Tribune News Service

Ajay Banerjee

New Delhi, December 17

The Navy is seeking approval from the Ministry of Defence to get another indigenously built aircraft carrier after INS Vikrant, which was commissioned in September.

Race to match China

• India is racing to match China’s naval strength that has two operational aircraft carriers — Liaoning and Shandong
• In July, it launched another one — Fujian — expected to be commissioned in 2025
• A US Department of Defence report, ‘Military and Security Developments Involving the People’s Republic of China 2021’, warns “People’s Republic of China continues to build a multi-carrier force”
• The need for India to have a third carrier arises as these ships have lengthy maintenance schedules
• The cycle of maintenance can lead to an absence of a carrier for two years

The Navy had been pushing for a 70,000-tonne carrier, but the demand has been put on hold due to expenses and technologies needed on board. The case for having another 45,000-tonne class carrier, same as INS Vikrant, is being processed. The matter will be taken up with the ministry, sources in the Navy said.

INS Vikrant was manufactured by Cochin Ship Yard Limited at Kochi over 13 years at a cost of Rs 23,000 crore. With the expertise gained, the shipyard has promised to do the next one in seven-eight years.

One of the key elements of the aircraft carrier is the launch mechanism technology it uses to allow a fighter jet to take off from and land on its deck. The Navy plans to stick to the short take-off but arrested recovery (STOBAR) technique and not adopt the catapult take-off.

INS Vikramaditya and INS Vikrant both uses the STOBAR technology.

The decision on the warship engines will come later.

The sources said a delay in getting on with the next carrier could jeopardise the hard-earned skill of making such warships. The makers of specialised steel and suppliers of pneumatics, wires, cables and several parts have acquired skills as part of making INS Vikrant.

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, December 17

Praising the Indian Army, Defence Minister Rajnath Singh commended the force for showing unmatched bravery during the Galwan and Tawang incidents and added “India has no intention to capture the land of other countries, but will always be ready if anyone tries to cast an evil eye on us”.

He was addressing the 95th annual convention of Federation of Indian Chambers of Commerce and Industry (FICCI) here when he spoke about the Galwan incident in eastern Ladakh of June 15, 2020 and the incident at Yangtse (Tawang), Arunachal Pradesh, on December 9.

On both occasions, the Army had countered the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) of China along the Line of Actual Control (LAC), pushing it back.

Rajnath Singh said India, under the leadership of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, is touching newer heights of success and has entered the category of ‘fabulous five’ from ‘fragile five’, as he referred to the term coined by an international investment firm in 2014.

“India is now among the top five economies of the world. It took us 31 years from 1991 to become a $3 trillion economy. I am confident that the next $3 trillion will be added in the next seven years,” the minister added.

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, December 17

Chairing the 25th Eastern Zonal Council (EZC) meeting in Kolkata today, Union Home Minister Amit Shah impressed upon the participating Chief Ministers that the states having borders with Bangladesh also have a responsibility along with the BSF for the security of India’s frontiers.

Sharing details of deliberations at the meeting, sources said illegal infiltration, trans-border smuggling and the vulnerable India-Bangladesh boundary were among several issued discussed.

With West Bengal being the host state, the meeting was held at the state secretariat in Kolkata.

Issues like transportation facilities and water-sharing among states were also discussed during the meeting, which was attended by Chief Ministers of West Bengal and Jharkhand Mamata Banerjee and Hemant Soren, respectively. Bihar was represented by Deputy CM Tejashwi Yadav and from Odisha, state minister Pradeep Amat attended the meeting.

The role of the BSF was discussed in light of the increase in the operational area of the border force earlier this year.

The meeting also discussed resurgence of Maoist activities in the tri-junction of Jharkhand-Odisha-West Bengal. It was decided that states and the Centre would share real-time information on Maoist activities in the red zone, the officials said.

Mamata highlighted that arms are being smuggled into West Bengal from neighbouring states and coordinated steps were needed to check the menace.

