, is a much needed boost for the Indian Navy’s capabilities as it currently functions with only one aircraft carrier.

At the review on the IAC, that is named INS Vikrant, the minister was informed that the warship built by Cochin Shipyard Limited would be commissioned in the first half of 2022, and would be the most potent sea-based asset.

The aircraft carrier is a much needed boost for the Indian Navy’s capabilities as the Navy currently functions with only one aircraft carrier.

The Defence Minister said commissioning of the IAC next year would be a befitting tribute to 75 years of India’s Independence.

The ship would operate MiG-29K fighter aircraft, Kamov-31 air warning helicopters and the soon to be inducted MH-60R multi-role helicopter.

The Defence Ministry said Singh expressed “satisfaction” at the progress of construction adding that the IAC was having nearly 75 per cent indigenous content from design to steel used in construction to key weapons and sensors.

He reaffirmed the government’s commitment towards a strong Indian Navy, saying, “The IAC and Project Seabird at Karwar, which will be the Asia’s largest naval base, are the examples of our unwavering focus”.

Laboratory disempanelled too | 12 arrests made so far in case

GS Paul

Tribune News Service

Amritsar, June 22

The Union Ministry of Defence has dis-empanelled seven hospitals and a lab of Amritsar for their alleged involvement in the Ex-servicemen Contributory Health Scheme (ECHS) scam, wherein huge amounts of government funds were bungled by claiming fake medical bills.

What Army probe suggested

• Army authorities found that several veterans misled genuine ECHS beneficiaries and collected their cards
• In connivance with hospital managements and doctors, records were fabricated to usurp claim funds from the Department of Ex-servicemen Welfare
• On the basis of an inquiry by the Army, an FIR was lodged against 24 persons on October 2

The hospitals and the lab named by the Department of Ex-Servicemen Welfare in a notification dated June 18, 2021, include Verma Hospital, Meerankot chowk; Neelkanth Hospital, Fatehgarh Churian Road; Life Kare Hospital, Nirankari Colony, Fatehgarh Churian Road; Gupta Multi-specialty Hospital, Race Course Road; Akashdeep Neuro Trauma and Multi SS Hospital; Madaan Hospital (Multi-specialty) Majitha Road; and Nijjar Scan and Diagnostic Centre, Court Road.

Sandeep Malik, Additional Deputy Commissioner of Police, Amritsar, had been holding an investigation into the case. “At least 12 arrests have been made so far. Others who evaded arrest had managed to procure interim bail from the High Court, but they have been asked to join the investigation. We are also awaiting some forensic records pertaining to the case,” he said.

Gurmeet Singh Bablu, president of the Shaheed-e-Azam Sardar Bhagat Singh Youth Front, alleged that the police gave immunity to various doctors and hospitals from the FIR without involving the Army authorities. He demanded a CBI or at least a vigilance probe into the case. “Why were the police taking the Army probe leniently? I shot a letter to the Punjab Chief Minister with copies to the Punjab DGP and Bureau of Investigations as the city police acted in a biased manner while investigating the case,” he said.Army authorities found that several veterans misled genuine ECHS beneficiaries and collected their cards. Later, in connivance with the hospital managements and doctors, records were fabricated to usurp claim funds from the Department of Ex-servicemen Welfare.

A 204-page Army inquiry report was submitted to the Cantonment police by Brig MD Upadhyay, Station Commander, Station Headquarters, Amritsar Cantonment. Following this, an FIR was lodged against 24 persons, including owners, managing directors and doctors of six private hospitals on October 2.

Brig Upadhyay, in his complaint to the police, alleged that hospitals had made false admissions with an intention of fraud with the cardholders “without providing them the services that are as per the files of the hospitals”. Also, the cardholders were kept in the hospitals “for a few days” even when the records suggest they stayed longer.

India and China were locked in a military standoff at multiple friction points in eastern Ladakh since early May last year.

India and China were locked in a military standoff at multiple friction points in eastern Ladakh since early May last year

New Delhi, June 23  

India and China are likely to hold another round of diplomatic talks this week on eastern Ladakh with a focus on moving forward in disengagement of troops in the remaining friction points, people familiar with the development said on Tuesday.

They said the talks under the framework of Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination on India-China Border Affairs (WMCC) are expected to focus on broad principles to bring down tensions between the militaries of the two countries in eastern Ladakh.

The talks may take place on June 24, said one of the people cited above.

