16 Jun 21 news
Current Events :
In weeks before Galwan Valley clash, IAF had helped deploy Army personnel and equipment to Ladakh, besides bringing in winter stocks for the additional soldiers posted there.
New Delhi: Weeks after the India-China stand-off began in Ladakh last year, soldiers on the two sides faced off in the Galwan Valley as a disengagement attempt was derailed by the refusal of the Chinese to keep up their end of the deal. Twenty Indian soldiers, including Commanding Officer Col. B. Santosh Babu, were killed in action.
This was the first time since 1975 that Indian soldiers had died in a clash on the India-China border, and the episode marked a shift in the nature of the stand-off. That is when the Indian Air Force (IAF), which has a considerable advantage along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), was brought in for active combat deployment in the area.
In the weeks before, the IAF had been helping deploy Army personnel and equipment, including tanks and armoured personnel carriers, besides bringing in winter stocks for the additional soldiers posted in Ladakh.
A year on, the IAF remains operationally deployed against China, with fighter aircraft continuing with forward deployment along with new radars and surface-to-air missile sites close to the LAC.
“The IAF, which was deployed fully after the Galwan clash, continues to remain operationally deployed,” a senior government source told ThePrint.
As its role in Ladakh underwent a shift last year, the IAF put in place a full offensive and defensive deployment to counter China’s strategy of “Anti Access Area Denial (A2AD)”, sources in the defence establishment said.
This strategy involves restricting the enemy’s freedom of movement in the battlefield, and saw China deploy a wide range of surface-to-air missile (SAM) sites and long-range radars, apart from a large number of soldiers, artillery, rocket forces and armoured elements, the sources said.
The IAF, in turn, deployed assets of multiple commands against China. Unlike the Army and the Navy, the deployment of assets in the IAF is centrally controlled. In times of need, the IAF headquarters decides where the assets are to be deployed.
The assets deployed ranged from transport aircraft like AN32, C-130J and C-17, to helicopters, including Apaches and Chinooks, besides fighters, including Rafale. The deployment also included surface-to-air missiles, radars and increased surveillance duty, the sources said.
For ground staff and specialists in the IAF, this marked the first time they were deployed in extreme high-altitude areas along the LAC, close to the site of friction, the sources said.
“The 15 June Galwan clash changed everything. The casualties meant that there was every possibility of things going in a very different direction than what was anticipated initially,” said a source in the defence establishment.
“The IAF has considerable advantage along the LAC and a decision was taken to induct the force into active combat deployment.”
Also Read: Year after first big India-China clash in Ladakh, tensions linger. This is how it all began
While China has an edge over India in its air defence systems, the Indians have an advantage over the former in the high-altitude Ladakh sector from a pure air-to-air combat perspective.
One of the biggest disadvantages for China’s People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF) is that all their bases in the Tibet region are far away from the LAC and are at high altitudes, unlike India’s.
And because of high altitudes, the fighters cannot take off with full fuel or weapons packages. This means that the high altitude effectively saps the energy of the fighters.
China brought five of its ‘fifth-generation’ Chengdu J-20, also called the Mighty Dragon, in July, days before India got its first set of Rafale fighters earlier that month.
These fighters remained deployed till March this year. Sources said it was flexing of muscles by China ahead of the induction of the Rafale aircraft.
“Chinese had set up new SAM sites, which basically included HQ 9, 22 and 16 (types of SAM). The Chinese had also deployed Russian systems,” a source said.
“The Chinese broader thought process for defence is A2AD, which stands for Anti Access Area Denial. They do the same in the South China Sea also. They first deny access and then deny the area,” the source added.
Anti-access is limiting enemy military movement into an area of operations and involves the use of fighters, warships, and specialised ballistic and cruise missiles designed to strike key targets. Area denial is denying enemy freedom of action in areas under friendly control and employs more defensive means such as air and sea defence systems.
“Their entire deployment is based on this concept and they sought to do the same in Ladakh. Hence, there was a need for a combined response to Chinese aggression and that is exactly what was done,” the source said.
It is believed that the IAF had fine-tuned a fresh plan in mid-2019 on what all needs to be done in case tensions break out along the LAC.
After Galwan, within hours of the decision by the government, fighters from multiple locations flew off to ramp up presence in the airfields nearer to Ladakh. This included bases in Haryana, Punjab, and Jammu and Kashmir.
For example, the Mirage 2000s, which operate from Gwalior, moved to bases near Ladakh. While the IAF has capabilities of mid-air refuelling, the movement closer to Ladakh was to ensure that the fighters can reach the location in minutes if needed.
