Farmers, under the banner of the Krantikari Kisan Union, proceed to Delhi.
Fatehgarh Sahib, June 9
To commemorate the martyrdom day of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur on Delhi borders farmers in large numbers under the banner of Krantikari Kisan Union left for the National Capital in a convoy of buses and cars today. They started from Baba Banda Singh Bahadur Engineering College campus.
Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) leaders Nirmal Singh Riona and Amrik Singh Romi said, “The morcha is commemorating the martyrdom of Baba Banda Singh Bahadur on Delhi borders.”
Baba Banda Singh Bahadur abolished the feudal system and made farmers owners of the land they were cultivating, they added. The Union government wanted to make corporate houses owners by taking away land from farmers, they said. Farmers would not allow this to happen even if they had to make sacrifices, they added. — OC
Army buys Jharkhand farmer’s bumper watermelon harvest after he offers it for free
Farmer was unable to sell his 5-tonne produce due to Covid-induced lockdown
Ramgarh/Bokaro, June 10
Unable to sell his bumper watermelon harvest of 5 tonnes due to the coronavirus-induced lockdown, a 25-year-old Jharkhand farmer offered the produce to soldiers of the Sikh Regimental Centre (SRC) at Ramgarh, who instead bought it at the market price.
Touched by the gesture of Ranjan Kumar Mahto, a Ranchi University graduate who chose farming as a profession, SRC officers, including commandant Brigadier M Sri Kumar, visited his farm in adjoining Bokaro district and bought the produce.
The soldiers and their family members visited the 25-acre farm at Kander with gifts, groceries and food packets for farm labourers and took the entire 5-tonne produce in their own vehicles to SRC, located 15 km away.
“It was heartening to see drip irrigation on 25 acres of land but unfortunately, the poor farmer could not sell the produce. We saw women workers too.
“We came to know that he had launched the venture two years ago but suffered losses due to the COVID-19 pandemic and cyclone Yaas,” Brigadier Kumar, also the president of the Ramgarh Cantonment Board, told PTI.
Mahto had decided to make agriculture his profession after failing to get a job.
He took the 25-acre land on lease at an annual rent of Rs 5,000 per acre and undertook watermelon cultivation on six acres with an investment of Rs 15 lakh.
“However, there were no buyers during the lockdown.
The crop started to rot. Nobody in the village was ready to buy it even for Rs 2 per kg. We sought help from various circles but to no avail.
“Finally, I decided to offer the produce to our brave soldiers for free and approached the cantonment,” he told PTI.
Mahto has employed around 40 women labourers and also planted capsicum, brinjal and other vegetables
India pushes for complete disengagement at remaining friction points in eastern Ladakh
11th round of Corps Commander-level talks was held on April 9
Disengagement at the Pangong lake area in eastern Ladakh. PTI file
New Delhi, June 10
India on Thursday once again called for completion of the disengagement process at the remaining friction points in eastern Ladakh to pave the way for both the Indian and Chinese troops to consider de-escalation and ensure full restoration of peace and tranquillity in border areas.
At a media briefing, External Affairs Ministry spokesperson Arindam Bagchi, referring to the last rounds of military and diplomatic talks, said both sides agreed on the need to resolve the outstanding issues in an expeditious manner in accordance with the existing agreements and protocols.
“We have repeatedly stressed that completion of disengagement in other areas would pave the way for the two sides to consider de-escalation of forces and ensure full restoration of peace and tranquillity and enable progress in bilateral relations,” he said.
Bagchi was replying to a question on the status of the talks between the two sides on the border standoff.
The 11th round of Corps Commander-level talks was held on April 9 while the last edition of diplomatic negotiations under the framework of the Working Mechanism for Consultation and Coordination (WMCC) on border affairs took place on March 12.
“During these meetings, both sides agreed on the need to resolve the outstanding issues in an expeditious manner in accordance with the existing agreements and protocols,” Bagchi said.
India and China are locked in a military standoff at multiple friction points in eastern Ladakh since early May last year.
However, the two sides completed the withdrawal of troops and weapons from the North and South banks of Pangong lake in February following a series of military and diplomatic talks. The two sides are now engaged in talks to extend the disengagement process to the remaining friction points.
