Punjab Governor Badnore, Union MoS Rijiju, Punjab CM Amarinder, VVIPs pay tributes

Tribune Web Desk

Chandigarh, June 19

India’s legendary “Flying Sikh” Milkha Singh, who died at the PGIMER late on Friday night after a month-long battle with Covid-19, was cremated with full state honours at the Sector 25 cremation ground here today.

A police contingent accorded the 91-year-old legendary track and field athlete the guard of honour and his son and ace golfer Jeev Milkha Singh lit the pyre.

Milkha was bid a tearful adieu in the presence of his family members and several dignitaries, including Union Sports Minister Kiren Rijiju.

Punjab Governor and Chandigarh Administrator V P Singh Badnore, Punjab Finance Minister Manpreet Singh Badal, Haryana’s Sports Minister Sandeep Singh were among the other dignitaries who attended the last rites.

Prof Jagat Ram, Director of PGIMER where Milkha was admitted, was also present.

A police contingent reversed arms and sounded the last post in the sprinter’s honour. Milkha was also given a gun salute.

The Punjab Government had declared a one-day state mourning and a holiday as a mark of respect to the legend.

Earlier, a wreath was also laid on behalf of Prime Minister Narendra Modi.  Wreaths were also laid on behalf of the Army.

Chief Minister Amarinder Singh had earlier in the day said the Punjab government will accord state funeral to Milkha Singh

Earlier, the funeral procession started from Milkha’s Sector 8 residence.

His body was carried in a bedecked vehicle, with common people turning up along the short route to the Sector 25 cremation ground to pay their last respects to the legend.l

Interacting with reporters after the cremation, Rijiju spoke about Milkha’s last wish was to see India win an Olympic gold in athletics.

“Today, Milkha ji is not among us, but we will fulfil his wish. He has given a big message,” he said.

When asked if any award would be instituted in his name, Rijiju said these things will be discussed with family at an appropriate time and whatever needs to be done by the Sports Ministry in this regard will be done.

“We have told the family that right from the Prime Minister to Governor Sahab, who is present here, we are with them in their hour of grief. Entire nation is with them,” he said.

He said he was also carrying the message of Prime Minister Narendra Modi for the family.

Governor Badnore said Milkha “was our pride”.

“Whenever I used to meet him, sometimes even in the golf course here, he would meet with great affection. Not only Chandigarh, Punjab and India, but Milkha ji’s demise is a loss to the entire world.  He was an inspiration for millions,” said Badnore.

Milkha died on Friday night after a month-long battle with COVID-19. He had lost his former national volleyball captain wife Nirmal Kaur to the same ailment on Sunday.

The Padma Shri awardee, who was nicknamed ‘The Flying Sikh’ for his achievements, is survived by Jeev and three daughters.

The legendary athlete was a four-time Asian Games gold medallist and the 1958 Commonwealth Games champion but his greatest performance remained the fourth-place finish in the 400m final of the 1960 Rome Olympics.

His timing of 45.6 sec at the Italian capital remained the national record for 38 years before Paramjeet Singh broke it in 1998.

He also represented India in the 1956 and 1964 Olympics and was bestowed the Padma Shri in 1959. —with PTI

Earlier, a number of VVIPs visited his family in Chandigarh to offer condolences.

Punjab Chief Minister Capt Amrinder Singh, Sports Minister Rana Gurmit Sodhi, Health Minister Balbir Sidhu, Sports Director DPS Kharbanda along with other officials visited Milkha Singh’s residence to pay tributes to the late legendary athlete.

Punjab Finance Minister Manpreet Singh Badal also visited the Milkha family’s residence around noon on Saturday while Union Sports Minister Kiren Rijiju and Punjab Governor and UT Administrator VPS Badnore will pay tribute to the former international sprinter around 2 pm. 

• Two cadets of Mohali institute commissioned as Flying Officers in IAFMohali, June 19, 2021:The Combined Graduation Parade (CGP) was held at the Air Force Academy, Dundigal, Hyderabad on Saturday. The parade was reviewed by the Chief of the Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal RKS Bhadauria PVSM, AVSM, VM, ADC.A total of 152 cadets of various branches of the IAF, including 24 women cadets graduated as Flying Officers to join the elite cadre of the IAF. Two cadets of Maharaja Ranjit Singh Armed Forces Preparatory Institute, Mohali, were commissioned in the rank of Flying Officer and awarded their flying wings by the Chief of Air Staff.Cdt Sehaj Sharma has been commissioned into the Helicopter stream. He joined the AFPI in 2014, and on completion of his training there, joined the National Defence Academy as an Air Force cadet. His father, Dharvinder Sharma is a Senior Assistant in the Indian Red Cross Society in Amritsar. His mother, Geeta Sharma, is a house wife.Cdt Preetinder Pal Singh Bath joined AFPI in 2015 and went to NDA in 2017. His father, Rajinder Singh Bath, is a lecturer and mother, Amanpreet Kaur, a teacher. They belong to Pathankot. Preetinder Pal has achieved his dream by joining the fighter stream of the IAF.Maharaja Ranjit Singh AFPI has so far sent 162 cadets to NDA and other military training academies from 2013 onwards. Of these, 85 have already become officers in the armed forces. 68 Cadets have joined the Army; 08 have gone to the Navy and 09 to the Air Force. The rest of the cadets are at different stages of their training in various military academies.Recently a new programme has been started in AFPI called Cadet Training Wing. The aim of CTW is to further enhance the number of boys from Punjab joining the armed forces. Seven schools have been identified in the state to be a part of this programme. AFPI staff will visit these schools frequently to motivate and guide the students to join the armed forces. They will also carry out mirror image of AFPI training in these schools so that students can take the benefit of AFPI training and achieve their cherished goal of joining the armed forces as officers.Currently 92 cadets of the Tenth and Eleventh AFPI courses are under training in Mohali. Due to COVID-19 all training has been in the online mode since March 2020.