The IAF started off with aggressive combat air patrols (CAPs) near the LAC as ground support staff and equipment were deployed.
The IAF also extensively deployed its unmanned aerial vehicles to keep track of Chinese movement and deployment besides depending on satellite imagery.
Also Read: 4, 9 or 14? Even China ‘isn’t sure’ how many PLA soldiers died in Galwan Valley
When the tensions broke out, sources said, it was realised that there were certain gaps, specifically with ground air defence assets. To counter this, India started deploying its SAM assets in the region.
“We did not have too many radars along the LAC. The Chinese have a flatter terrain on their side of the LAC and hence it was easy for them to move in and set up radars and SAMs. In total, about 8-10 new SAM sites were established by the Chinese. We built up too,” another source said, refusing to get into the numbers.
Sources said IAF ground staff co-located themselves with both the Army and the ITBP, depending on who held what areas.
The deployment of equipment also meant that IAF specialists had to be deployed in the area. Many locations were very close to the scene of friction and this meant that IAF ground staff and specialists were deployed in certain forward locations for the first time, and, that too, right through the winter.
The IAF also went in for faster operationalising of the Rafale fighter jets soon after they came in July. It went in for the emergency procurement of the French HAMMER air-to-ground precision-guided weapon system as well to deploy the Rafale faster.
(Edited by Sunanda Ranjan)
Also Read: Why the remote Galwan Valley is a flashpoint between India and China
Nearly five-minute video captures glimpses of the lives of soldiers deployed along the ice-capped mountains
Maj Gen Akash Kaushik, Officiating GOC Fire and Fury Corps laid a wreath at Leh War Memorial and paid homage to martyrs who laid down their lives at Galwan on 15 Jun 2020 while fighting for the Nation. PTI
New Delhi, June 15
On the first anniversary of the Galwan valley clashes, the Indian Army on Tuesday released a video song in a tribute to the Indian soldiers who fought valiantly in a fierce hand-to-hand combat with Chinese troops in the treacherous region of eastern Ladakh to defend India’s territorial integrity.
Sung by popular singer Hariharan, the song titled ‘Galwan ke Veer’ highlights the valour of the Indian troops guarding the Galwan and some other inhospitable regions along the country’s northern frontier and says the “heroes” had risen to the occasion when challenged on the mountains.
The nearly five-minute video captured glimpses of the lives of soldiers deployed along the ice-capped mountains of the high-altitude region including their round-the-clock vigil, training and combat readiness to deal with any threat.
On the first anniversary of the deadly clashes, the Army said the supreme sacrifice of the soldiers will be “eternally etched” in the memory of the nation.
Twenty Indian Army personnel laid down their lives in the clashes on June 15 last year in Galwan Valley, an incident that marked the most serious military conflicts between the two sides in decades.
In February, China officially acknowledged that five Chinese military officers and soldiers were killed in the clashes with the Indian Army though it is widely believed that the death toll was higher.
Both sides rushed in a large number of battle tanks, armoured vehicles and heavy equipment in the high-altitude areas of the region after tension escalated following the deadly clashes.
Colonel Bikumalla Santosh Babu, the commanding officer of the 16 Bihar regiment, had led from the front against the Chinese aggression near Patrolling Point 14 in Galwan Valley.
In January, he was posthumously awarded Mahavir Chakra, the second-highest military award for acts of gallantry in the presence of the enemy.
The Army last year built a memorial for the ‘Gallants of Galwan’ at Post 120 in eastern Ladakh.
The memorial mentioned their heroics under operation ‘Snow Leopard’ and the way they evicted the PLA troops from the area while inflicting “heavy casualties” on them.
The names of the 20 Army personnel were also inscribed on the National War Memorial in Delhi in January last.
The two sides completed the withdrawal of troops and weapons from the North and South banks of Pangong lake in February following a series of military and diplomatic talks.
They are now engaged in talks to extend the disengagement process to the remaining friction points. PTI
An IAF Apache attack gunship flies over Ladakh region amid border tension with China
Post the deadly Galwan clash between the Indian and the Chinese forces along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in Ladakh, the Indian Army and the Air Force (IAF) have emerged stronger and have enhanced their capabilities manifold in all fields to evolve strongly
Having fought bravely during the Galwan valley clash last year on June 15, the Indian Army and the Air Force (IAF) have emerged stronger and have enhanced their capabilities manifold in all fields to evolve strongly. While the Indian Army has strengthened its presence in the Ladakh sector, the Indian Air Force (IAF) has been boosted strongly by the inclusion of the Rafale fighter jets in its fleet.
