Headquarters of Army’s static sub-areas being merged with HQs of operational formations

Vijay Mohan

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, June 5

The Army has initiated the process of merging sub-area headquarters, which are static establishments located across the country, with headquarters of operational formations located in the same station or their vicinity.

The move is part of the Army’s ongoing organisational restructuring to optimise its manpower and resources and its basis lies in the recommendations of a study group that was formed a few years ago to review the existing hierarchy.

According to a circular sent to all Army Commands by the Staff Duties Directorate at Army Headquarters a few days ago, 13 sub-area headquarters are to be merged with the headquarters of co-located formations like corps.

Sub-areas are commanded by officers of the rank of Major General, designated as General Officer Commanding (GOC), who reports to the area commander, a Lieutenant General. who in turn functions under the General Officer Commanding-in-Chief of the Command in whose territorial jurisdiction the area lies.

There are a few independent sub-areas, not reporting to an area, and some that are not co-located with a formation.

Under the new hierarchical set-up, the GOC of a sub-area will be re-designated as Major General (Land, Works and Welfare) posted at corps headquarters, reporting to the corps commander instead of the area commander. Similarly, other officers and staff at sub-area headquarters will be adjusted at corps headquarters with new designations and modified charters of duties.

A sub-area is a static formation which does not control any combat or operational elements but is mandated for providing administrative, logistical and infrastructural support to formations and establishments in its territorial jurisdiction. It is also responsible for local station matters, accommodation and welfare of ex-servicemen through station headquarters, besides being an interface with the local administration for providing aid to civil authorities in times of need.

As an offshoot to the merger, station headquarters, which is responsible for managing the internal affairs of a particular military station, will now have a permanent station commander instead of the commander of the locally based operational formation like a brigade being the ex-officio station commander.

As part of its reorganisation plans, two new posts at the level of Lieutenant General were created at Army Headquarters in December 2020. These are Deputy Chief of Army Staff (Strategy) and Director General Information Warfare.

Read more at:

The defence ministry has cleared a two-decade-old plan to procure six conventional submarines with the ability to stay underwater for weeks. The order will create competition that will involve defence sector giant Larsen and Toubro and public owned Mazagaon Dockyards Limited.

The Rs 43,000 crore project is the first under an ambitious strategic partnership model to involve the private sector in large military projects

Read more at:
https://economictimes.indiatimes.com/news/defence/construction-of-six-advanced-submarines-for-indian-navy-approved/articleshow/83228961.cms?utm_source=contentofinterest&utm_medium=text&utm_campaign=cppst

India has repeatedly said Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India and the country is capable of solving its own problems
ISLAMABAD: Foreign Minister Shah Mahmood Qureshi on Saturday announced to convene a meeting of the foreign ministers of Muslim nations in Islamabad next year to highlight the issue of Kashmir and get their support.
He was addressing a gathering of political workers of his Pakistan Tehreek-i-Insaf party in his home town of Multan.
“If God grants me time, then in March 2022 I will invite the foreign ministers of the Islamic world to Islamabad and try to rally them on the Kashmir issue,” he said.
India has repeatedly said Jammu and Kashmir is an integral part of India and the country is capable of solving its own problems.
India has told Pakistan that it desires normal neighbourly relations with Islamabad in an environment free of terror, hostility and violence.
India has said the onus is on Pakistan to create an environment free of terror and hostility.
Qureshi also warned Afghan leaders to stop issuing insulting statements against Pakistan otherwise the country would stop even talking to them.
He took strong exception to the remarks of Afghan National Security Advisor who had called Pakistan a brothel house.