The last round of WMCC talks took place on March 12.

It is learnt that another round of Corps Commander-level talks will be held following the diplomatic dialogue. 

India and China were locked in a military standoff at multiple friction points in eastern Ladakh since early May last year. However, the two sides completed the withdrawal of troops and weapons from the North and South banks of Pangong lake in February following a series of military and diplomatic talks.

The two sides are now engaged in talks to extend the disengagement process to the remaining friction points. India has been particularly pressing for the disengagement of troops in Hot Springs, Gogra and Depsang.

According to military officials, each side currently has around 50,000 to 60,000 troops along the Line of Actual Control in the sensitive sector.

There was no visible forward movement in disengagement of troops in the remaining friction points as the Chinese side did not show flexibility in their approach on it at the 11th round of military talks.

Last month, Army Chief Gen MM Naravane said that there can be no de-escalation without complete disengagement at all friction points in eastern Ladakh and that the Indian Army is prepared for all contingencies in the region.

Gen Naravane also said that India is dealing with China in a “firm” and “non-escalatory” manner to ensure the sanctity of its claims in eastern Ladakh and that it was even open to initiating confidence-building measures. PTI 

A couple of aerospace companies are also among the targets of the agencies, an STF officer said

Han Junwe. File photo

Kolkata, June 22

The Chinese national who was arrested recently in West Bengal’s Malda district informed his interrogators that several agencies of his country are trying to hack various websites of the Central government including those under the Ministry of Defence, sources in the Special Task Force (STF) probing his case said on Tuesday.

They have targeted a Bengaluru-based company which is associated with the ministry and the BSNL, Han Junwe who was intercepted while trying to illegally enter the country through the India-Bangladesh border has told the sleuths.

A couple of aerospace companies are also among the targets of the agencies, an STF officer told PTI on condition of anonymity.

“He has said that the Chinese are trying to take a sneak peek into India’s defence system and hence they are trying to hack the websites of the Indian Defence Ministry,” the officer said.

The STF is trying to find out Junwe’s connection with these agencies and the role he is playing in India, the officer said.

The sleuths are still trying to unlock the sophisticated mobile phone and the laptop seized from the Chinese national who was arrested on June 12.

“Where he was heading to is still not known. We suspect that someone was waiting somewhere to guide him to Kaliachak in Malda district,” the officer said.

The STF is also trying to find out whether or not he had any connection with the banned Maoist outfits.

“He may have some role in providing financial assistance to the Maoists,” the IPS officer said.https://750401a4eb15ce69bd6370009abdcc5e.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-38/html/container.html

The 35-year-old man believed to be a resident of Hubei in China was arrested by the BSF earlier this month.

The BSF had said on June 11 that Junwe told the investigators that he and his associates have smuggled as many as 1,300 Indian SIM cards into their country by hiding them in undergarments.

These SIM cards were allegedly used to hack accounts and carry out financial frauds.

The BSF had said that Junwe used the India-Bangladesh border to enter the country as he failed to get an Indian visa after his business partner Sun Jiang was arrested by the Lucknow Anti-Terrorism Squad in a case of fraud recently. PTI

St. Edward’s School alumnus, was born & raised in Shimla

Lt Gen Ajay Kumar Suri

Shimla, June 22

Lt Gen Ajay Kumar Suri has taken over as Director General and Colonel Commandant of Army Aviation in the Indian Army. He was born and brought up in Shimla. A pass-out of St. Edward’s School and Kendriya Vidyalaya, Jakhoo, Suri was commissioned as Second Lieutenant on June 8, 1985, from the IMA, Dehradun, and he joined the artillery regiment.

Later, he earned his flying badge in June 1990 and has over 6,000 flying hours to his name. Lt Gen Suri recently moved a proposal for women helicopter pilots via the Chief of Army Staff and as a result two women officers joined training in Nasik after a rigorous selection process. — TNS