India Today TV takes a look at the major developments undertaken by the armed forces in the one year after the Galwan clash in which 20 soldiers were killed.
Infrastructure
From the infrastructure point of view, the biggest achievements have been clinched by the day and night work of the Border Roads Organisation (BRO). The road connectivity to all the forward locations has been improved in all areas including the Zojila pass, world’s highest motorable road Umling La, Marsmik La or Khardung La. They have been kept open for troop movement throughout the year, courtesy the BRO, officials said.
The connectivity has also helped us to keep all our forward locations supplied throughout the year and given us the capability to deploy troops in no time there, they said.
Additional Strike Corps Addition
The Indian Army has also strengthened its deployments in Ladakh as well as along the entire Line of Actual Control (LAC) with Additional Strike Corps now being deployed to tackle the China border.
“The Mathura-based One Strike Corps has been reoriented towards the northern borders in Ladakh and the 17 Mountain Strike Corps has been given the charge of the entire north-eastern states along with providing it an additional Division comprising over 10,000 troops,” officials said.
Rafale Boost
The Indian Air Force on its part is also strengthening itself with the arrival of its Rafale fighter jets every couple of months, the officials said.
Along with the Rafales, the MiG-29s and the Su-30 fleets have been dominating the skies all along the northern borders and the second squadron or the planes would be ready for operations by the end of this month, the officials said.
Troop Accommodation
The biggest achievement of the defence forces has been in creating accommodation for the troops as the Military Engineers have created facilities planned to have been built in the next five years within the last 11 months. Officials said the preparedness of the armed forces is now at a level where the Chinese or any other adversary cannot surprise us in any way.
Says, previously agreed CBMs should be revisited and the less-contentious ones enforced
A retired senior Chinese military official has proposed that China and India should implement the existing confidence building measures (CBMs) and follow up by taking the “boldest step” of establishing “buffer zones” in the “most dangerous areas” along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) to prevent any border dispute from spilling over into a conflict.
In an article titled “China and India should look back to move forward on border impasse” in the Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post newspaper on Tuesday to mark the first anniversary of the Galwan Valley border clash between Indian and Chinese troops, Senior Colonel (Retd) Zhou Bo of the People’s Liberation Army said, “The deadly incident was dreadful in that it came closest to breaking a decades-old tacit agreement between the two countries not to use force.”
In the first deadly clash in the border area in nearly five decades, 20 Indian soldiers were killed on June 15 last year in the Galwan Valley in fierce hand-to-hand combat with Chinese troops, triggering a large deployment of troops and heavy weaponry by both armies at the friction points in eastern Ladakh.
In February, China officially acknowledged that only five Chinese military officers and soldiers were killed in the clashes with the Indian Army though it is widely believed that the death toll was higher.
Significantly Bo, who is a senior fellow at the Centre for International Security and Strategy at Tsinghua University here, chose to publish the article containing his proposals to defuse the tensions in the Hong Kong media instead of China’s official media.
“A year after the shock of a fatal border clash, tensions remain high with no consensus on how to resolve the issues over an unverified LAC,” he noted.
The aftermath is still being felt today. Beijing was given the cold shoulder when it offered to help pandemic-devastated India. Such resentment speaks volumes of the frosty relationship, he pointed out.
“To prevent conflict, both sides should dust off previously agreed confidence-building measures and enforce the less-contentious ones,” he suggested.
It has been more than a year since the military stand-off between China and India erupted in eastern Ladakh on May 5, 2020 during which there were fatalities on both sides. The two sides have made limited progress in achieving disengagement at the Pangong Lake area while negotiations for similar steps at other friction points remained deadlocked.
In his lengthy article, Bo, while addressing the question on “how to prevent the dispute from spilling over into a conflict”, did touch upon India’s demand for withdrawal from the remaining areas of eastern Ladakh.
“The way forward is to look back. Between 1993 and 2013, China and India reached four agreements on confidence-building measures at governmental and military levels. This is more than any bilateral agreements China has signed with other countries. And they are substantive, too, which is impressive,” Bo noted.
The four agreements India and China signed in that period included the 1993 Agreement on the Maintenance of Peace and Tranquillity along the LAC and the 1996 Agreement on Confidence-Building Measures in the Military Field along the LAC.
In the agreements, both the countries “reaffirm that they shall reduce or limit their respective military forces along the LAC to minimum levels”, Bo points out.