Indian Army has moved K-9 Vajra howitzers to Ladakh
A great deal has already been said about the Chinese perfidy in quietly tearing up the Panchsheel, while prosecuting actions leading up to the 1962 war. Genesis of the Galwan clash was tactical in nature is, however, belied by the build-up and standoff that followed the conflict
by Maj Gen Neeraj Bali (Retd)
The history of China’s duplicitous behaviour with India is long and well-chronicled. Strategic wisdom demands that we do not read the adversary’s intent with our template of ‘rationality’; two of our neighbours have repeatedly demonstrated the core wisdom of that thought by acting with ‘cultivated irrationality’.
A great deal has already been said about the Chinese perfidy in quietly tearing up the Panchsheel, while prosecuting actions leading up to the 1962 war. China’s occupation of Wangdung in the pasture of Sumdorong Chu in 1986 was unprecedented and largely inexplicable. It resulted in a massive counter move by the Indian Army, moving troops and logistical set up to the Lungro La and Hathung La massifs. In the early 1990s, I was a part of an Indian contingent that attended a Border Persons Meeting with the Chinese Army. Even to my inexperienced mind, it was more than evident that while there was bonhomie at the display, the Chinese had every intention of letting the border question simmer.
When Prime Minister Modi came to power, India made a substantial effort to reach out to China. During the visit of Xi Jin Ping in September 2014, the Prime Minister personally accorded a warm and affectionate welcome, escorting the Chinese premier to his home and later characterising the relationship between the two countries as ‘two bodies one spirit’. It must be noted that during that very visit, there were unconfirmed Hindustan Times and The Guardian reports of the incursion of 200 People Liberation Army (PLA) soldiers into Indian territory.
Then, of course, there was the 2017 10-week standoff at Doklam that repeatedly threatened to spiral into a violent clash of larger proportions. Mercifully, that prognosis did not run its course, though many commentators felt that China would regard the outcome as a loss of face for itself.
What led to the bloody skirmish at Galwan on 15/16 June 2020, resulting in multiple casualties on either side? The ground-level explanation is that the PLA troops retaliated when the moves of an unarmed party led by Colonel Santosh Babu of the Bihar Regiment, asking the PLA unit to remove temporary structures from the Indian territory, spun out of control.
The issue of the carpeting of the road from Darbuk to Daulat Beg Oldie along the Shyok River by India was also currently on the Chinese minds. The Chinese may have perceived the development of that axis as a clear and present threat to the Aksai Chin highway.
The analysis that the genesis of the Galwan clash was tactical in nature is, however, belied by the build-up and standoff that followed the conflict. Indeed, it points to a Chinese design at a far deeper level.
It has been analysed that the Chinese have long held the growing strategic partnership between India and the US with unmasked suspicion. Even back in 1998-2000, when Strobe Talbott and the Indian foreign minister Jaswant Singh had held several rounds is well-reported talks to resolve matters relating to nuclear power and non-proliferation, China saw it as an attempt by the US to prop India as a countervailing force against a rapidly growing China. The more recent cementing of that relationship between President Trump and Prime Minister Modi might have revived that conspiratorial notion. Under the Modi government, India had begun to embrace powers like Japan, which might have exacerbated that sense of unease. Was the Galwan skirmish – and what followed in its aftermath – an attempt to ‘re-establish China’s supremacy and send a message of caution to India?
Or should we read this as an unprecedentedly belligerent Chinese foreign policy, increasingly in evidence since Xi ascended to power? It appears to have opened several fronts – with the US, Australia, Japan, Taiwan, the EU, Bhutan and India, even while it struggled to erase the PR disaster over its role in the origin and spread of the COVID 19 pandemic. Has China decided to shake off its cloak of ‘soft power’ and asserts itself as a pre-eminent power on the world stage? Was Galwan merely a marker in that quest?
Last month, a respected analyst and scholar Fareed Zakaria called China’s approach damaging to itself. In a recent Washington Post article titled ‘Xi’s China can’t seem to stop scoring own goals’ it called out Chinese propensity of the recent period as ‘over-reactions and surmised that ‘China’s current foreign policy is far removed from its patient, long-term and moderate approach during the Deng Xiaoping era and after. Now Chinese diplomats embrace conflict and hurl insults in what is known as “wolf warrior” diplomacy.’
The aggressive Chinese approach even flies in the face of its economic efforts to reap handsome benefits from globalisation.
In light of these conclusions, what should our stance and approach be?
Uneasy calm prevails in the area of last year’s conflict. Till microscopically verified, claims of disengagement and withdrawal can hardly be accepted. It is also evident that our build-up of over 60,000 troops and logistical infrastructure, made with impressive speed and herculean effort, must not be reversed in the foreseeable future; the cost of maintaining this posture in Eastern Ladakh is high, but the deployment must be treated as inevitable.
India’s economic disengagement would hardly cause a mortal blow to China’s economy, but the signal is unmistakable; we will pursue all that we can to uphold our security. This approach must unrelentingly continue.
This moment in history is pregnant with the possibility of reaching out to the West and countries in the Pacific Ocean region for meaningful strategic partnerships. Many countries in the area are smarting under China’s heavy-handed approach and would be more than willing to establish alliances. Malaysia expressed its annoyance to the Chinese envoy over ‘suspicious’ Chinese air activity only last week.
It may be a cliché that today’s India is not the India of 1962 but it still bears repeating. The Indian Army has come a huge distance from the 303 rifle-wielding braves that stood and fell along the banks of the icy Namkha Chu, in the shadow of Thag La. The political leadership and the Army have shown a resolve that reflects that confidence. While we must do everything to ensure that no tactical action leads to a strategic mistake and maintain peace along the LAC, our current strategy must be bolstered and continued.
After Galwan, the country has displayed that it does no longer brings a knife to a gunfight. That is not merely a motivational statement; it is also a sound basis for our future strategy.