There was no visible forward movement in disengagement of troops at the remaining friction points as the Chinese side did not show flexibility in their approach towards this end at the 11th round of military talks.
Last month, Army Chief Gen MM Naravane said there can be no de-escalation without complete disengagement at all friction points in eastern Ladakh and that the Indian Army is prepared for all contingencies in the region.
Gen Naravane also said that India is dealing with China in a “firm” and “non-escalatory” manner to ensure the sanctity of its claims in eastern Ladakh, and that it was even open to initiating confidence-building measures. India has been insisting on complete disengagement at the remaining friction points to de-escalate the situation in eastern Ladakh. PTI
India blasts Pakistan for making unsubstantiated claim on seizure of ‘radioactive’ material
Last week, Pakistan’s foreign ministry called for a probe into what it called the seizure of nuclear material
Photo for representation.
New Delhi, June 10
India hit out at Pakistan on Thursday for making an unverified claim that some material seized recently in Jharkhand’s Bokaro was uranium and described it as an attempt by Islamabad to malign the country.
The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) said the material seized was not uranium and asserted that India maintains a stringent law-based regulatory system for internationally-controlled items, which is reflected in its “impeccable” non-proliferation credentials.
“The Department of Atomic Energy, Government of India, after due evaluation and laboratory analysis of the material sample, has stated that the material seized last week is not uranium and not radioactive,” MEA Spokesperson Arindam Bagchi said.
“The gratuitous remarks about India by Pakistan’s Foreign Ministry, drawing upon a media report, indicate their disposition to malign India without caring to check or verify facts,” he said at a media briefing.
Bagchi was replying to a question on Pakistan’s official remarks in response to a media report on the seizure of the suspicious material in Bokaro last week.
“Let me also reaffirm that India maintains a stringent law-based regulatory system for internationally-controlled items, which is reflected in our impeccable non-proliferation credentials recognised by the international community,” he said.
Last week, Pakistan’s foreign ministry called for a probe into what it called the seizure of nuclear material.
Asked about reports of security concerns at the Indian High Commission in Pakistan, Bagchi did not give a direct reply but said the MEA maintains contacts with local authorities regarding the safety and security of its diplomatic premises.
“The MEA maintains contact with local authorities regarding the safety and security of all our diplomatic premises, which we believe is the responsibility of the host government,” he said. PTI
A Chinese national was apprehended by the BSF along the India-Bangladesh border in West Bengal’s Malta district on Thursday, officials said. File photo
New Delhi, June 10
A Chinese national was apprehended by the BSF along the India-Bangladesh border in West Bengal’s Malta district on Thursday, officials said. The man is being questioned by officials of the BSF, local police and intelligence agencies, and further details would be known once the session ended, they said. TNS
Deputy Commandant’s parade held at IMA in run-up to passing out parade
Deputy Commandant and Chief Instructor’s Parade held at the at the Indian Military Academy on Tuesday. Tribune photo
Tribune News Service Chandigarh, June 8
In the run-up to the Passing Out Parade (POP) scheduled to be held at the Indian Military Academy (IMA) on June 12, the Deputy Commandant and Chief Instructor’s Parade was conducted on Tuesday.
A total of 341 Indian and 84 foreign Gentlemen Cadets displayed their immaculate turnout and precision marching. This marks the preparation for the grand finale later this week and symbolises the culmination of rigorous training and transformation of a cadet into a young officer.
The parade was reviewed by Maj Gen JS Mangat, Deputy Commandant and Chief Instructor of the Indian Military Academy. He complimented the cadets and encouraged them to strive for professional excellence. He also emphasised the importance of valour, honour, ethos, and fine traditions of Indian Army. https://4101b6bb03d512dfdb5e51c028dd09f0.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-38/html/container.html
“The Gentlemen Cadets have been taught to lead by example and the soldiers who would be under their command should look up to them with pride. Indian troops are the best in the world, simple by heart, with unquestionable loyalty and hearts filled with patriotism. But then, as an officer you have to earn their respect and trust by your action, conduct and demeanor and above all by the truthfulness and purity of your intention and action. Once you have earned their trust and loyalty, they will follow you to every battle and win it for you,” Maj Gen Mangat said.