“If only these measures were being implemented. In fact, both sides are strengthening their military presence in the region. This is no surprise in the wake of a crisis. But when the situation cools down, both countries will have to think about how they can best make the border areas peaceful and tranquil,” he noted.
“Perhaps the boldest step might be to establish buffer zones in the most dangerous areas along the LAC. Without prejudicing their respective positions on the boundary question, this is the most effective way to disengage and prevent conflict,” he said.
“Both sides agree they shall not follow or tail patrols of the other side in areas where there is no common understanding of the LAC. Building buffer zones is a step further. And it is possible, too,” Bo noted.
“From the mountains around Pangong Lake, a de facto buffer zone has already been established after the mutual withdrawal of troops,” he pointed out.
Another way is to resume the joint working group and ask the diplomatic and military experts working under it to find the “low-hanging fruits” in the confidence-building agreements, he said.
New confidence-building measures could also be ushered in, he said.
While the 11 rounds of Corps Commander-level talks helped to de-escalate the situation, “such regular meetings of front-line senior military officers should be maintained”, he suggested. Both sides should also consider establishing hotlines for real-time communication, he said, pointing out that China has military hotlines with Russia, the United States, South Korea and Vietnam.
“India often uses its hotline with Pakistan. There is no reason the two immediate neighbours with territorial disputes should not have similar instruments,” he said.
“Since the Line of Actual Control in the border areas is not demarcated, it is not rare for face-offs between Chinese and Indian troops,” he said.
“The complexity of the China-India border dispute is daunting. Even the length of the border is not necessarily agreed on. China believes it is 2,000-km-long, while India believes it is 3,488 km,” he pointed out.
“It is ridiculous if, in the 21st century, Beijing and New Delhi are still hijacked by a dispute that is a colonial remnant, not least because apart from this dispute, they have no outstanding problems with each other,” Bo said.
“Gone are the days when India said “Hindi Chini bhai bhai,” Bo noted. “But China and India have every reason not to become foes. The border issue should not be a perennial curse. The two nuclear neighbours can ill-afford even a conventional war,” Bo added.
New Delhi: China, Pakistan and India have 350, 165 and 156 nuclear warheads respectively as of January this year and the three countries appear to be expanding their nuclear arsenals, a study by Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) has said.
It also said as per its assessment, Russia and the US together possess over 90 percent of the estimated 13,080 global nuclear weapons.
China, Pakistan and India had 320, 160 and 150 nuclear warheads respectively as of January last year, the SIPRI’s study said on Monday.
There are nine countries in the world that have nuclear weapons: the US, Russia, the UK, France, China, India, Pakistan, Israel and North Korea.
“China is in the middle of a significant modernisation and expansion of its nuclear weapon inventory, and India and Pakistan also appear to be expanding their nuclear arsenals,” the study said.
It has been more than a year since the military standoff between the armies of India and China erupted in eastern Ladakh on May 5, 2020, during which there were fatalities on both sides for the first time in 45 years.
India and China have made limited progress in achieving disengagement at the Pangong lake area while negotiations for similar steps at other friction points remained deadlocked.
India and Pakistan had on February 25 this year released a joint statement announcing a ceasefire along the Line of Control, following talks between their Directors General of Military Operations.
The SIPRI’s study also talked about the fissile raw material stocks that the countries have for their nuclear weapons.
“The raw material for nuclear weapons is fissile material, either highly enriched uranium (HEU) or separated plutonium…India and Israel have produced mainly plutonium, and Pakistan has produced mainly HEU but is increasing its ability to produce plutonium,” it said.
China, France, Russia, the UK and the US have produced both HEU and plutonium for use in their nuclear weapons, the study mentioned.
“The governments of India and Pakistan make statements about some of their missile tests but provide no information about the status or size of their (nuclear) arsenals,” it noted.
Approximately 2,000 of the total 13,080 global nuclear warheads in the world are “kept in a state of high operational alert”, said the study mentioned in the SIPRI Yearbook 2021.
It also said Saudi Arabia, India, Egypt, Australia and China were the five largest importers of major arms in the world between 2016 and 2020.
Saudi Arabia had 11 percent share and India 9.5 percent in the global imports of the major arms in this time period, it added.
Also read: China’s nuclear leak is no Chernobyl, but how it was handled is troubling
For years, India said border row was one of many issues in relationship with China. Sometimes, there needs to be a catalyst
For India, Galwan was the catalyst that helped bring out many foreign policy ‘indecisions’ for review, and shaped India’s new approach. It also completely changed the template of engagement with China.