New Delhi: The much anticipated large-scale induction of the Dhanush artillery guns, also known as ‘Desi Bofors’, has been hit due to the Covid-19 pandemic as well as production quality concerns flagged by the Army, ThePrint has learnt.

Since April 2019, when the induction started, only 12 of the indigenously built long-range artillery guns have been delivered. This is far below the 18 guns required to make a full regiment.

Incidentally, the first six guns were delivered in April 2019 itself and more of the 155mm x 45mm Dhanush were to be produced subsequently.

The delay meant that the first regiment of Dhanush, which was to be raised by the end of 2019, had not been completed by then and the date was later pushed to March 2020.

Furthermore, while the Army is satisfied with the guns in terms of fire power and mobility, it has flagged multiple concerns regarding the production quality. Dhanush is being manufactured by the Gun Carriage Factory (CGF) in Madhya Pradesh’s Jabalpur, which comes under the state-run Ordnance Factory Board (OFB).

“The production system has still not stabilised. After integrated firing checks, issues have cropped with regard to the hydraulics, sight and even mounting in some cases,” a source told ThePrint.

Sources further noted that the Army is awaiting the production system to stabilise so that a larger number of guns, which is an advanced variant of the Bofors, can be inducted.

Incidentally, the CBI had registered a case in 2017 against a Delhi-based firm and unidentified officials of the Gun Carriage Factory for China-made parts camouflaged as those ‘Made in Germany’ finding their way to the production line of Dhanush.

Also read: Army gets going on plan to buy over 1,700 ‘future tanks’ that will become its main battle tanks

Covid delayed production too

Another issue that has delayed the production is the Covid-19 pandemic which has halted the work at the factory for quite some time now.

According to sources familiar with the matter, several cases of Covid emerged at the Jabalpur factory.

The national lockdown last year and the pandemic also meant that the supply chain got affected, sources said.

OFB officials told ThePrint that initial manufacturing plans faced certain constraints in the supply chain “which have largely been settled”.

They said that the pandemic had a widespread global impact but the OFB is making “all efforts to ensure timely supplies”.

They added that further production of guns is underway. However, they did not respond to a query on the quality concerns raised by the Army.

Also read: India notifies 2nd list of defence items it won’t import, industry hopes more will be added

Army has ordered 114 Dhanush

Dhanush passed its final test at Pokhran in June 2018, after trials in high altitude areas like Sikkim and Leh and in hot and humid weather in Balasore, Odisha and Babina in Jhansi.