He also mentioned the efforts of the faculty and the hard work of the gentlemen cadets that went in the training regimen amidst the global pandemic and challenges posed by Covid-19.
He also extended his felicitations to cadets from nine friendly foreign countries on successful completion of the training and wished them all the success ahead as they carry with them the cherished memories of their time at IMA.
New marching tunes, no more pre-1947 battle honours — armed forces set to get more ‘Indian’
Representative Image | File photo of Beating the Retreat ceremony | Source: Ministry of DefenceText Size: A- A+
New Delhi: Changing of military band tunes, pre-independence era battle honours, mess procedures and a greater emphasis on Indian war heroes in military studies — these are some of the changes being examined by the Indian armed forces as part of a larger push towards ‘indianisation’ of the forces, ThePrint has learnt.
Currently, a large number of military band tunes are of British-origin. Some of these tunes have also become a part of long-standing traditions and played during specific ceremonies. For example, Auld Lang Syne and Abide With Me, are played on all Passing out Parades and Beating the Retreat ceremony, respectively.https://953c77da90f2f91c5bec7c4b42738c0c.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-38/html/container.html
Defence sources told ThePrint that it was being examined whether some of these iconic tunes can be replaced with suitable Indian tunes, which could continue to convey the same message.
“The search for replacing some of these tunes has started. The endeavour is to implement the changes by the time India celebrates the 75th year of Independence next year,” a top defence source told ThePrint.
Sources said that it was also being discussed whether it will be prudent to lay to rest some pre-independence era battle honours, which were awarded to units for exhibiting exceptional collective bravery during wars. One of the important traditions of the armed forces is to celebrate the bravery of the troops in wars and it is done in the form of celebrating battle honour days.
Many of these honours were awarded to units of the then British Indian Army, for fighting against local Indian kings. For example, battle honours were won by units during the first Indian uprising against the British, in 1857, including in the battle with Rani Lakshmibai.
Some were also won during the two World Wars and in other battles, such as Battle of Haifa, against the Ottoman Empire.
Sources said that while a few British-era mess procedures, especially those observed during dinner nights – formal sit down dinners – have been modified since Independence, it was now being examined if and how any further changes can be made.
Another defence source told ThePrint that most military studies in the country refer to the writings of Sun Tzu, who authored the ancient Chinese military treatise Art of War and British strategists such as Liddel Hart and the German General Clausewitz, while there are comparatively fewer references to indigenous works such as Kautilya’s Arthashastra.
“This is likely to be given more emphasis in strategic studies (in the future),’ the source said.
In addition, strategies enunciated in the Indian epics would also be studied in greater detail, alongside the battle tactics of Shivaji – for guerilla tactics – and Raja Raja Chola I and his son Rajendra Chola – for naval warfare. There will also be a greater emphasis on Indian languages in the military, sources said.
Some of these ideas were discussed before. But, the plans and discussions have taken a renewed vigour after Prime Minister Narendra Modi, while speaking at the Combined Commanders Conference in Gujarat’s Kevadia in March, talked about enhancing indigenisation in the national security system. This was not just in sourcing equipment and weapons, but also in the doctrines, procedures and customs practised in the three services.
There had also been a discussion on indianisation of traditions and culture in defence services on the first day of the three-day Conference and a separate session on the subject on the third day of the event.
Major General Birender Dhanoa (retd), however, told ThePrint that militaries world over follow a similar equipment and training pattern as required for modern warfare, while drawing on its own culture and experience, and changes in the armed forces should not be politically motivated.
A combat paper published by the Army War College, Mhow, in 2016 – titled Interpreting Ancient India’s Strategic Military Culture – took examples from the Mahabharata and Arthashastra, to correlate aspects of warfare and statecraft between the ancient and present times.
Defence sources told ThePrint that the paper had stated that “indigenous strategic thoughts and art of war found in the Arthashastra, Mahabharata and other literature are not only organic to Indian psyche, but are also relevant even in today’s context”.