Warship is packed with sophisticated state-of-the-art weapons and sensors

PTI

Mumbai, December 18

The stealth guided missile destroyer Mormugao was commissioned into the Indian Navy on Sunday.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, Navy chief Admiral R Hari Kumar and Goa CM Pramod Sawant were among those present at the commissioning ceremony in Mumbai.

Singh said the warship’s commissioning will boost India’s maritime power. He termed INS Mormugao as the most technologically advanced warship.

Indian economy is among the top five economies in the world, and according to experts, will be among the top three in 2027, Singh said.

The Navy chief said the commissioning of the warship, on the eve of the Goa Liberation Day, is indicative of the large strides taken in warship design and building capability over the last decade.

INS Mormugao is the second of the four ‘Visakhapatnam’ class destroyers, indigenously designed by the Indian Navy’s in-house organisation, Warship Design Bureau and constructed by Mazagon Dock Shipbuilders Limited, Mumbai.

Named after the historic port city of Goa on the West coast, Mormugao coincidentally undertook her first sea sortie on December 19, 2021 when Goa celebrated 60 years of liberation from the Portuguese rule.

The warship is packed with sophisticated state-of-the-art weapons and sensors such as surface to surface missile and surface to air missiles. It is fitted with a modern surveillance radar which provides target data to the gunnery weapon systems on board.

Respected ESMs and Veer Narees
1.Writ petition has been filed for further extension of OROP arrears
2.All ESM and Veer Narees are requested to take out Rosh Rallies in respective Districts/Tehsil/Blocks on 20 Dec 22.
3.Vernacular media coverage in respect of Pathankot is enclosed
May I request all Ex Dist Heads to pl organize Rosh Rallies at Dist and Tehsil levels.

For 20 Dec 22 Motorcycle Rosh Rallies Shall have Two Mudhas

1. Implement OROP web 01Jul 19.
   2.Implement GoG Scheme Pan India as was done by Ex CM of Punjab for Punjab State

Warm Regards
Brig Prahlad Singh Veteran

It may appear incongruous that the military of a nuclear wannabe superpower indulges in such scuffles on its borders. However, these brawls are, in fact, a ‘strategic’ signalling of intent! They are a clear pointer to a more aggressive and assertive communist leadership of China.

Advertisement

Lt Gen Pradeep Bali (retd)

Military Commentator

THE face-off leading to a clash between the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) and personnel of the Indian Army in the Yangtse area of Tawang in western Arunachal Pradesh on December 9 was a conflict waiting to happen, with a sense of unease prevailing along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China. An important marker as a run-up to this fight was the strong protests by the Chinese Government over the joint military exercises between Indian and US armies in the central sector of Uttarakhand, about 100 km from the LAC.

The clash at Yangtse has taken place over two years after the last bout of jostling in eastern Ladakh. This kind of violent pushing and shoving has been occurring since long, especially in disputed areas of Arunachal Pradesh and Sikkim.

However, in view of the fatalities in the Galwan valley clash of June 2020, any such confrontation draws immediate and heightened attention. The PLA seems to be perfecting its street-gang style of fighting along the LAC and has equipped its border troops with spiked clubs and tasers to pulverise the opponent in a conflict which precludes the use of firearms.

The Galwan clash and the resultant casualties highlighted the lethality of such improvisations for physical fights. However, this time the Indian troops were well prepared both in terms of pre-empting the enemy build-up by reinforcing their own threatened position and being armed with the right type of equipment. The efficacy of tasers against enemy personnel in moisture-affected winter clothing at these heights can be fatal. While the focus is on harnessing technology for indigenisation of big-ticket defence equipment and weapon systems, efforts also have to be made for equipping the soldiers on these icy heights with riot-control gear. This kind of inventory becomes important when faced with an adversary who will unscrupulously attempt bullying tactics and fisticuffs in scuffles for seizing control of areas.