The actual allocation of funds to DIO would depend on how much money the finance minister is able to allocate each year for this purpose
by Amit Cowshish
On June 13, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh approved budgetary support of Rs 498.8 crore for the Defence Innovation Organisation (DIO). This will enable DIO to provide funds to nearly 300 aspiring entrepreneurs and 20-odd Partner Incubators (PIs) to undertake R&D and innovation projects. The funds will be released by the Department of Defence Production (DDP) over the next five years.
Considering that the budgetary allocations are made annually in the federal budget, the approval given by Rajnath Singh can best be described as the indicative budget for the next five years. The actual allocation of funds to DIO would depend on how much money the finance minister is able to allocate each year for this purpose.
This five-year budget includes Rs 450 crore for funding the projects, Rs 29.6 crore for the PIs and Rs 19.18 crore for the DIO’s internal operations, including administrative and management cost and the expenditure on monitoring and evaluation of projects.
During the current financial year, DIO is expected to be allocated Rs 66.1 crore. It is now known whether the DDP already has sufficient funds from which this amount will be released, or it will now approach the Ministry of Finance for additional allocation.
Incorporated in 2018 under Section 8 of the Company Act, 2013, DIO is a not-for-profit organisation that manages Innovation for Defence Excellence (iDEX) scheme. The aim of this scheme is to create ‘an ecosystem to foster innovation and technology development in Defence and Aerospace by engaging Industries including MSMEs, start-ups, individual innovators, R&D institutes and academia and provide them grants/funding and other support to carry out R&D development which has good potential for future adoption for Indian defence and aerospace needs’.
This nascent organisation is managed by a Board of Directors, with Secretary (DDP) as the Chairman, Additional Secretary as the Chief Executive Officer, and CMDs of Hindustan Aeronautics Limited (HAL) and Bharat Electronics Limited (BEL), and the MD of Atal Innovation Mission (AIM), as members.
The DIOs’ activities have so far been largely confined to organising Defence India Start-up Challenge, or DISC, though currently it also seems to be running a 45-day awareness programme since June 1 for the aspiring innovators.
The iDEX challenge is open to start-ups, MSMEs (Micro, Small and Medium Enterprises), R&D institutions, academia, and individual innovators. They are required to work on the problem statements prepared by the armed forces, Defence Public Sector Undertakings (DPSUs), Ordnance Factory Board (OFB) -now facing the prospect of being broken up into seven corporations- and by other agencies which have signed Memorandum of Understanding (MoUs) with the DIO.
Milestone-related financial assistance in the form of grant, equity, debt, and other analogous arrangements is provided to the maximum limit of Rs 1.5 crore to entities shortlisted for taking up the challenge and, following an elaborate process of assessment and evaluation, the winners are announced by the DIO.
Four challenges have been conducted so far under the iDEX framework. In addition, at least one challenge seems to have been conducted exclusively for the armed forces personnel.
The iDEX scheme also envisages funding the PIs for undertaking similar activities to the extent of Rs 40 lakh if the program is deemed worthwhile. It, however, remains unclear if any partner has benefitted from this provision so far.
As for the outcome of the past three years that DIO has been in existence, the picture is hazy, as the information available on the iDEX website is too sketchy, disorganised, and difficult to collate. However, a rough count shows that so far at least 72 individual innovators, small companies, military personnel and one institution -IIT Palakkad- have won 30-odd challenges posed by the armed forces, Goa Shipyard Limited (GSL), BEL and HAL.
A wide range of prototypes and technologies have been successfully developed by the winners. The list includes Individual Protection System, See-through Armour, Secure Hardware Encryption Device, Unmanned Surface/Underwater Vehicles, Computer Generated Targets for Virtual Training, 4-G tactical Area Network, Autonomous Underwater Swarm Drones, AI based Satellite Image Analysis, Foliage Penetration Radar, and Remote Real Time In-Flight Health Monitoring of Aircrew.
Credit must be given where it is due. The fact that the four rounds of challenges held so far have elicited good response and quite a few prototypes and technologies have been developed by a cross-section of innovators is both impressive and heartening. However, the mystery surrounding the scheme endures, not least because of the incomprehensibility and disjointedness of the information posted there. Nevertheless, three issues stand out.
First, though many prototypes and technologies have been developed, this cannot be an end in itself. It is not known how many of these have been, or are being, integrated with the in-service, under development or under production equipment, platforms, and weapon systems. This is the only yardstick that can be used to assess the ultimate utility of the solutions developed by the innovators.
Second, the commercial viability of developing the solutions, which may also require the innovators to partially fund the projects themselves, would depend on their ability to sell the product. No information is available on the DIO website about the solutions developed by the innovators being bought by the Indian industry or the MoD, or their export by the innovators.
Third, the iDEX scheme seems to run in parallel with the Technology Development Fund (TDF) managed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) to promote self-reliance in technology development. It would be disingenuous to argue that there is a nuanced difference between the objectives of both these schemes.
Even if it is conceded for argument’s sake that these schemes serve somewhat different purposes, there is no denying that a synergised approach to innovation and R&D can produce better results. Turf war between DDP and DRDO seems to have trumped the need for such synergy.