It had also listed certain scriptures which could be used as a source of ancient ideas on statecraft and classical Indian military thought. This included the Dhanurveda (which talks about defence planning, tactics, constitution of defence forces, selection and training of defence personnel, military arrays, divisions of fighting, equipment, long range weapons etc).
The paper had also referred to chapter 7 of Manusmriti, stating that it deals with statecraft and rules of war, Shukra Niti (which it said refers to military aphorisms of sage Shukracharya) and the Puranas like Agni Purana, Brahma Purana and Brahmanda Purana which deals with diplomacy and theories on war.
It had also discussed the evolution of military strategy in India through the eras, and emphasised on the information warfare strategy by Kautilya, the Indian art of war and foreign policies.
Major General Birender Dhanoa (retd), however, advised caution while bringing in such changes.
Talking to ThePrint, the former Army officer said that there is a belief, not entirely unfounded – “but for reasons that aren’t what politicians have understood them to be” – that the Indian Army continues to hold on to traditions and customs which are archaic and a vestige of a colonial past, which has no place in “new India”.
He said the army has been anyway changing older norms and uniforms that are more suited to a modern India, doing away with some outdated traditions. “This is a gradual process, not very visible to outsiders,” he said.
Maj. Gen. Dhanoa said issues of officers’ messes, the divide “perceived at times” between the men and their leaders, in terms of the way a regiment system is set up, also lead to an incorrect assumption that the army clings on to colonial ideas, which is not so.
“As for doctrines and leadership examples that are Indian, we’ve been doing so for ages, while also imbibing the best practices and doctrine from others. Militaries world over follow a similar equipment and training pattern, as demands of modern war dictate so,” he said.
“But then you draw on your own culture and experiences as well, to enable the men to absorb and apply that which works for you. So we’ve been doing this in schools of instruction since ages and it is not a new idea,” he said.
He cautioned that some of these ostensibly good suggestions are “politically loaded” and that the army needs to be careful in going in one direction, just because “the flavour of the period dictates so.”
‘It must retain its apolitical character and be capable of doing what the constitution and the state ask of it, and this calls for adopting good ideas and saying a polite yet firm no to those that are not in its long-term interests,” he said.
The ceasefire continues to hold, despite the odd incident along the Jammu border Connecting dots flowing from recent statements and incidents provide an understanding of the dilemma faced by Pakistan on ties with India and Afghanistan, especially with the ongoing withdrawal of US and NATO forces. Currently, a ceasefire, part of backchannel talks, is underway between India and Pakistan, while the US withdrawal has opened doors for internal strife in Afghanistan which could spill across the Durand Line into Pakistan. Pakistan cannot risk two active frontiers alongside increasing internal turmoil. This scenario could break Pakistan’s economy and overstretch its military capabilities. The emerging scenario in Afghanistan and its impact can best be summed up by statements from Pakistani politicians. Foreign Minister SM Qureshi mentioned during a discussion in their senate, “what we were fearing and are concerned about is that a vacuum created in Afghanistan can drag the country back into the 1990s. There could be anarchy and God forbid, a civil war.” Qureshi had earlier threatened the US that unless Kashmir was resolved, Afghanistan would remain in turmoil. He tried pushing the US into viewing Kashmir through the Afghan prism. The recently concluded Pakistan corps commanders’ conference resulted in the military leadership expressing concern on, “regrouping of terrorist leadership and outfits across the border”. Prime Minister Imran Khan, addressing the Economic Cooperation Organisation summit last week, stated, “It is imperative that there should be a peaceful transition in Afghanistan, otherwise 1989like chaos will occur when Soviet Union’s forces had left.” An editorial in Dawn of 3 June states, “What Pakistan and many other regional states fear is a return to total anarchy in Afghanistan.” Pakistan knows what a civil war in Afghanistan will imply. It