Milkha’s achievements are amazing, especially for a man who didn’t even know for the first 22 years of his life that you could make a living by running & winning races

Rohit Mahajan

The seemingly indestructible Milkha Singh — strong and wiry, his gravely voice firm and unwavering, his mental faculties excellent at age 91 — falls to Covid-19.

The greatest Indian runner, reintroduced to younger generations with the movie ‘Bhaag Milkha Bhaag’, was a legend in his own lifetime. The regret of losing a medal at the 1960 Rome Olympics pained him for 61 years, and he’d often say that before he “left this world”, he wanted to see an Indian athlete take the “gold medal that fell out of my hand”.

Milkha didn’t really have the 400m Olympics gold in his hand — however, the medal was well within his reach, and he was one of the favourites to win it. But Milkha’s tale, extraordinary and brutal, inspirational and edifying, is a near-mythical superhero story that has acquired layers with time. The core, though, is crystal clear — the limitless power of the human will. Milkha often repeated an Urdu couplet to explain how he did it:

“Haath ki lakeeron
se zindagi nahin banti
Azm hamara bhi kuchh hissa hai zindagi
banane mein”

Witnessing the killing of his parents and siblings, surviving as a penniless refugee in Delhi, joining the Army and becoming a world-class athlete — Milkha did it all because of his ‘azm’, will.

Not a joke

In the 1980s, to us schoolkids, Milkha Singh was a mythical character, possibly invented for the noble purpose of raising laughter — he was the Sardarji who didn’t catch the thief because he sprinted past him; he didn’t take the bus because he travelled faster than it; he was the man who, when asked if he was relaxing, answered: “No, I’m Milkha Singh.” Before the Rajinikanth memes of paranormal achievements, we had the Milkha Singh and Dara Singh memes.

Milkha’s achievements were indeed extraordinary — he remains the only Indian track athlete to win a gold at the Commonwealth Games, where the athletics competition is markedly stiffer than at the Asian Games; his fourth-place finish at 1960 Rome is the best result for an Indian in track and field at the Olympics (PT Usha emulated him in the boycott-affected Los Angeles Olympics in 1984); his 400m national record stood for 38 long years. An aside — when this reporter called him after Paramjeet Singh broke his record in 1998, Milkha was frank in expressing his doubt over the new ‘record’ because it was set in India — he said an athlete’s top performance comes against tougher competition, i.e. abroad. Milkha had announced an award of Rs2 lakh for the athlete who broke his record, and he did give away Rs1 lakh to Paramjeet, despite the doubts.

Milkha’s achievements are amazing, especially for a man who didn’t even know for the first 22 years of his life that you could make a living by running and winning races.

Milkha ran and won races, 77 out of the 80 that he ran in his lifetime. He made a comfortable life for himself and his family, and his son Jeev Milkha Singh is one of India’s greatest golfers.

Five days before he died, his wife, Nirmal, had passed away. For the Milkha family, their remaining separated for only five days is a sign of “true love and companionship”.

Lamenting over the passing away of the great runner, a friend who was inspired by Milkha said: “Surely, we’ll meet in a better world.” But one would argue that, surely, meeting and knowing of Milkha in this one world we know of, in this one life that we know of, is enough — the lessons that his life can teach us are precious and timeless: azm, blood and sweat, acceptance of the fruits of one’s labours, living life to the fullest. Unlettered and wise, naïve and worldly, Milkha teaches us how to live life — only if one’s willing to be taught. Milkha’s chalice was bitter and sweet, as it is for most of us, but he drank it to the dregs.

Manish Tewari

In Doklam, in the June of 2017, the NDA/BJP government was more interested in a propaganda triumph rather than a substantive outcome

 Galwan clash was the most grave confrontation after the October 20 1975 ambush by the Chinese at Tulung La in which four Assam Rifles personnel lost their lives. (Representational image: PTI)

On June 15, 2020, 20 Indian soldiers were martyred in a barbaric clash with the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) in the Galwan Valley. It was the most grave confrontation after the October 20 1975 ambush by the Chinese at Tulung La in which four Assam Rifles personnel lost their lives.

On June 20, the Prime Minister gave a rather bizarre twist to the entire tragedy when he told an all-party meeting that “neither have they intruded into our border, nor has any post been taken over by them (China)”. Then why did we lose 20 braves? Did India then intrude into Chinese territory?

Herein lies the nub of the problem qua China. The NDA/BJP government by repeatedly underplaying both the aggressiveness of Chinese intent and blatant intrusions into areas that lie within the Indian perception of what is the Line of Actual Control (LAC). This has exposed a serious chink in their armour that the Chinese have now exploited to the very hilt. That fissure is the government’s desperation to protect its narrative of muscular nationalism at any cost. It makes them both muddle and mask the truth.