The GCF got the Dhanush project in October 2011 and the first prototype was built in 2014. The Army had ordered 114 Dhanush guns in 2018.

A towed howitzer with a strike range of 38 km, Dhanush has been developed on the basis of the first phase of Transfer of Technology (ToT) deal as part of the Bofors contract in the late 1980s.

However, the Swedish Bofors company (now owned by Britain’s BAE System) could not complete the ToT as the deal got embroiled in a major political row following allegations of kickbacks under the then Rajiv Gandhi government.

The Bofors gun subsequently became the backbone of the Indian Army’s operation in the 1999 Kargil conflict with its pinpoint accuracy in targeting enemy positions.

Costing about Rs 14.5 crore a piece, Dhanush is equipped with an inertial navigation-based sighting system, auto-laying facility, onboard ballistic computation, and an advanced day and night direct firing system.

The self-propulsion unit of the gun allows it to be easily deployed in mountainous terrain.

Also read: DRDO will begin trials of Made-in-India towed artillery in June but Army still has ‘concerns’

The founding father of the Indian Army cherished and nourished the ideals of discipline, character and selfless service

General KM Cariappa.

Col Mahesh Chadha (Retd)

It was in April 1972, while I was posted at Shillong, that a message came from the Army HQ about the visit of General KM Cariappa, the first and the last Indian Commander-in-Chief of Independent India. One had heard about him as the founding father of the Indian Army; an admirable officer and a gentleman, moulded in the British tradition. More than anything else, I had read a booklet titled ‘Officer’s Code of Conduct’ issued by the Army HQ on his orders. It was thus a great honour and a matter of pride to be detailed as his liaison officer.

Accompanying the GOC, we received the former Army Chief, who retired from active military service in 1953, at the Guwahati airport. Tall, lean and handsome, he was immaculately dressed in a morning suit, with a felt hat. Shaking hands with him sent a wave of warmth and blessings.

General Cariappa, affectionately known as Kipper, a name given by a British officer’s wife, was visiting Guwahati and Shillong as president of the Ex-Servicemen League. He addressed a rally and took stock of the problems faced by ex-servicemen and their families. Some were living a retired life in remote and inaccessible areas of the North-East, and there were those whose financial condition was miserable. He took notes personally and after a quick working lunch, we drove to Shillong.

At a dinner party organised in his honour, he amused us with anecdotes. As a young officer in the British army, he was frequently posted from one regiment to another, then took over as the CO of 1/7 Rajput; as the western Army commander, he planned and executed operations in Jammu and Kashmir in 1947-48, saving Poonch and also Kargil and Leh as he bulldozed his way in moving forces to Ladakh across the Zojila.

As he rubbed shoulders with Defence Minister Baldev Singh and Pandit Nehru, the appointment of C-in-C was changed to COAS (Chief of Army Staff) and the new appointments of Chiefs of Air and Naval Staff created.

A man of principles, he ensured inclusivity in recruitment and kept the Indian Army apolitical; he did not accept soldiers from the disbanded INA even though he introduced their salutation, ‘Jai Hind’. During the 1965 war, when his son, who was in the Air Force, was taken prisoner, he refused the offer made by Pakistan’s President Ayub Khan to release him, saying his son should be treated like the rest.

Visiting the Military Hospital, he spent some light moments with the wounded soldiers who were convalescing after the Bangladesh war, bringing much cheer. Sharing his war experiences in Burma, he spoke about the beauty of Khasi and Jaintia hills and the bravery of tribes of all ‘seven sisters’. Besides many motivating superlatives, he emphasised on personal hygiene and took out a small bundle of a leaflet-like paper soap; handy and disposable. He also presented us an Indian version of Scotch whisky, the newly brewed Peter Scot

The following day, he called on the Governor, BK Nehru, an equally distinguished man. Later, he met the Chief Minister, Williamson A Sangma, a tribal leader who had organised a civic reception for him where the music king of North-East, Bhupen Hazarika, sang ‘Rikksha chaloae ami dui bhai (we two brothers pull a rickshaw)’.