has faced it earlier. This scenario is Pakistan’s own creation. It was warned on multiple occasions that it was backing the wrong horse (Taliban) but refused to listen. Hillary Clinton had stated, “snakes are going to turn on whoever has them in the backyard.” Pakistan’s Afghan narrative stemmed from fear of growing Indian influence in the country. Hamid Karzai, the exAfghanistan President stated in a recent interview, “Pakistan actually would like Afghanistan to break off relations with India.” Finally, snakes are returning to bite. The US withdrawal, announced by President Joe Biden without any preconditions, has pushed any peace deal between the Taliban and Afghan government further away. Violence levels are rising as the Taliban assumes it possesses the upper hand and can take Kabul. Despite reports of the Afghan army abandoning some posts to the Taliban, the road to Kabul continues to be littered with roadblocks. The Afghan government currently controls 50 per cent of the country. Realistically accepting the possibility of a civil war, Afghan President Ghani stated in an article last month, “If the Taliban choose the latter path (chaos and violence), Afghan Forces will fight them.” Pakistan’s NSA, Moeed Yusuf, stated “US has assured that Pakistan will not be made a scapegoat amidst the withdrawal, but only time will tell whether they stick to their words.” Zalmay Khalilzad, the US special envoy for Afghanistan, in an interview, mentioned, “Pakistan will be blamed (for the civil war) because much of the Taliban’s leadership lives in Pakistan.” Global pressure is already increasing on Pakistan to rein in the Taliban and push it for talks. An editorial in Dawn last week stated, “while Pakistan can urge the group to make peace, the decision would be that of the Taliban alone. Indeed, the situation does not look promising.” Added to this is the reality that even if the Taliban does reach Kabul, there are collections of militias and terrorist groups willing to challenge it. Most challengers of the Taliban will be funded from abroad increasing instability. Afghanistan will witness violence for a prolonged duration. Last month there were multiple attacks on Pakistani troops from across the Afghan border. The worsening security situation in Afghanistan opened space for Anti-Pak terrorist groups to enhance attacks on its army. Some of these groups are being supported by the Taliban to maintain pressure on Pakistan. The targeting of the Chinese ambassador in Quetta, in April, was claimed by the anti-Pak Tehreek-iTaliban Pakistan (TTP), backed by the Haqqani network. Pakistan’s fear is that the CPEC would become a major target, and this would stall investments from China, adding to their economic woes. Fahd Hussain writing for Dawn stated that a civil war in Afghanistan could impact Pakistan in multiple ways. It could enhance influx of refugees as also regenerate violence and militancy in border areas, including Baluchistan. The TTP, currently sheltering on Afghan soil, could gain fresh traction and enhance attacks on Pakistani forces. The Baluch freedom groups would exploit this opportunity to target the Pakistan army and CPEC. Thus, for Pakistan, securing is western borders and provinces is gaining greater strategic prominence than backing terrorism in the Kashmir valley. Pakistan currently has no choice. Its only option is to seek peace with India along the LoC and reduce support to Kashmir militants. It was with this background that backchannel talks with India gained steam. Pakistan’s serious intentions can be gauged from the fact that no terrorist leader has made any counter comment on the ceasefire. The ISI has tightened its leash over them. Pakistan Army Chief General Bajwa admitted backchannel discussions are ongoing, adding that article 370, India’s red line, is of no concern, while the country’s polity opposed it. Imran Khan and Qureshi initially insisted on restoration of article 370 as a prelude to talks; however, in a climbdown, possibly prompted by the army, Imran mentioned that Pakistan is willing for talks even if India gives a road map for restoring the article. With no comments flowing from India, the message conveyed is that statements by Pakistani politicians are solely for domestic consumption, as discussions are ongoing between the Pakistan army and the Indian government. The ceasefire continues to hold, despite the odd incident along the Jammu border. Pakistan, which had claimed that the US must view Afghanistan through a Kashmir prism is now itself compelled to view Kashmir through the Afghan prism.