For years, India had maintained that the border issue with China was one of the many issues of the bilateral relationship and had continued to engage with the neighbour in other arenas. Post Galwan, the writing is clear, and underscored, that the border issue is central to ties. Harsh Pant of the Observer Research Foundation notes that External Affairs Minister S. Jaishankar has made this aspect of India’s foreign policy very clear over the last few months.
India, for a long time, had been hesitant about making certain choices, which, in a changing world order, were becoming abundantly clear that it should. Teaming up with the western world was one of these. India tried balancing its options, and both China and India thought that giving the chance for a personal rapport to develop between their leaders might help. Thus there was the Wuhan Spirit and Chennai Connect post Doklam. This time, though, there is no such soft diplomacy effort in the offing. Of course, India continues to engage with China and the endless meetings at the military and diplomatic levels, including those between senior ministers, continue. But India is now clear that unless the border issue is resolved, the bilateral cannot proceed.
The most obvious outcome has been India’s willingness to have the Quad meeting at the level of heads of governments, although it was an online one. Upgrading Quad meetings to the highest level was only a matter of time, given that after years of meeting at bureaucratic levels, the Quad finally met at foreign ministers’ level in New York in September 2019. Galwan made the decision clear for India on the Quad, even though India has been careful in insisting that this is not a military grouping, and has stressed on post-pandemic rebuilding as one of the major thrust areas of the Quad. The Quad development certainly has China worried, notes Pant. “Their bullying of Bangladesh to keep away from the Quad shows their worry,” he emphasised.
The timing of the Galwan clash was certainly not in China’s favour, happening right at a time when the world was grappling with the pandemic and blaming its origin and poor handling on China. Global sympathies, thus, were staunchly with India, even if the support was rhetorical.
Given the vast differential in the economic relationship between the two countries, it hasn’t been easy for India to punch above its weight. But the clash clearly pointed out that even for the minimal impact on China that cutting our trade links can manage, India has to either be self-reliant or look at other supply chains. For it came as a shock to the country to realise that its drug diplomacy hinged on procurement of active pharmaceutical ingredients from China! Of course, India hasn’t been able to wean itself off China, and might not do so in the foreseeable future, but the very fact that it is looking at alternative supply routes with Japan and Australia means that India is now an active part of the efforts to stem Chinese monopoly.
The G7’s initiative of the ‘Build Back Better World Partnership’ minces no words in stating it is to provide strategic competition to China and help build infrastructure in low- and middle-income countries. For a long while, India has been careful to avoid annoying China on its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and presented the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), which passes through Pakistan-occupied Kashmir and therefore impinges on India’s sovereignty, as the reason for being against the BRI. Now, there are alternatives being discussed, and the west is keen to have India aligned with these partnerships. India will not have to worry about balancing with China when it decides to join such initiatives now.
Maj Gen Akash Kaushik, Chief of Staff at 14 Corps, pays tribute to Galwan martyrs in Leh.
Tribune News Service
New Delhi, June 15
The Army on Tuesday remembered the bravehearts of the Galwan clash with China on June 15 last year, saying their sacrifice and valour would remain etched in memory of the nation.
Twenty Indian soldiers had died in a bloody clash in eastern Ladakh. In February, China officially acknowledged that its five military officers and soldiers were killed in the clash with the Indian Army though it is widely believed that the death toll was much higher.
The Indian Army tweeted: “General MM Naravane and all ranks of Indian Army pay homage to the bravehearts who made supreme sacrifice in Galwan Valley, Ladakh, while defending the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the country. Their valour will be eternally etched in memory of the nation.”
Today is the first anniversary of the deadly clash. The Army said it was in the face of unprecedented Chinese aggression that 20 Indian soldiers laid down their lives defending our land and inflicted heavy casualties on the PLA. The gallant soldiers fought in the most difficult high-altitude terrain, said the Army. The clash occurred at an altitude of 15,000 feet.
At Leh, the headquarters of the 14 Corps, a solemn ceremony was organised where Major General Akash Kaushik, Chief of Staff of the Corps, laid a wreath at the war memorial. Military posturing by India and China continues on either side of the Line of Actual Control (LAC).
Following operations on the Kailash Range in early September last year, the Indian Army captured commanding heights to give themselves an advantageous bargaining position for the future. Also, the determination with which the ground manoeuvres were conducted, in the backdrop of the pandemic, conveyed a clear message to an unpredictable adversary.