The problem started way back in 2014 when Modi decided to swing with Xi Jinping in Ahmedabad deliberately playing down the Chinese transgression into Indian territory in Chumar. It is inconceivable that the PLA would embark on this adventurism on the LAC without explicit political clearance from the standing committee of the politburo especially when Xi was visiting India.

The Chinese had tried this stunt a year earlier too in Depsang plain’s area. The 19-kilometres deep incursion by an armed patrol of China’s People’s Liberation Army (PLA) into the strategically delicate Daulat Beg Oldie sector in the Aksai Chin region was noticed on April 16, 2013, and immediately interdicted by the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP). It came just weeks before Chinese premier Li Keqiang’s visit to India between May 19 and 21 and Prime Minister Dr Manmohan Singh’s visit to Japan later that month between May 27 and 30.

The Depsang incursion was designed to send twin messages. First, Chinese were experimenting their new found assertiveness after Xi’s triple anointment as general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party  (CCP), president of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and the chairperson of the Central Military Commission (CMC). Second, it was also a caution to India against expressing overt support to Japan against the background of  steadily worsening tensions between China and Japan over the Senkaku (Diaoyu) Islands.

The Chinese were as worried then as they are today about the Quad then. The Standing Committee of the Politburo China’s top decision making forum apprehended that the US was again engaged in putting together a broader alliance in the Asia Pacific comprising India, Japan, Vietnam, the Philippines and Australia to contain China’s rise.

The Depsang intrusions were handled firmly but with élan by the then UPA government. It was acknowledged upfront that the Chinese had indeed come across India’s perception line. A firm message therefore was sent to Beijing that Premier Li Keqiang who was undertaking his first foreign trip would not be very welcome in Delhi if status quo ante was not restored. On May 5, 2013, the Chinese fell back to their default position on the LAC.

As B.G. Verghese pointed out in a signed column on May 28, 2013, “that the government can stand its ground and take farsighted decisions was proven by the way it handled the Chinese intrusion into the Depsang plain without getting rattled or pushed by chauvinistic clamour. At the end of the day, the Chinese blinked and pulled back. That the joint statement issued later did not mention the word ‘intrusion’ — the PM used the phrase ‘incident’ — signified a welcome restraint and desire to avoid teasing statements”.

However, a year later when Chumar happened on the cusp of Xi Jinping’s visit from September 17 to September 20, 2014, an over-sanguine Prime Minister desperate to flaunt his newfound importance in his backyard of Gujarat did not send word to Xi Jinping that he would not be very comfy in India if the Chinese did not withdraw before the visit commenced. Having recently won an election, Prime Minister Modi had the political capital to do that but he blinked. This set the tone for the future.

In Doklam, in the June of 2017, the NDA/BJP government was more interested in a propaganda triumph rather than a substantive outcome. Not only was the withdrawal sequential rather than simultaneous with India withdrawing first, but the Indian government took its eye off the ball and allowed the Chinese to occupy substantial parts of the Doklam plateau within one year of the standoff.

This was followed by the opaque summits in Wuhan in 2018 and Mamallapuram in 2019. A subservient media and a deferential strategic community did not ask the hard questions as to what really was achieved at these informal tête-à-tête’s. By that time the Chinese had sussed out the Indian leadership and had concluded that were they to launch an intrusion across a broad front along the LAC the NDA/BJP government would cover it up rather than deal with it candidly.

This is precisely what happened in April 2020. When the Chinese decided to saunter across the LAC first the government tried to palm it off to differing perceptions of the LAC.

In fact, they had already started running this narrative from December 2019 onwards. Speaking in the Lok Sabha on December 4, 2019, defence minister Rajnath Singh said, “Due to different perceptions of the LAC, sometimes incidents of incursion occur. I accept it. Sometimes the Chinese Army enters here and sometimes our people go over there.”

The government stuck to this chicanery from April to the June of 2020 as a mortified country bristling under a harsh lockdown was trying to keep body and soul together. Only after the Galwan tragedy when the body bags could not be kept under the wraps did the nation wake up to the enormity of the challenge. There again the Prime Minister unleashed the mendacities that he has perfected to an art form much to the delight of the Chinese as it endorsed their position that they have never intruded into Indian territory.

One year later this sad saga continues unchecked. After vacating significant territorial positions on the South Bank of Pangong Lake under a yet-to-be-microscopically-evaluated disengagement plan the government tries to escape the antiseptic glare of sunlight by not even allowing Parliament to have a full-fledged debate on perhaps the most portentous national security challenge that India faces today.end-of

Tags: india china border clash, galwan clash, doklam standoff, nda/bjp government, chumar, depsang intrusions, people’s liberation army (pla)

WHO HANDS OVER THE VISITORS BOOK TO RM : DGBR OR CDS MATTERS

New Delhi: In a huge defence reform Wednesday, the Union Cabinet approved the corporatisation of the Ordnance Factory Board (OFB), a plan which was first mooted two decades ago to streamline the functioning of the 41 ordnance factories across the country.

The corporatisation of ordnance factories — which have become synonymous with poor quality products, delayed timelines and lack of technological advancements — will see these 41 factories subsumed as seven 100 per cent government-owned corporate entities, registered under the Companies Act 2013.https://08de951075cacc62d7fd1f879ba78673.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-38/html/container.html

The ordnance factories are the oldest and the largest organisation in the country’s defence industry with a history that dates back to 1787, when a gunpowder factory was established at Ishapore by the British. The Ishapore factory had started production in 1791.