INDIAN ARMED FORCES REQUIRE A ‘POSITIVE IMPORT LIST’ FOR DEFENCE EQUIPMENT
The DAP therefore gives priority to the ‘capability development’ over ‘indigenous procurement’ specifically if time is a constraint and security cannot be compromised by Captain Vikram Mahajan (Retd) In May 2020, the Prime Minister Narendra Modi gave a clarion call for an ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ or a ‘self-reliant India’. The announcement found favour in all sectors, including defence. Following the announcement, a ‘negative import list’ of defence equipment last year was released. The list designated 101 defence products and a time frame beyond which there would be an import ban on the equipment that could thereafter only be manufactured domestically. The ‘list’ also found mention in the new Defence Acquisition Procedure (DAP), which was released in October 2020.A second list containing 108 items, rechristened as ‘positive indigenisation list’ was released this month. The scope of Atmanirbharta has expanded to segregate the defence budget into ‘equipment mandated to be manufactured domestically’ vs ‘equipment that will be imported.’ According to the defence capital budget, the allocations for domestic manufacturing has been increased from 58% amounting to Rs 51930 crore($ 7 Billion)} for the year 2020-21, to 63% {amounting to Rs 71438 crores(around $10 billion)} for the year 2021-2022. Many other initiatives have been undertaken in the defence sector since the call for Atmanirbharta, including, the draft ‘Defence Production and Export Promotion Policy’ (DPEPP) mentioning the doubling the share of ‘domestic procurement’ over a period of five years. The Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) released a separate list of 108 systems and subsystems which will be designed and developed exclusively by the Indian industry. The government and defence experts have held seminars and webinars on ‘Atmanirbhar Bharat’ to discuss the impact. Additionally, the Aero India 2021 held earlier this year focused on the ‘vibrant defence manufacturing ecosystem in India.’ As the government and its agencies focus on the concept of self-reliance, two critical areas have taken a back seat: overall capability development of the armed forces and the role played by the 40 percent of the defence material that will still be procured from abroad. Capability development of the Indian armed forces comes from the Integrated Capability Development Plan (ICDP), a document that lays down the planned procurement of desired equipment over a span of 10 years. ICDP lays down the military equipment that the Indian Army, Navy and Air Force requires, but does not define the ‘source of procurement’. The prioritisation of the source of procurement is summed up in Chapter 2 of DAP 2020, as: “Preference will be given to indigenous design, development and manufacturing of defence equipment. The time required for the procurement and delivery from foreign sources vis-à-vis the time required for making it within India, along with the urgency and criticality of the requirement will be examined before deciding to proceed on categorisation. Therefore, wherever Indian Industry is capable of manufacturing the required equipment within the timelines required by the Services, the procurement will be made from indigenous sources….” The DAP therefore gives priority to the ‘capability development’ over ‘indigenous procurement’ specifically if time is a constraint and security cannot be compromised. Let us take a step back and identify the products that were procured through emergency powers, or were being expedited, after the Balakot skirmish in 2019 and during the Indo-China standoff in 2020. Other than speeding up the purchase of 21 MIG-29, 12 SU-30 fighters, there were BVR missiles, precision bombs, anti- radiation missiles, anti-tank missiles, Sig Sauer rifles and light tanks amongst others. All were procured from foreign countries. Procurement of the equipment was in immediate response to the threats at the border. However, as the threat subsided, the acquisition of indigenous equipment has taken priority over capability development. This change is evident from the signing of the six Pinaka Rocket Launcher regiments and 118 Arjun MK-1 tanks for the Indian Army, 83 Tejas Mark 1A fighters for the Indian Air Force, and the SDR radio for the Indian Navy. However, any major procurement from 42% of the balance budget has been conspicuous by its absence. The last big contract signed from the balance budget was the 24 MRH in February 2020. The only other induction of significance is the ‘leasing’ of two Sea Guardian drones by the Indian Navy. The decision on the purchase of around 30 drones, 10 for each service, has been pending for over two years. It is pertinent to mention that a similar request for purchase of 18 MQ-9Bs by UAE (a country one fourth the size of the state of Maharashtra) was approved by the U.S. Government earlier this year. There is no doubting the skill of the Indian citizens, or the capability of Indian industry to develop equipment with advanced technology. After all, when the U.S. downgraded the Indian request for a supercomputer for weather prediction from CRAY XMP-24 to CRAY XMP-14 in 1987, India built its own supercomputer PARAM. However, high technology equipment takes time to develop, and the Indian armed forces need to always be equipped given the current geo-political and strategic challenges at its borders. It is imperative that the equipment that falls under critical requirements should be identified and when needed imported without delay to enhance the capability of the Indian Armed Forces. Just like the ‘negative import list’, a ‘positive import list’ with a timeline should be released to ensure Indian forces have what they need for other near-term contingencies. This would provide foreign vendors foresight of the procurement plan, requirements, and will prevent situations where the Indian Armed Forces has to resort to emergency purchases or leasing defence equipment. While it is critical that procurement and production of military equipment in India should continue, it is key that a balance between domestic manufacturing and import of weapons is maintained, to keep up with the required ‘capability development’ which is decided by the technological prowess of the adversary.