Indian Army has a geographical and time disadvantage on Ladakh LAC as the PLA has positions on flat Tibetan plateau which are connected by black top roads while Indian troops are on unmotorable and glaciated high mountain terrain
When the Sumdorong Chu stand-off between Indian and Chinese armies was at its peak in the autumn of 1986, the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) suggested that both sides create a buffer zone by moving 20 kilometres from the friction points in Arunachal Pradesh to avoid the possibility of an accidental flare-up. The Indian Army, under General K Sundarji, responded by asking their Chinese counterpart about the reference point of the buffer zone as the 1,126-km Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Arunachal Pradesh was undefined and Beijing claimed the Indian state as its own territory. The Chinese never got back with the reply and the Sumdorong Chu stand-off was finally resolved some eight years later with Indian Army not budging an inch.
Cut to May 2020 transgressions along the 1597-km LAC in Ladakh. The Chinese army, under instructions from the highest levels, transgressed into Gogra Hot Springs area near Kongka La and to Finger 4 mountainous spur on the northern banks of Pangong Tso with the intention of imposing the 1959 Green Line defined by then prime minister Chou En-Lai on the Ladakh LAC. This resulted in a stand-off with Indian Army matching the Chinese strength on ground to day with no signs of PLA disengagement at Gogra-Hot Springs and de-escalation limited to only Pangong Tso fingers and the south banks of the salty cold lake along the Rezang La-Rechin La ridgeline.
During the 11 rounds of military dialogue, the PLA again came up with the proposal of creating a buffer zone on north banks of Pangong Tso and a 10-km no fly zone around the LAC to ensure that there was no accidental escalation due to local friction. With deception and subterfuge as its legitimate tools, the PLA suggested Finger 4 to be the reference point rather than Finger 8, which is the Indian perception of the LAC. It is understood that the Indian side offered a via media solution by proposing a buffer zone from median finger 6 as the reference point, but the PLA never agreed.
For a country that withdrew from the exchange of maps in the western sector way back on July 17, 2002, the Chinese reluctance to give the reference points to the buffer zone or no patrolling zone is understandable as the grid location will define the LAC on paper. While Indian Army is willing to discuss the buffer zone only with a reference point rather than a general area location, it has some fundamental objections to this proposal due to geography of East Ladakh. The Chinese positions across the Ladakh LAC are on flat Tibetan plateau and motorable to the zero point, while the Indian Army positions are on Ladakh range, whose average height is little less than 6,000 metres. The Pangong Range runs parallel to the Ladakh range and south of it lies the Kailash Range that culminates in Mount Kailash in Tibet. The terrain on Pangong and Ladakh range is heavily glaciated and subject to extreme weather conditions with the Indian troops boxed in by over 16,000 feet high mountain passes between the Ladakh and the Pangong-Kailash Ranges.
According to top Indian military commanders, the Chinese buffer zone proposal for Indian troops sitting at heights would make no sense as the PLA will reach their positions much faster due to flat terrain and black top roads in the worst-case scenario.
Another proposal to set up a hot line between the two armies to avoid any border flare-up is mired in Chinese double-speak. While India wants the Indian Director General Military Operations to have a line with his PLA counterpart in Beijing, the PLA perhaps wants to show the Indian Army down by only allowing the hot-line to the Chengdu based Western Theatre Command.
Given the trust deficit between the two countries, the best option is for both sides to restore the April 2020 status quo ante with the armies on both sides going back to their peace time locations. This will not only restore sanctity to the bilateral agreements since 1993 but also normalize ties between two neighbours.