Headquartered at Kolkata, the OFB is a conglomerate of 41 factories, nine training institutes, three regional marketing centres and five regional controllers of safety. At present, these factories are divided under five clusters or operating groups and they produce a range of arms, ammunition, armoured and infantry combat vehicles, clothing items and others such as parachutes for the services. 

The OFB, which has a total workforce of around 81,500 personnel, comes under the administrative control of the Department of Defence Production in the defence ministry.

The government has now approved the corporatisation of OFB, which will give the organisation autonomy and take it out of the direct control of the Department of Defence Production. 

The three recognised federations of ordnance factory workers, with affiliations to the RSS, Left and the Congress, have, however, opposed the move and threatened to launch an agitation.

The government though has made up its mind to finish off the corporatisation by the end of this year.

To implement its decisions regarding the move, the government has decided to delegate the authority of the Cabinet to an Empowered Group of Ministers (EGoM), constituted under Defence Minister Rajnath Singh.

Other members of the EGoM are Home Minister Amit Shah, Finance Minister Nirmala Sitharaman and Labour and Employment Minister Santosh Gangwar.

Global consulting firm KPMG has been selected for the corporatisation move.

Also read: Expert panel to fine tune military theaterisation plan after stakeholders differ on key issues

The plan ahead

Cabinet Committee on Security had in July last year approved to convert OFB into one or more than one 100 per cent government-owned corporate entities, registered under the Companies Act 2013. 

In less than a year, the Union Cabinet has approved it. Government sources have said that the restructuring is aimed at transforming the Ordnance Factories into productive and profitable assets, deepening specialisation in the product range, enhancing competitiveness besides improving quality and cost-efficiency.

Under the plan, the 41 factories would be subsumed into seven 100 per cent government-owned corporate entities with professional management. 

These will be like other government-owned Defence Public Sector Undertakings like the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited and Bharat Dynamics Limited (BDL) among others.

Under the seven entities, there will be an Ammunition and Explosives Group, which would be mainly engaged in production of ammunition of various caliber and explosives with huge potential to grow exponentially, not only by way of Make in India but also by manufacturing for the world.

The Vehicles Group would mainly engage in production of defence mobility and combat vehicles such as tanks, trawls, armoured personnel carriers and mine-protected vehicles. It is expected to increase its share in the domestic market through better capacity utilisation and also explore new export markets.

The Weapons and Equipment Group would be mainly engaged in production of small arms, medium and large caliber guns and other weapon systems. It is also expected to increase its share in the domestic market through meeting domestic demand as well as product diversification.

In addition, the Troop Comfort Items Group, Ancillary Group, Opto-Electronics Group and Parachute Group constitute the entire structure.

Also read: Joint military command is the future but India can’t rush into it

Why corporatisation is needed

During the past two decades, several high-level committees — such as the TKA Nair Committee in 2000, Vijay Kelkar Committee of 2006, Vice Admiral Raman Puri Committee in 2016 and the Lt Gen D B Shekatkar Committee in 2016 — called for ordnance factories to be converted from a government department into a corporate entity. 

As mentioned earlier, the OFB had become synonymous with poor quality products, delayed timelines and lack of technological advancements.

The production cost is also too high because the production value per employee is very low. 

Because of this, despite the OFB products being priced without charging any profit over the cost of production (as it is barred from making profit from the supplies to the armed forces), the military complains that the cost is just too high.

Apart from the armed forces, which have been complaining for years, the Comptroller and Auditor General of India (CAG) has in multiple reports criticised the department for its way of functioning.

A CAG report in 2018 said that a large number of production orders given to the OFB remained outstanding as of March that year. The oldest of these production orders were from 2009-2010.  

The latest example of OFB failing to deliver to the armed forces in a fixed timeline is that of the Dhanush guns.

Since April 2019, when the induction of the Dhanush guns started, only 12 of the indigenously built long-range artillery guns have been delivered as of now. This is far below the 18 guns required to make a full regiment.  

This development comes at a time when the armed forces are involved in a conflict with China in Ladakh and have been seeking more artillery guns to “overcome operational voids in the medium artillery in HAA (High Altitude Area) along the northern borders”. 

Late last year, an internal army assessment had said faulty ammunition and armament supplied by the OFB caused army casualties and bled the exchequer. The report said that there were 403 accidents over the last six years, which had resulted in the deaths of 27 soldiers and a loss of Rs 960 crore.

The 27 fatalities cited in the Army assessment included the 19 that occurred in the 2016 accidental mine explosion at a depot in Pulgaon, Maharashtra. 

The OFB hit back with a statement saying only 19 per cent of the accidents involving defence ammunition between January 2015 and December 2019 could be attributed to the board.

Accusing the Army and the media of selective reportage, the OFB said its own records showed that between 2011 and 2018, there were more than 125 accidents involving ammunition procured from other sources, both domestic and foreign.

It even went on to point out that the Pulgaon accident involved anti-tank mines that had been developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) and were manufactured strictly according to their design. “Design deficiencies were subsequently noticed and suitable changes are being evaluated,” it had said.

The public spat last year showed the state of affairs between the armed forces and the OFB.

Government says workers will be protected

The OFB Unions have been protesting the corporatisation for years fearing that it would eventually lead to job losses.

The government has told the Unions that it is committed to safeguard the interests of the employees. It has been decided that all the employees of OFB (Group A, B & C) belonging to the production units would be transferred to the corporate entities on deemed deputation initially for a period of two years without altering their service conditions as central government employees.