US, CHINA AND INDIA EXPAND UNDERSEA DETERRENCE IN INDO-PACIFIC
Ballistic missile subs seem undetectable, but drones and geography hinder use “There’s no Wi-Fi, no TV, no radio or anything like that. When I first joined, everybody got very excited when the Navy’s movie service sent you a new box of videotapes or DVDs,” former submariner Tom Shugart, who served on three submarines including as commander of the nuclear-powered fast-attack submarine USS Olympia, said. But besides the inherent challenges from the isolation of conducting missions underwater, there is another aspect to many submarine operations: secrecy. Unlike a fast-attack submarine carrying conventional weapons, the U.S. Navy’s Ohio-class SSBNs cannot make foreign port calls easily due to the 20 Trident D-5 ballistic missiles they carry. “Boomers,” as SSBNs are called in the Navy, have one mission: to hide in the world’s deepest oceans waiting for an order to launch a nuclear strike. For the six decades since the world’s first operational SSBN took to the high sea, that order has yet to arrive. However, the world’s major powers are quietly building their undersea deterrence capabilities. In the Indo-Pacific, the U.S., China, Russia and India operate SSBNs, while Pakistan and North Korea also are exploring submarine-launched nuclear firepower, albeit on diesel-electric subs. The Pentagon, in its recently released 2022 budget request, allocated $5 billion for development of the Columbia-class SSBN, which is to replace the Ohio class in 2031. Many in the defence community criticized the overall budget request as not growing enough to meet the great power competition with China, but the Columbia program stood out as one of the few items that went unscathed. American naval officials have stated for the past several years that the Columbia-class sub is the Navy’s top priority program. “This means, among other things, that from the Navy’s perspective, the Columbia-class program will be funded, even if that comes at the expense of funding for other Navy programs,” a Congressional Research Service report on the Columbia program noted, adding the italics for emphasis. The aging 14 Ohio-class SSBNs are to be replaced with 12 Columbia-class vessels. Unlike the Ohio class, which all need to undergo a lengthy midlife upgrade for nuclear refuelling — like getting a fresh tank of gas — the Columbia class is designed to have one reactor core for its entire life and never needs to be refuelled. That configuration lets the Navy operate 10 SSBNs at all times, meeting the requirement from the combatant commander of U.S. Strategic Command, the section of the U.S. military in charge of nuclear weapons. But keeping 10 nuclear subs at sea is expensive. The procurement cost for the 12-boat program totals $109 billion, as of the May 12 CRS report. “Nuclear deterrence is what underpins the rest of the conventional deterrence,” said Shugart, now an adjunct senior fellow at the Centre for a New American Security. “If you don’t have a reliable, survivable nuclear deterrent, then all the rest of what you’re doing may not matter. That makes the program the No. 1 priority.” The three components of American nuclear strategy are the land-based intercontinental ballistic missiles, the air-based strategic bombers and the submarine-launched ballistic missiles. Of the three, the sea-based SSBN is considered the most survivable because the vessels are virtually undetectable once in a deep ocean. But the U.S. is not the only power honing its undersea deterrence. In a February 2020 study by the National Security College at the Australian National University titled, “The Future of the Undersea Deterrent: A Global Survey,” scholars from around the world analysed the SSBN plans of China, Russia, India, France and the U.K., as well as the diesel-electric ambitions of Pakistan and North Korea. Rory Medcalf, head of the National Security College, wrote that one credible explanation for Beijing’s campaign of building and militarizing islands in the South China Sea is its wish to make that area a bastion where the country’s SSBN fleet can operate in relative safety from detection or attack by U.S. and allied forces. China is thought to possess six Jin-class SSBNs (Type 094), of which the latest, the Long March 18, was delivered in April. The submarine carries 12 JL-2 ballistic missiles with an estimated range of 7,200 km. That range could let Jin-class subs attack targets in Alaska from protected