It may appear incongruous that the military of a nuclear wannabe superpower indulges in such scuffles on its borders. However, these brawls are, in fact, a ‘strategic’ signalling of intent! They are a clear pointer to a more aggressive and assertive communist leadership of China. The 20th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in October saw not only the emergence and endorsement of the paramount leader, but also was a clear pointer to how China will conduct its business on the global stage. Chinese President Xi Jinping’s strident stance at the G20 summit in Indonesia was not only a reflection on his perceived dominance as a powerful leader, but also how China now views the world.

At the CCP Congress, the official line was very clear about the approach to local (neighbourhood) conflicts and how China intends dealing with them. These are mainly regarding Taiwan, disputes in the South China Sea, island territories with Japan and the trans-Himalayan conflict on the LAC with India.

While Taiwan and other maritime disputes can well be managed by a combination of deft brinkmanship, coercion and economic influence, a major concern will remain the plethora of issues with India. The unsettled land border, stretching for 3,488 km along the LAC, has well-identified disputed and sensitive areas. This border, which is contested all along due to the ambitiously manufactured Chinese claim lines, has become live or rather lively due to their testing the waters in eastern Ladakh with indifferent results. The presence of the Dalai Lama and the Central Tibetan Administration-in-exile on Indian soil has always been a sore point in bilateral relations. Besides, China sees India as the sole challenger to its regional domination in Asia, which it aspires for as a prelude to global superpower status. Resolving these irritants with India on its terms would therefore gain priority for the CCP leadership in the days ahead.

The border standoff in eastern Ladakh with the PLA, which began in mid-2020, has entered a stalemate phase, with the latest round of talks achieving little progress and the Indian Army formations committed in the bleak and hostile terrain for the long haul. The only time these talks were followed up in right earnest was when Indian troops occupied the important features on the Kailash range, south of Pangong Tso, which effectively dominated forward posts of the PLA. The Chinese were quick to concede on a quid-pro-quo basis and even dismantled habitations and other structures while pulling back along the north bank of Pangong Tso. This was a clear indicator that China respects and listens when spoken to from a position of strength. The rapid PLA withdrawal after the clash at Yangtse appears to be in the same vein.

The fact of the matter is this unease will continue along the LAC and we have to live with it as the PLA will endeavour for a more aggressive approach in gaining positions of advantage anywhere along our northern borders. At the same time, China will continue to stress on delinking border scuffles from overall bilateral relations, while India will emphasise on a holistic approach with peace on the borders as a prerequisite. The on-ground implication for the Indian Army is increased year-round deployment in hostile terrain and weather.

China, apart from maintaining a belligerent military posture, would amply harness the media and look for every opportunity to keep India in a reactive mode, while dragging on with dispute resolution mechanisms. Being prepared on all counts, be it militarily or diplomatically and which includes pre-emption when required, is the only way to tackle this threat to national security. We need a proactive mindset to deter China for the Chinese communists are firmly committed to maximising their power in the world and we happen to be their formidable neighbours, with a turbulent relationship between us.

The Yangtse clash does not augur well for the restoration of peace and tranquillity on the disturbed border. When, not if, the Chinese open a second front, the centre of gravity will be Yangtse and Tawang. The Chinese have indicated willingness to escalate, and open a new front.

Maj Gen Ashok K Mehta (Retd)

The Tawang clash on December 9 has inspired different versions of the Chinese People’s Liberation Army’s (PLA) attempt to ‘gain’ access to commanding heights of Yangtse, which virtually dominates the heavily defended Tawang bowl. Its strategic value was identified by a former Chief of the Army Staff, Gen Krishnaswamy Sundarji, following the Sumdorong Chu intrusion in 1986 by the PLA which led to India’s second effort at Forward Posture in Arunachal Pradesh.

One account says the PLA’s stealth operation tried to dislodge Indian troops occupying Yangtse. Another description suggests the PLA was only establishing its claim by presence, leaving the usual telltale signs in the area. The unofficial ground version is different.