The pension liabilities of the retirees and existing employees will continue to be borne by the government.

(Edited by Arun Prashanth)

Also read: India’s military theatre commands could be de

LT GENERAL VIJAY OBEROI

 “A ‘YES MAN’ is a dangerous man. He is a menace. He will go very far. He can become a Minister, a Secretary or a Field Marshal, but he can never become a leader nor, even be respected. He will be used by his superiors, disliked by his colleagues and despised by his subordinates.

So, discard the ‘YES MAN’.”

– Field Marshal Sam Manekshaw

This article is on a fairly serious yet current subject, as veterans like me have observed a tendency amongst military officers of drifting away from that famous phrase ‘Courage of Conviction’ that was drummed into us from the first days of our joining the military training academies. Even today, I have no doubt that equal, if not more emphasis is given to this hugely important aspect of Military Leadership.

Even in other fields of endeavour, its importance is no less, yet nearly all civil government employees have been and are ‘Yes Men/Women’. The main reason is that when the governing hierarchy holds loyalty higher than professional competence; sycophancy flourishes and the nation suffers.

What the highly respected Field Marshal had stated was again highlighted by yet another Army Chief, General K Sunderji on assuming command of the Indian Army on 01 February 1986, in his famous personal letter to all officers of the Indian Army, wherein he had minced no words when he said: “As a whole, the Corps of Officers is becoming increasingly careerist, opportunist and sycophantic; Standards of integrity have fallen and honour and patriotism are becoming unfashionable.”

Till about two decades back, the military (by and large), had adhered to the advice of these great commanders and had displayed excellent leadership qualities. However, it is sad to observe that thereafter many military leaders have succumbed to the lure of the next rank and the filthy lucre!

The fall has been progressive and despite many military men and women of impeccable character, larger numbers are becoming prone to this virus. This has had a highly deleterious effect on the rank and file. Without character qualities of the highest order, militaries deteriorate rapidly and will not deliver when the chips are really down.

While many reasons are internal to the military, the deteriorating character of our political leadership has contributed in no small measure in encouraging this, initially among the civil officials and lately in senior military officers too.

This essay is not aimed at the politicians, for whom votes are the be-all and end-all of life! Nor is it for all civilian government employees, including the police, as they revel in being ‘yes men/women’ and know that this is the way to become upwardly mobile! My aim is to appeal to all military officers not to ape them but to shun such actions, as the security and sovereignty of the country rests on their shoulders. Military leaders must hence have impeccable character.

Let me digress at this stage to tell the reader about a phrase that was frequently used in the Indian Army in the past and is still in vogue among officers.

In undivided Punjab, a common phrase heard was “Good Man the Laltaen”. It was obviously hybrid like many that Punjabi’s had formulated! It was a phrase that conveyed one’s appreciation in an informal/friendly way. The last word, as you must have guessed, was the Punjabi equivalent of Lantern. Let me quote only one other example.

In the 1940’s, the struggle for Independence was at its peak. In Punjab, there were many firebrands, especially among the youth. Every day, there were slogan-shouting processions, against the British Raj. The then Governor of Punjab had a game leg, so he was promptly nick-named “Tunda Laat”. So, when someone cautioned a firebrand not to say or act violently against the government, the person’s reply was “Parwah Nahin Tunde Laat Di”, or I could not care less even about the lame Governor!

With this as the background, let me revert to “Good Man the Laltaen”. The basis for the phrase was that there was indeed a good quality lantern in the market, sold under the brand ‘Goodman’s Lanterns’. So, Goodman’s Lanterns became ‘Good Man Di Laltaen’!

The phrase was soon picked up by Army Officers and often used as a pat on the back for junior officers, while the Hindustani word ‘Shabash’ (Good Show) was used for JCO’s and Jawans.

Many years later, another line was added to it, more like a humorous riposte: “And Bad Man Da Diva”, although it was rarely used in the army.

As far as civil government institutions and officials are concerned, starting from the politicians, it was never “Good Man Di Laltaen” for most, but “Yes Man Di Laltaen”! The reasons were and are obvious, as sycophancy in all its forms was and continues to be the easiest ladder to success for those who are weak or inept professionally.

Despite all types of governments coming to power in the Centre and the states, no effort has been made to get rid of the sycophants and opt for professionals. It appears that sycophancy, which massages the ego of the superiors, has now become all pervasive among the civil officials.

It is unfortunate and I daresay highly dangerous from the security point of view that the

‘Yes’ syndrome has now crept in to the military. The new phrases in the military are “Yes Man Di Laltaen” and “No Man Da Diva”! Consequently, the armed forces are also veering away from the straight and narrow path of leaders with character. This is in stark contrast to the much ingrained ethos of the armed forces, when exemplary character was the hallmark of military Leadership.

In earlier times, a ‘Yes Man’, was not only shunned but was made to suffer the ignominy of isolation and little social contact. Unfortunately, spinelessness has resulted in more ‘yes men/women’ surfacing. While correct orders are never questioned, especially in the army, the army permits the questioning of wrong or unlawful orders.

It is a great pity that the military hierarchy is succumbing to ‘chamchagiri’ that was the preserve of most civil officials. The fallout is that even unlawful commands are answered by ‘yes sir’ and ‘will be done sir’!