Lesson from Galwan: India should have seen China’s misadventure coming. PTI
It was on the intervening night of June 15-16 last year that Colonel Santosh Babu, the unassuming Commanding Officer of 16 Bihar Regiment, and 19 of his men sacrificed their lives in the Galwan valley in eastern Ladakh. The Chinese had overwhelmed India at the same locale during the 1962 debacle. As the 20 brave warriors died fighting, another posse from the same battalion, along with two adjoining units, took on the Chinese PLA army in retaliation.
The Galwan incident exposed the vulnerabilities of the Chinese as a combat-proven entity and the limitations of a rigid party-affiliated PLA. It is reported that their conscripts expressed admiration for the unarmed combat prowess of the Indian Army, wishing to learn the ropes of hand-to-hand combat themselves for future use. The adversary’s famous ‘human wave’ tactics of 1962 had no doubt been replaced by crude, unconventional weaponry such as wire-reinforced clubs and stones. But it was clear even after a series of military and diplomatic meetings that the rules of engagement would change forever. Following operations on the Kailash Range during early September last year, the Indian Army captured commanding heights to give themselves an advantageous bargaining position for the future. Also, the determination with which the ground manoeuvres were conducted, in the backdrop of the pandemic, conveyed a clear message to an unpredictable adversary. The stand-off that lasted for a good part of last year also showcased the integrated battle culture of our defence mechanism.
India should actually have seen China’s misadventure coming, threatened as the latter was along India’s motorable road from Shyok to Daulat Beg Oldi. Pushed to the wall due to international opprobrium over the origin of the novel coronavirus, the Chinese leadership perhaps resorted to the border moves as a pressure-relieving measure. India needs aggressive diplomatic forays to call out the aggressor whenever that happens and the invoking of traditional goodwill with other friendly nations, as highlighted by Prime Minister Narendra Modi during his visit to Ladakh after the Galwan violence.
Going forward, such posturing would be as important as actual military capability for a high-altitude border war, when push comes to shove. With its mouthpiece such as Global Times and its cyber warfare, China would leave no stone unturned to create trouble for us by opening up a front with Pakistan to throw us off balance. Needless to say, the Indian Air Force would play a critical role in any future military confrontation in Ladakh. Inductions such as the Rafale jets would be the key to achieving favourable end results in any future military situation versus China.
India’s preoccupation with the ongoing Covid crisis could present an opportunity to China to attempt misadventures along the northern border, which has become ‘hot’ akin to the LoC with Pakistan, but with several additional challenges of high-altitude warfare. The Department of Military Affairs would have its hands full for the foreseeable future.
Innovative national policies and measures to spend adequately on defence need not be overstated, especially as military assets to conduct a high-altitude campaign would come at a price.
But there is a limit up to which arrangements such as Quad could help to counter the Chinese threat. A Quad Plus proposition and beefing up our maritime capability across Malacca and even into the South China Sea are possible options, should a war be thrust upon us. Malacca is an Achilles’ heel for the Chinese as nearly 60 per cent of their energy needs flow through it and here is where India, sitting atop an otherwise non-militarised Indian Ocean, could call the shots. Continued strong military ties with Russia and Israel are also crucial to ensure state-of-the-art, assured military wherewithal, as also is the arming of nations such as the Philippines and Vietnam with equipment such as the Brahmos, the Tejas LCA or associated training facilities. Afghanistan is another sector, especially after the American and NATO withdrawal from there, where India could end up directly jostling for strategic elbow room with China. One also can’t overlook China’s attempts to gain traction in terms of its footprint in India’s neighbouring countries such as Nepal, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka.
Thus, the time ahead promises to be challenging, tricky and critically important for our country to maintain its international reputation as a viable secular democratic power in South Asia. In doing so, our measures — military and diplomatic — to counter China’s ‘salami slicing’ attempts hold the key. And towards this end, the international goodwill we have may need cashing in, as exemplified in recent statements by American power brokers such as Republican Mitch McConnell and commentator Ashley Tellis.
As many as 213 BSF personnel of Jammu frontier were awarded ‘Police Antrik Suraksha Seva Padak’ on Tuesday. File photo
Jammu, June 15
As many as 213 BSF personnel of Jammu frontier were awarded ‘Police Antrik Suraksha Seva Padak’ on Tuesday. Inspector General NS Jamwal presented the medals to 27 officers, 59 subordinate officers and 127 from other ranks during an investiture ceremony, a spokesman said.
So far, 8,111 BSF personnel from the Jammu frontier have been honoured, he said. — PTI