Defence Minister Rajnath Singh informed Parliament that Chinese troops attempted to transgress the Line of Actual Control (LAC) in the Yangtse sector and unilaterally change the status quo. This was contested by our troops, resulting in a scuffle that led to injuries on both sides and compelled the PLA to return to their posts. A bald and bland statement, avoiding details of the encounter. In their version, the Chinese were even more sparse: troops on regular patrol on the Chinese side of the LAC at Dongzhang were blocked by the Indian personnel, who illegally crossed the LAC. Note, there is no mention of a scuffle or casualties. Because India invariably evades the description of a clash, journalists rely on secondary material or simply conjure up facts.

Commanders in the chain of command in 4 Corps responsible for Arunachal Pradesh say that Yangtse is a disputed area in “reverse occupation of India” — a vital ground the Chinese claim, but under Indian occupation. Every year for the last six years, between September and December, the PLA asserts its right to access the Yangtse area, crossing an Indian-erected wall and momentarily celebrating the transgression.

On December 9, the strength and modus operandi was more provocative than in the past. Around 300 PLA troops (number usually is 50 to 100) were involved. They were carrying weapons, muzzle down and slung on the back, with additional hardware like clubs and sticks.

Indian troops were forewarned. There was no question of the PLA doing a ‘Kailash’, as the Special Frontier Force (SFF) did two years ago in Ladakh or dislodging the occupied post. The scuffles have escalated to assaults with medieval artefacts to break bones and smash skulls, whereas previously, it was only shove, push and jostle. This is a replay of Galwan, with the PLA getting more aggressive and can one day escalate to undo Indian occupation of Yangtse.

The government has promulgated an official gag in Parliament on Ladakh and the China border since the PLA intrusions in 2020. China was virtually exonerated for transgressions by Prime Minister Narendra Modi when he said: “No one has entered Indian territory, nor has anyone occupied it.” On Tuesday, in Parliament, Home Minister Amit Shah claimed: “No one can capture an inch of Indian land till Modi is in power.

A debate in Parliament is disallowed on the plea that it is a sensitive border issue and will question the valour of our soldiers. Instead, the government harks back to the Nehru era or Chinese donations to the Rajiv Gandhi Foundation to mask intelligence and operational failures in 2022 and the strategic folly of vacating the Kailash heights.

Tawang has for long been coveted by China as it fortifies Tibet’s claim to Arunachal Pradesh (which it calls south Tibet) as the sixth Dalai Lama was born here. This, in turn, strengthens their authority and right to select the next Dalai Lama, a highly emotive issue in Tibet and Dharamsala. One of the sticking points during the talks on political parameters and guiding principles for border issues was for Tawang to be included under ‘compromises’ in a proposed deal: ‘concessions in the west for concessions in the east.’

Talks were destined to fail due to a clause on ‘national sentiment’ that trumped the one on ‘settled populations to not be disturbed’, referring to Tawang. The truth is: China will never solve the border row or identify the LAC as it facilitates coercive diplomacy through land grab.

The Yangtse clash does not augur well for the restoration of peace and tranquillity on the disturbed border. When, not if, the Chinese open a second front, the centre of gravity will be Yangtse and Tawang. The construction of new roads and infrastructure along with the development of moderately prosperous dual-use Chinese villages opposite Arunachal Pradesh will enhance the PLA military capacities and operational logistics. This is the area the Chinese had captured in 1962, but withdrew 20 km behind it. During the SCO summit at Samarkand in September, China issued an official map in which Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh were incorporated with the names of places in Mandarin.