by Harsha Kakar
Post Kargil there were multiple committees established to study causes, shortcomings and suggest remedial measures. Kargil in 1999 and Ladakh in 2020 had a few things in common, the most obvious was to have been surprised, followed by a reaction.
The Indian polity had closed its mind to the fact that China was a threat, while in 1999, it never expected Pakistan to risk an offensive manoeuvre, considering differences in military power.
The political belief was that diplomacy and economic bonding would contain Chinese adventurism. Post Doklam, General Bipin Rawat had stated at a seminar in CLAWS, “Salami slicing, taking over territory in a gradual manner, testing our limits of threshold is something we have to be wary about.” It was a warning, yet when China entered Ladakh, India was unprepared.
Kargil was a failure of intelligence and laxity by forces deployed in the region. Ladakh was no different. The Chinese had planned and prepared for the incursion, keeping it below thresholds of war. The use of medieval handheld weapons at Galwan were indicative of their in-depth planning. They exploited Indian involvement in stemming the pandemic, while Pakistan exploited Indian casualness. Indian reserve formations, which deploy in Ladakh for exercises to counter additional forces, were held back on the premise that China was conducting routine training exercises. Subsequent Indian reactions were similar during Kargil, which was to rush forces to the region.
The Lahore summit between Prime Ministers Atal Behari Vajpayee and Nawaz Sharif had taken place in February 1999, while the Mahabalipuram summit between PM Narendra Modi and President Xi Jinping occurred in October 2019. In both instances, India trusted diplomacy and believed that bonding and peace talks would ensure the borders remained peaceful. Conversely, while their leaders discussed peace, cooperation and trade, the armed forces of our two neighbours were planning offensive manoeuvres in Indian territory. In Kargil, Pakistan had studied our routine and exploited it, in Ladakh the Chinese did the same. Trust deteriorated subsequently.
The major difference between Kargil and Ladakh was in the levels of violence. In Ladakh, apart from Galwan where India lost 20 of its bravest, there were no other instances of violence, and talks have been adopted to resolve the dispute. In Kargil, the army was compelled to take offensive action to evict intruders, leading to large loss of lives. The other difference was the Indian offensive action of occupying the Kailash Ridge, pushing China on the defensive and leading to resolution on both banks of Pangong Tso. We reacted to hostile actions by our neighbours, which occurred due to our own shortcomings.
Another commonality was induction of additional formations and reassigning operational responsibilities. In Kargil, an additional division was inducted, as also 14 Corps raised, splitting the responsibility of the erstwhile 15 Corps. In the case of Ladakh, an offensive Corps in the plains has been reassigned for similar tasks in the region, enhancing offensive capabilities. Additional troops have been deployed all along the LAC to cater for any future Chinese misadventures.
Pragmatism and correct assessment of national threats over the years, as also logical allocation of funds for national security would have avoided sudden spurts in expenditure, reduced the capability gap and possibly resulted in the Chinese thinking twice before attempting misadventures. The mountain strike corps, whose raising was stalled by the government due to paucity of funds, has been revived. Thus, defence expenditure has witnessed an increase, rather than a reduction. The same occurred post Kargil.
During Kargil, there were increased allocation of funds to procure equipment essential to make up shortfalls in capabilities, as defence budgets had reduced over years. A near-similar scenario of poor allocation for defence continued until the government was shaken by the Chinese intrusion. The forces had been forced to re-adjust procurement plans due to poor allocation of capital funds, despite repeated requests to the finance ministry. Governments slept, unwilling to accept that threats to national security had not reduced and China would exploit its military superiority at some stage.
When Ladakh happened, the government woke from its slumber and hurriedly released funds for procurement. To shift procurement responsibility on to service HQs, they enhanced financial powers of service chiefs. The government ignored the fact, in both instances, that defence equipment is never available off the shelf and there is always a gap between placing orders, procuring equipment and enhancing capabilities. Had it continued with logical financial allocations in defence budgets, such haphazard solutions would not have been resorted to.
Similar to the post-Kargil scenario, once the Ladakh intrusion occurred, the government realised the importance of logistics and connectivity. Infrastructure towards the LAC once again came into focus. Connectivity projects along the entire LAC, from Ladakh to Arunachal, saw infusion of funds. Deadlines were reduced, projects closely monitored, and every completed project inaugurated by a senior government functionary, aimed at sending a message. Procurement of essential ammunition stocks and winter clothing, slowed due to paucity of funds, picked up steam. Such was the initial shortfall that the US released winter clothing from its reserve stocks. Currently, the army is procuring for future use.
Post Kargil there were multiple committees established to study causes, shortcomings and suggest remedial measures. The take-off point was the Dr K Subramanyam-led Kargil Committee. Failures were identified and creation of additional coordinating bodies and institutions recommended. Many were created. No such committee has yet been announced for determining the causes of the Ladakh crisis as also recommending remedial measures. It appears that the government is unwilling to accept criticism or even an assessment into how the nation was surprised and compelled to react.
India has always claimed to be a state which desires peace and tranquillity. It expects the same from its neighbours. However, every time it was led up the garden path and surprised. National leaders of both Pakistan and China engaged in talks with India, while their military planned offensive actions. Thus, they were part of strategic deception, willingly or unwillingly. In such a scenario, there is bound to be a trust deficit, which will impact future relations. India needs to ensure that it is never again compelled to react as also deter misadventures by enhancing military capabilities. Our political leadership must never blindly trust the adversary’s leaders.