General Cariappa, on taking over the reins of Indian Army in 1949, instituted the day as Army Day and was given the honorary rank of Field Marshal on January 15, 1986. He breathed his last in 1993, leaving behind a unique legacy of leadership — discipline, character and selfless service to the nation.

he military has extensive human resources at its command, especially medical staff, including nurses, nursing assistants and technical personnel, who can efficiently carry out the task of accelerating the vaccination programme. Also, the military has an enviable ethos and record of ‘getting the job done’ even in the most complicated of circumstances.

Lt Gen Philip Campose (Retd)

Former Vice-Chief Of Army Staff

The Indian military has played a significant role in mitigating the effects of Covid’s second wave among the civilian population in cities like Delhi, Lucknow, Pune, Patiala and Jaisalmer and far-flung areas such as Ranikhet and Pithoragarh, where military-run Covid care centres for the general public have been set up or expanded during the past month. This was done to supplement the earlier decision of providing beds for Covid-affected civilians in military hospitals, in case these were available.

The question that now arises is whether the military-civilian cooperative model of Covid care centres should be extended to the next logical step. This step includes the setting up of mobile vaccination centres and the conduct of vaccination camps, especially in small towns and rural areas, thus filling the gaps in our vaccination plan and bolstering the country’s capacity for achieving ‘herd immunity through vaccination’ by the end of the year.

It is a fact that whenever there is a disaster in the country, the government and the people look to its military, the ‘last bastion’ as it is called, to step in and provide assistance to deal with the situation expeditiously. The fact that the military is mandated, as its ‘secondary role’, to assist Central and state agencies to deal with national emergencies like the ongoing Covid-19 pandemic, facilitates an early and effective response.

During the first wave last year, such assistance for civilians was limited to setting up quarantine centres for people being repatriated from abroad as also a Covid care centre in Delhi, in concert with other agencies, for those who tested positive with the disease.

However, considering the large number of people who were infected in the second wave this year, especially those in the severe category — requiring hospitalisation, oxygen and ventilators — the massive scale of the problem has dictated a wide range of additional roles for the military. They include transportation of oxygen plants and other emergency resources by Air Force aircraft and Naval ships as also assistance for setting up additional Covid care centres for civilians in many parts of the country.

Nonetheless, there is a contrarian view among some people, including military veterans, that the involvement of the military in such a role would have adverse effects on the quality of medical care available to serving personnel and their families, who are equally affected by the ravages of the pandemic. Further, they fear, it would divert attention from the military’s primary role of war-fighting at a time when tension over PLA intrusions still remains in eastern Ladakh.

These arguments are countered by those who support military assistance. They say that the unprecedented scale of the health emergency dictates a more substantive role for the military, which is capable of making a real difference, especially since it would not have any adverse effect on our operational capabilities.

In this backdrop, the question that arises in the context of the nation’s quest for defeating the virus, by achieving ‘herd immunity’ through an accelerated vaccination programme, is whether the military can contribute towards this end, keeping its organisational strengths and vast outreach in view. The military also has extensive medical human resources at its command, especially medical staff, including nurses, nursing assistants and technical personnel, who can carry out this task efficiently. Also, more importantly, the military has an enviable ethos and record of ‘getting the job done’ even in the most complicated of circumstances.

Undoubtedly, if so tasked — and the vaccines provided — the military is capable of speedily and efficiently vaccinating people in the remotest of geographical areas. It can also take on the challenge of vaccinating specified categories of people in towns and cities, e.g. teachers and students, in a speedy and efficient manner.

The only pre-requisites for such a venture are the assured availability of vaccines from Central or state resources and the assistance of the state governments concerned, which should cooperate and coordinate with the military by providing appropriate venues and local health staff for the vaccination centres. Local administrative authorities must also take care of publicity for the campaign, more so to counter vaccine hesitancy.