The clash at Yangtse, according to commanders on the ground, though the most serious transgression since 2016, has been over-hyped. The Chinese have indicated willingness to escalate, and open a new front. Any military or diplomatic breakthrough despite Modi’s handshake last month with President Xi at Bali should be ruled out. Already under pressure for losing patrolling rights and grazing grounds and accepting DMZs (demilitarised zones) from Depsang to Demchok, Chinese forays across the McMahon Line are like rubbing salt in the wound. For the Modi government to go into the 2024 General Election with scars of Ladakh and attempted salami slicing in Arunachal Pradesh is embarrassing even under the glow of the G20 presidency.

o counter radar pickup limitations, we need to employ traditional air defence methods such as ‘broadcast control’ with suitable mobile observer unit arcs to facilitate timely fighter detection and interception in the hostile terrain. Another vital role for air power is lateral switching of combat troops between valleys. Counter-air and air interdiction would play important roles in bottling up enemy air power, thus facilitating our own ground manoeuvres.

Gp Capt Murli Menon (Retd)

Defence Analyst

THE recent clash between Indian and Chinese troops at Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh and the increased probability of such incidents recurring have raised the question of how important an operational role the Indian Air Force (IAF) has to play in countering the belligerent adversary along our 3,488-km-long border, which runs along Jammu & Kashmir, Himachal Pradesh, Uttarakhand, Sikkim and Arunachal Pradesh.

The traditional non-employment of kinetic weaponry by both sides is welcome as it prevents a larger conflict. The latest incident also showed the initiative of the lower-rung leadership of the Indian Army which does not always look over its shoulders for sanction from seniors.

Indeed, this professionally aggressive stance of the Indian armed forces, along with the training that soldiers have undergone recently through exercises such as ‘Yudh Abhyas’, is what riles the Dragon enough to bare its fangs periodically.

The IAF, coincidentally, undertook large-scale air exercises along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) and a NOTAM (Notice to Airmen) also talked of an impending intercontinental ballistic missile (ICBM) test off our eastern seaboard. Important as would be the political signalling in dealing with the recalcitrant, ill-intentioned neighbour, a calculated and measured response is required to counter such border transgressions.

It is a fact that aggressive use of air power does traditionally tend to accentuate tensions in hair-trigger standoffs. So the scope of employment of air power in such scenarios during peacetime would no doubt be limited, albeit somewhat advantageous, considering the inhospitable terrain involved, with heights touching 17,000 feet above the mean sea level, testing the limits of human endurance.

Even the reportedly limited air activity by the Chinese in the Tawang region needs to be noted, especially J11s from airfields across the LAC such as Hogan, Kashgar and Gar Gunsa. Another fighter-capable airfield is being developed at Shakche. But regardless of the buildup of the border infrastructure by the adversary, the Chinese are handicapped in terms of air power projection such as load and range limitation. Another limitation, of course applicable to both sides, would be the shrunk radar horizons, thanks to the terrain.

India would seek to counter Chinese air deployments through combat air patrols at its airfields in the Kashmir valley in the north and Tezpur and Hasimara in the east, where Rafale-class aircraft have been reportedly deployed.

As for the radar pickup limitations, we would need to employ traditional air defence methods such as ‘broadcast control’ with suitable mobile observer unit arcs to facilitate timely fighter detection and interception in the hostile terrain.

Another vital role for air power is lateral switching of combat troops between valleys. This is where platforms of Chinook’s ilk would play a crucial role. Our transport fleet, including IL-76s, C-17s, AN-32s, the ensuing CN-295s and the Super Hercules C-130Js would also find employability in rapid and timely lateral movement of troops and equipment between the combat zones. As for unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs), kinetic attacks by armed UAVs would be few and far between until UAV capabilities improve dramatically in the future. Counter-air and air interdiction would play important roles in bottling up enemy air power, thus facilitating our own ground manoeuvres. Some analysts have been articulating as to how ballistic missiles could replace conventional air power to make up for numbers. It needs no gainsaying that missiles do have a role in future hot-war situations, but that would be limited to the planned strategic air campaign of the IAF, of course armed with conventional warheads.