bastions near China, targets in Hawaii from locations south of Japan and even targets in the western U.S. mainland from mid-ocean locations west of Hawaii, the CRS estimates. But to hit Washington, Chinese submarines would have to travel east of Hawaii, navigating hostile waters. China’s biggest obstacle to SSBN operations is its geography, surrounded by shallow waters and having to pass choke points before entering the deep waters of the Pacific. “Whereas the SSBNs of the United States, France, Britain, India and Pakistan have direct access to the world’s ocean basins, those of China do not,” Stephan Fruehling, associate dean of the ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, wrote in the university’s report. Shugart agrees. “China’s military advancement has eroded the U.S. advantage in so many areas. But one area that the U.S. still has a significant advantage is in undersea warfare,” the ex-submariner said. Yet if future Chinese missiles have a longer range, then Beijing potentially could keep its SSBNs in the South China Sea and still target the U.S. The distance from its fortified base at Hainan to San Francisco is around 11,600 km, while it would be 13,500 km to Washington. “Over a time span of several decades, it seems likely that the Chinese could produce a sea-based missile with sufficient range to reach anywhere in the United States from the South China Sea,” American naval analyst Norman Friedman wrote in the report. New Delhi commissioned its maiden SSBN, the INS Arihant, in 2016, making India the first country outside the five permanent members of the United Nations Security Council to build such a vessel. Its second SSBN, an upgraded INS Arighat, is to be commissioned later this year. The older Arihant carries 12 short-range K-15 ballistic missiles with a range of 700 to 1,000 km, but could be modified to launch four K-4 ballistic missiles that can travel 3,000 to 3,500 km. Either way, the Arihant’s current area of operations appears limited to the Bay of Bengal, from where it could target Pakistan or China if ordered. But down the road, “Like the United States, India has geographic advantages for SSBNs to go on open ocean patrol, once they field long-range” submarine-launched ballistic missiles, retired Rear Adm. Sudarshan Shrikhande, the former head of Indian Naval Intelligence, wrote in the same report. “We need to move beyond bastions where an enemy’s offensive [anti-submarine warfare] is effective,” he added. Pakistan’s sea-launched cruise missile capability, meanwhile, remains “far from operational,” according to Sadia Tasleem, a lecturer at Islamabad’s Quaid-i-Azam University. “Most defence analysts claim that Pakistan will likely use the three Agosta-90B diesel-electric submarines purchased from France in 1999, 2003 and 2006,” she wrote. The breakthrough for Pakistan will likely come through the assistance of China. China has agreed to provide eight modified Type 093 and Type 041 Yuan-class diesel-electric submarines to Pakistan, with the first batch comprising four submarines arriving in 2023 and the last four to be assembled in Karachi by 2028. “The addition of these Chinese submarines will tremendously boost Pakistan’s ability to defend its coastal areas as well as sea lines of communication,” Tasleem wrote in the report. For years, SSBNs have engaged in games of hide-and-seek with the latest anti-submarine warfare capabilities. Much has been made of technological advancements that could make oceans more transparent, thus eroding the survivability of SSBNs. These include swarms of underwater drones capable of big data analysis and new sensing technologies. “CubeSats now provide high-resolution imagery on a daily basis of the entire planet — this type of imagery, combined with appropriate search algorithms, might reveal SSBN operational signatures that have so far remained unobserved,” wrote James Wirtz, dean of the School of International Graduate Studies at the Naval Postgraduate School in California. But the ocean is vast. Retired U.K. Rear Adm. John Gower calculated that covering just the open-ocean segments of the North Atlantic and Norwegian Sea could require nearly 4 million unmanned underwater vehicles. “That would pose a currently unimaginable command, control and communications challenge for these UUVs,” he wrote. But till the robots take over, SSBNs likely will continue to prowl the world’s cold ocean depths undetected.
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