Needless to emphasise, the military cannot be seen to be serving any political agenda and, thus, if a decision is taken to seek the assistance of the military in implementing the vaccination programme, it becomes incumbent on the government of the day to ensure that the tasking and distribution of resources is done impartially, without controversy. Further, once so tasked, the military must be provided the resources, especially the vaccines, to ensure that the programme is implemented speedily with military efficiency and vigour.

To that extent, the military should be given this role only if the vaccines are available in the required numbers. Rest assured, once given a clear task and resources, the military will never let the people down.

Chandigarh, June 4

The General Officer Commanding-in-Chief (GOC-in-C), Western Command, Lt Gen RP Singh, visited the Airawat Division in Patiala today and reviewed formation’s operational preparedness

He lauded troops for their innovative approach towards training while adhering to the restrictions imposed due to Covid pandemic. He complimented all stakeholders for their sustained efforts for enhanced operational preparedness and professional training. He exhorted all ranks to retain operational focus in order to be prepared for future security challenges. During his visit he was also briefed on initiatives taken by the Army to assist the local population and veterans of the surrounding areas in the fight against Covid.

Lt Gen Singh interacted with healthcare workers involved in Covid management and lauded their efforts in providing medical support to serving personnel, veterans, families and civilians. He also met Col Manoj Kumar Sharma, CO, Western Command Covid Hospital, Patiala, and complimented the team running facility at Rajindra Hospital. — TNS

Tribune News Service

Mohali, June 4

The district administration in collaboration with the Army (Western Command) and Avtar Education Trust organised a vaccination camp under Mission Fateh 2.0 at Heritage Public School, Jagatpura, here.

Appreciating the initiative, Deputy Commissioner Girish Dyalan said 100 doses each were procured and provided by the family of martyr Col Sanjay Rana and Avtar Education Trust.

Dayalan said a large number of ex-servicemen were supporting the campaign and the Army provided doctors, paramedics, support staff, ambulances and other necessary equipment for the camp on Thursday.

He said Jagatpura village was densely populated and efforts were being made for maximum vaccination on priority basis.

“This will not only help in curbing the current wave of Covid but also help in achieving the target of 100 per cent vaccination in the district,” he said.

Col Jasdeep Singh Sandhu, Director, Civil Military Affairs and Joint Operations, Western Command, said the Commander Lt General RP Singh had decided to extend all possible cooperation to the district administrations for expanding vaccination campaign.

He said the vaccination camp emerged as a model in which the Army provided doctors, paramedics, ambulances, etc.

“Such efforts by the Army will continue in future as well,” said Colonel Sandhu.

Kinshuka Sethi, director, The Heritage Public School and Nodal Institute of Security Guards, said the school teachers went door to door to sensitise people on vaccination.

Srinagar, June 5

The Army on Saturday paid floral tributes to Sepoy Arun Singh who had slipped to death while on an area domination patrol in Shopian district of Jammu and Kashmir.

In a solemn ceremony at Badamibagh Cantonment, officiating Corps Commander, Chinar Corps, Major General Anupam Bhagi and all ranks paid homage to the gallant soldier on behalf of the proud nation, a defence spokesman said here.

He said Singh was on Area Domination Patrol from Sedhau to Tangimarg when he slipped and fell into the Vishwa River while crossing a wooden bridge at Ada on Friday. 

The soldier was swept downstream due to the fast current of the river before he was finally pulled out by other soldiers and civilians, the spokesman said.

Singh was immediately evacuated to a hospital where he was declared dead.

Singh (26) had joined the Army in 2016 and belonged to Gho Mangni village of Pathankot Tehsil, Pathankot district in Punjab. He is survived by his parents, the spokesman said.

“The mortal remains of Arun Singh were taken to his native place where he would be laid to rest with full military honours. In this hour of grief, the Army stands in solidarity with the bereaved family and remains committed to their dignity and wellbeing,” he said. — PTI