New Delhi: Pakistan, which has been very vocal against India’s decision to scrap the special status of Jammu and Kashmir, has increased the incidents of ceasefire violation by nearly 140 per cent in the last three years — from 2,140 in 2018 to 5,133 in 2020, Union Home Ministry data shows.
Further, in 2019, there were over 3,400 ceasefire violations by Pakistan along the border. Of these, nearly half took place after August 2019 — when the Centre took away the special status of Jammu and Kashmir and divided it into Union Territories.
The data analysed by CNN-News18 shows that between August 5, 2019 and February 28, 2021, 31 civilians were killed and 39 security forces personnel were martyred in such incidents.
While the ceasefire violations have increased by over double in the last three years, the civilian casualties have dropped from 30 in 2018 to 22 in 2020, the ministry data analysed by CNN-News18 shows. Similarly, fewer civilians were injured in such incidents over the year — from 143 in 2018 to 71 in 2020.
Further, 29 security personnel were martyred in 2018. This dropped to 24 in 2020. However, the number of security personnel injured in these violations has increased from 116 in 2018 to 126 in 2020.
Ceasefire violations and cross border firing by Pakistan along the Line of Control (LoC) and International Border (IB) in Jammu and Kashmir have been reported since decades, the Home Ministry data says. India shares a 3,323-km border with Pakistan, of which 221 km of the IB and 740 km of the LoC fall in Jammu and Kashmir.
India and Pakistan entered into a ceasefire agreement in 2003. Between 2006 and 2011, less than 100 violations were reported each year.
No civilian has been killed in a law-and-order situation since the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir. However, 59 were killed in militancy related incidents, Home Ministry data shows. Among all the districts, Kulgam and Pulwama reported highest 15 and 12 civilian deaths, respectively, since the abrogation of Article 370.
Jammu and Kashmir is the only part of India that has reported terror incidents in 2019 and 2020, the Home Ministry said.
In 2018, apart from Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab reported one terror incident. Three people were killed that year in terror incidents, the Home Ministry said. Between 2018 and 2020, each year more than 35 people were killed in terror incidents in Jammu and Kashmir. During the same period, 635 terrorists were killed.

Ministry of Defence officials sign a contract with Goa Shipyard Ltd (GSL) for construction of two Pollution Control Vessels (PCVs) for Indian Coast Guard (ICG) in Panaji on 22 June, 2021 | PTIText Size: A- A+

New Delhi: The Defence Ministry on Tuesday signed a contract with Goa Shipyard Ltd (GSL) for the construction of two pollution control vessels for the Indian Coast Guard at a cost of about Rs 583 crore, officials said.

The ships are being procured to significantly augment the capability of the Indian Coast Guard (ICG) to respond to incidents of oil spills at the sea and also boost the force’s pollution response mechanism.

These two vessels are scheduled for delivery by November 2024 and May 2025 respectively.

The defence ministry said the “special role ships” will be indigenously designed, developed and built by GSL.

“The acquisition will significantly augment the capability of ICG to respond to oil spill disasters at sea,” it said.

At present, ICG has three pollution control vessels (PCVs) in its fleet at Mumbai, Visakhapatnam and Porbander to carry out dedicated pollution surveillance, oil spill monitoring and response operations in the Indian exclusive economic zone and islands around it.

“The new PCVs planned are for pollution response requirements in eastern and the ecologically sensitive Andaman and Nicobar regions,” the ministry said in a statement.

“The vessels, with the capability of operating helicopter on board, will have many advanced features with modern pollution response equipment of niche technology for containing, recovering and dispersing of the marine oil spill,” it said.

The ministry said the contract would further boost the indigenous shipbuilding capability and increase employment opportunities in the shipbuilding sector that involves around 200 MSME (micro, small and medium enterprises) vendors.

Also read: Ordnance Factory Board’s corporate makeover — the plan & how it impacts India’s arms production