This rot needs to be curbed ruthlessly as it is against the ethos of the armed forces. I can recall many instances of the past when firstly a senior officer hesitated to give an unlawful or even a wrong order to his subordinates; and secondly, the officer receiving such an order displayed ‘courage of conviction’ by going back to his senior, advising him that the order was wrong and requesting that it be changed.

The armed forces especially and even others, need to revert back to “Good Man Di Laltaen” from the current “Yes Man Di Laltaen, which unfortunately we see more and more, while the junior leaders look askance and curse under their breath!

Our young officers on commissioning are full of pep and most start their adventurous career in the forces on a high note, but as they rise in service and rank, they start losing respect for those seniors who display the ‘Yes Man’ syndrome. Resultantly, when they become senior officers, many sadly join the ranks of the “Yes Man Di Laltaen”.

Our senior military leaders need to re-learn the importance of character and professional competence. They must not be mere ‘Yes Men’ and revert to the basics of soldiering, which is not just professional competence, but also the highest level of personal integrity and belief in themselves; the personnel they command; and the ‘Izzat’ of their units, formations and the armed forces.

A great army with an enviable record must change and regain its lost high levels of Leadership and Character qualities.

(The writer is a former Vice Chief of Army Staff)

India lacks self-belief to build itself as a counterweight the world would respect

Charged: Despite the Galwan clash, the Chinese expanded their share in the Indian smartphone market from 71 per cent to 75 per cent in 2020. PTI

Rajesh Ramachandran

The first anniversary of the death of 20 Indian soldiers of the 16 Bihar Regiment, including its Commanding Officer Colonel B Santosh Babu, during the Galwan Valley clash with the People’s Liberation Army is being marked by claims of an apparent rupture in India-China relations. Since June 16, 2020, the completely baffled Indian officialdom and commentariat have been searching for Chinese strategic objectives in reviving the terrible memory of the 1962 defeat. Well, after a year, it has to be accepted that the Chinese objective was to establish Asian hegemony, destabilise Indian dominance in South Asia, highlight the limits of the US power and hence the futility of Quad — and still continue to remain India’s most important trade partner. Have the Chinese achieved their goals? If we assume trade to be the single biggest determinant, then the answer ought to be in the affirmative.

Despite the Galwan clash, the Chinese expanded their share in the Indian smartphone market from 71 per cent to 75 per cent in 2020, thus conclusively disproving the theory that the lure of the Indian market would be a deterrent to Chinese military pursuits. In fact, it is now the Indian market that is dependent on Chinese telecom instruments, electronic instruments, components and consumer goods, computer hardware and peripherals, and pharmaceutical ingredients. The latest trade figures put out by the Ministry of Commerce and Industry show that we imported goods worth $65.21 billion from China in 2020-21, topping the charts, whereas our US imports were not even half of that value at just $28.86 billion. Sure, we export more to the US and hence have a trade surplus, but the trade deficit of $45.9 billion with China tells the real story of our dependence on Chinese manufacturing.

Even when our import bill fell by about 17 per cent, the Chinese goods as a share of our total imports only grew in the year of the standoff at the Line of Actual Control. No wonder the Chinese believe that India has no option but to gulp its pride, lick its wounds and carry on with the India-China trade to ensure that our digital economy, telecom connections and computer terminals remain hooked and running. In fact, it is high time Indian economists started taking a hard look at the generational losses the country incurred in stymieing its manufacturing by entering into the World Trade Organisation regime gamed by American investors and Chinese manufacturers. While China became the global manufacturing hub in the last couple of decades, India was reduced to a glitzy global shopping mall buying cheap Chinese goods and remaining happy about it.

But then, bilateral trade is not the only defining factor; and the Chinese perception of the Indian reaction is not entirely correct because India had, at least in the last few decades, completely forgotten the 1962 debacle and started believing in a benign China. India’s security apparatus was forever preoccupied with its western neighbour, convincing itself that China is a friend. Even this writer, as late as in 2018, wanted to believe that India could remain a swing state in a simultaneous and mutually exclusive, opportunistic relationship with the US and China. That was what Indians wanted to believe — that a growing China will not be a threat but could actually help us also grow. Doklam was the first jolt, which India did not understand, and then came the territorial aggression in Ladakh. With the death of those 20 bravehearts, India began understanding Chinese designs.

Finally, the Gwadar-to-Xinjiang China-Pakistan Economic Corridor has begun making military sense as we confront the Sino-Pakistan arc in the subcontinent from Doklam to Gwadar. To this should be added the sea arc from Gwadar port to Hambantota port in Sri Lanka to the third largest Bangladesh port, Payra, which is being developed by the Chinese. Reuters had in 2014 reported the docking of a Chinese submarine and a warship at the Colombo port, where China is now developing the Colombo port city project on reclaimed land. China’s encirclement of India is a reality that has dawned on Indians thanks to the Galwan martyrs.

Once we acknowledge the land and the sea arcs for what they are, there are two ways to respond to this encirclement: Acceptance of China as a superpower while still trying to play the opportunistic swing game between the two competing global superpowers for investments, military concessions and regional peace; or complete rejection of the Chinese hegemonic claims in the neighbourhood and an attempt to build itself as a counterweight that the world would respect. The emerging Indo-Pacific alliance becomes crucial in this context. But the problem here is the complete lack of self-belief: Let alone pensioners in the US or Europe, how many Indians would be willing to invest their life savings in Indian companies?

It is not easy for a society in which the rule of law is becoming increasingly arbitrary to convince itself and others of its destiny. For instance, anyone who wants to invest in northern India ought to look at Delhi’s satellite cities of Noida or Gurugram as prime destinations; but then, what would they see? From auto-rickshaws parked in the middle of a flyover, rickety buses stopping where they want, “wrong-side driving” (a Gurugram contribution to the English language) to mob lynching over cows, civic unrest, police cases against journalists and the threat of eviction to digital companies like Twitter. All this is not going to lure the fleeting dollar, which has easier and better destinations. Unless we rewire ourselves to get plugged into the Anglo-Saxon economies and reignite our manufacturing dreams, we may get squeezed by the Sino-Pak military corridor. It is also time for reflection for all those WTO champions who ridiculed local manufacturing, asking why India should reinvent the wheel — well, if you don’t have your own wheel, you will get crushed under the neighbour’s.

The amalgamation of 19 military commands into a cohesive joint or theatre command will be India’s biggest defence reform. The challenge will be to take everyone along. The ongoing Ladakh stand-off with China has taught us one thing – a unified military approach along with diplomatic and economic measures is the way forward
When the Galwan clash happened a year ago, India pushed both the Air Force and the Navy into full operational mode besides ramping up the economic counter steps and increasing diplomatic push. The three Service chiefs and the Chief of Defence Staff, General Bipin Rawat, used to meet on a daily basis and jointly work out what needs to be done.
The end result was that China realised India is no pushover, even though the stand-off continues and the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) still controls areas that India claims as its own.
Amid all the tension with China, silent work to reform Indian military went on – and the result is the proposal to amalgamate the 18 military commands (including the tri-services Andaman and Nicobar Command) into a few joint or theatre commands.
As the secretary of the Department of Military Affairs, General Rawat is mandated with “facilitation of restructuring of military commands for optimal utilisation of resources by bringing about jointness in operations including through establishment of joint/theatre commands”.
This massive change, which will be the biggest reform that the forces will see, will streamline the world’s fourth largest military into a leaner and stronger cohesive fighting unit. It will also cut long-term costs because common resources and logistics would be pooled instead of each Service spending separately. But challenges remain. At a crucial meeting held last week on the concept note, it emerged that all stakeholders, including the three Services, are not on board on the exact structure of the joint or theatre commands. The Narendra Modi government is of the view that there should be more discussion on this.
Army chief General M.M. Naravane had in October 2020, while welcoming the integrated theatre commands, said that the process “needed to be deliberate, thoughtful and well-considered, and its fruition will take a number of years.”
Sources in the defence and security establishment say that since joint or theatre commands will have drastic and far-reaching implications on the military’s future war-fighting strategy, it is important that all stakeholders are completely on board.
The Current Plan
As per the current plan, the 18 commands are to be brought together under five theatres — Northern Land Theatre (Jammu and Kashmir, Ladakh and Central sector) Western Land Theatre (Pakistan centric), Eastern Land Theatre, Maritime Theatre Command, and Air Defence Command. There could be one or two additional commands to look after logistics and training.
The first two to be rolled out are Maritime Theatre Command (MTC) and Air Defence Command (ADC).
The MTC will see a merger of the Eastern and Western naval commands besides getting elements from the Army and the Air Force. The plan is also to bring the Coast Guard assets from all five regions under its operational control. The MTC will be headed by a three-star Naval officer. It will also have one two-star officer from the IAF and a three-star from the Army.
Similarly, the ADC will be headed by a three-star IAF officer, along with a three-star Army officer and a two-star Naval officer. The other theatres planned will be headed by three-star Army officers with elements from the IAF and Navy. Also, the Border Security Force (BSF) is being planned to be part of the Northern Land Theatre and the Indo-Tibetan Border Police (ITBP) of the Eastern Land Theatre.
Concerns Raised
A heated debate within the defence establishment is on regarding the structuring of the theatre commands.
A number of issues have been raised. Will the theatre commands be based on challenges (China and Pakistan) or will there be one theatre command for the whole country?
The larger fear is that the Theaterisation is heavily tilted in the Army’s favour with nomenclatures like “Land” not helping the cause.
It has also been pointed out that in case of a war with Pakistan, at least four theatres will come into action. In case of a war with China, at least four theatres will take part while the fifth, the Western Land Theatre, will be on high alert.
However, from the Chinese side, the Western Theatre Command will take care of the entire borders with India. The only additional theatre to get involved will be the one with naval assets – either Eastern, Southern or Northern Theatre. The counter argument to the fear that multiple theatres would get involved in case India faces a war, is that there will always be a primary theatre of war and a secondary theatre and this has been taken into account while planning.
As per the Theaterisation plan, all commands will have elements from all the three Services. The Navy assets are unlikely to see much division but the IAF assets will be. At present, the IAF assets are centrally controlled and operated through the Air Headquarters even though there are multiple Air Commands.
As per the proposed plan, each theatre will get its own IAF assets. There is a view that this will impact operational capability as the assets are limited and the fighter squadron strength is already very low — 30 squadrons against a sanctioned strength of 42.
Former Air Force chief ACM B.S. Dhanoa, while in office, has said that there can be only one theatre — India — and the focus should be on institutionalised structure of joint planning by the three Services.
While the Navy supports the creation of the Maritime Theatre Command, there are also voices within the force who say that there already exists the independent Western Naval Command and the Eastern Naval Command who look after their specific areas of operations.
“The equipment/assets of each Service is not large enough to be distributed up and locked in theatres. Forget the IAF, which anyway has a lower number of aircraft and surveillance equipment, even the Army had to push in additional reserves and additional equipment into the Northern Command during the ongoing standoff with China,” a source said.
Another source explained that China had been focusing on a new war-fighting strategy since the 1980s and it began by slowly cutting down the personnel strength and expenditure while increasing focus on indigenous technology for missiles, vessels and aircraft.
But China has the numbers and money to spend on more military assets and have specific theatres, something that India cannot afford to replicate.
Incidentally, with approximately 1.4 million personnel, the Indian Army has become the world’s largest ground force, pulling ahead of China, which cut down its strength by half and is instead focusing on its navy, air force and technology. Some retired top military officers have written to concerned government positions against rolling out the Theaterisation in its current format. Another issue of concern is the question of who will head these theatres. As per the current plan, the theatre commanders will report to the CDS and the respective Service chiefs will become more administration- and training-oriented.
In the US and China, the theatre commanders report to the political leadership.
Some have also expressed concern of moving ahead with a concept without war gaming the plans and seeing how effective or ineffective the whole process is going to be. Another school of thought is that the first step towards joint mashup should be joint training. The idea is that people need to learn and train together for them to plan and fight together.
Fears Expected But Unified Approach The Way Forward
The concerns expressed by various quarters to the Theaterisation was expected. The Modi government would need to handle it deftly because militaries are seldom open to change.
As Harsh V Pant and Javin Aryan wrote in October 2020, “the inter-services competition wherein each service zealously oversees its own assets and strives for a greater share of the defence budget and influence might prove to be an obstacle in creating synergy among the services.”
However, there is no doubt that while concerns and fears need to be understood and taken care of, a unified war-fighting strategy along with exponential capability increase in our cyber and space warfare is the only option going forward.
But given India’s limited experience with integrated command structures, I would go back to what the Army chief said, “The process should be deliberate, thoughtful and well-considered.”
There is no doubt that this journey may require a fair bit of mid-course corrections, but it is important to get off on a firm foundation.

This Father’s Day, a chance encounter at the railway station got me thinking about the things my father has practised, taught and passed on to his students and children

GUL PANAG

A few days back, I was in Himachal Pradesh waiting for the train at the Kandaghat railway station with my son when a gentleman, either an ex-serviceman or a serving officer (obvious to me from his carriage and bearing), walked up to me and enquired if I was General Panag’s daughter. Considering that I was wearing a mask, I was a little surprised, but, of course, admitted to being guilty as charged. This is quite a routine occurrence — to be approached as my father’s daughter.

The officer went on to tell me that he was my father’s student in the Indian Military Academy (IMA), and later again at Staff College, and that he holds dear all that he learnt from him. Customary pleasantries exchanged, we said goodbye.

My father has spent a significant part of his 40-year military career teaching as an instructor, something I, as a child, knew at the back of my mind, but didn’t actively reflect on. This Father’s Day, and that chance encounter at the railway station, got me thinking about the things my father has practised, taught and passed on to his students and, of course, to his children.

Here are some key learnings that I endeavour to imbibe, and that have resonated over many such chance encounters with his former students:

Making a point without making an enemy. This is an important skill to have in order to navigate fragile egos while still being able to make a difference. My father didn’t rise to the top of his profession by being a ‘yes man’. But the fact that he did get as far as he did while continuing to call a spade a spade is something to learn from. Even today, he continues to do the same, actively engaging with those he disagrees with on social media — with a dose of wit thrown in.

Intellectual pursuit — over and above the perceived job requirement. The only way to grow is to learn more and read more, especially when most around you will point out the redundancy of the additional effort, given that things appear to be on track. This is the reason I have continued academic pursuits, along with my professional commitments.

Physical fitness. The one tool that one has to live life to the fullest with is one’s body — be it pursuing a sport, or simply moving with ease in one’s younger years and without pain in later years. Many of us don’t devote adequate time, energy and resources towards the pursuit of physical fitness — only to pay for it dearly later. Physical fitness isn’t just about physique. It’s an outcome of critical character traits — discipline, consistency, commitment and perseverance — that are essential for a fulfilling life.

Raise the bar higher. Be highly competitive but ultimately strive to compete with your own self. As Ernest Hemingway said, “There is nothing noble in being superior to your fellow man; true nobility is being superior to your former self.”

Say the right thing, even if it’s unpopular. Especially when it’s unpopular. When in doubt about how to conduct yourself, always choose to be a role model because you never know who may be watching and getting influenced. Speaking up for what you believe in is very important, especially in times like these.

Never compromise on integrity. Integrity is the quality of being honest and having strong moral principles. And there’s really no room for grey in this regard. Because it’s not others that you do it for. You must maintain the highest standards of integrity so that you can look yourself in the eye.

Always apologise when wrong. It’s not easy to eat crow and admit a mistake or an error of judgment, especially when one is perceived to be successful or a ‘rising star’. However, I’ve seen my father do this over the years, and he continues to do so. Although such admissions to his children, understandably, are cloaked in sermons!

This Father’s Day, I thought I’d share some learnings from my father that have shaped the person that I am. I do have a long way to go.

Papa, I know you’re reading this, and I’d like to say that it is my constant endeavour to live up to your ideals. Thank you for being a true role model. I constantly strive to achieve the high standards set by you.