As for border infrastructure enhancement, suitable stretches of the upcoming road networks along the LAC need to be constructed for ‘dual use’ to augment airfield paucity in some sectors. Bulk petrol installations and bomb dumps would also need positioning to support an offensive in mountainous terrain. The newly raised Mountain Strike Corps would have its task cut out, especially for special operations in the valleys and over enemy airfields.

The IAF needs to scale up its high-altitude armament delivery training capabilities at locations such as Tosa Maidan, Kartso, Dollungmukh and other ranges across the LAC. Other aspects of air power employment in a hot-war scenario would involve the use of our low-speed assets such as trainer and combat helicopters of the Prachand variety for ground attack and anti-UAV operations.

The combat-support operations such as photo recce along valleys, casualty evacuations and air-transport operations will have their place in any future air war along the LAC. Target areas would need geological studies to assess vulnerability to landslides and avalanches, as those would be standard operating procedures for mountainous air operations.

Some counter-air and strategic targets could well be engaged by way of the BrahMos with conventional warheads. Air warfare in the mountains is challenging and elaborate peacetime training would be called for the aircrew to achieve proficiency. We need to take a cue from air wars already fought in such terrain such as the Bekaa Valley operations by Israel in 1982 during ‘Operation Peace for Galilee’ in Lebanon, wherein the deadly duel between fighters and surface-to-air missiles was vividly demonstrated.

In any war, doctrinally, a fighting force needs to pit its strengths against the enemy’s weaknesses. So, we should capitalise on the strengths of the IAF in combat efficiency, superior training and international exposure to achieve war aims in any future armed conflict, especially when confronting an adversary, perhaps numerically superior but weak in modern air-war fighting.

PTI

Kolkata, December 16

Border areas along the country’s northern frontier are “stable” and Indian Armed forces remain “firmly in control”, Eastern Army commander Lt General RP Kalita on Friday said.

Kalita’s assertion comes a week after Indian and Chinese soldiers clashed at the border area of Yangtze, to the north east of the monastery town of Tawang in Arunachal Pradesh, which had been invaded by China’s PLA in 1962.

Stating that there are different perceptions of the Line of Actual Control (LAC) by the Indian Army and China’s People’s Liberation Army at several points, he said that eight of these areas are acknowledged by both sides.

Kalita said that the PLA transgressed in one of these areas in the Tawang sector in Arunachal Pradesh, which was “very firmly contested” by Indian forces on ground.

“Presently, would like to assure everybody that the border areas along the northern frontier are stable and we are firmly in control,” General Officer Commanding-in-Chief (GOC-in-C), Eastern Command, Lt General Kalita said.

Maintaining that there were some minor injuries to soldiers of both sides, he said that local commanders were able to resolve the issue by carrying out negotiations resorting to existing protocols.

“It led to some amount of physical violence, but it was contained at the local level resorting to existing bilateral mechanisms and protocols,” the Eastern Army commander said.https://47408445cac6c2b66244787ca171ff1d.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-40/html/container.html

He said that this was followed by flag meeting at the delegation level at Bumla, wherein the issue was resolved further.

To a question whether there was any incursion by China or any land in Arunachal was being held by India’s northern neighbour, the Army commander said “the short answer is no.”  Kalita was speaking to reporters after a solemn wreath ceremony at Fort William, the Eastern Command headquarters here, on the 51st Vijay Diwas marking the victory over Pakistan by Indian armed forces and Mukti Bahini leading to the liberation of Bangladesh in 1971.

The Army commander said that as military men, the Armed forces are always prepared to safeguard the nation, “whether in peace or in conflict”, asserting that primary task of the defence forces is to ensure territorial integrity of the country against any external or internal threat

“We are prepared for all eventualities and all contingencies,” he said.

Pointing to building of new roads, railway tracks, airports and communication lines, Kalita said that in the last 10-15 years there has been a huge focus on infrastructure development, particularly in the border areas, which is definitely going to enhance the Indian Armed forces’ operational capabilities.  

PTI

Kolkata, December 16

Eastern Army commander Lieutenant General R P Kalita on Friday said there were no fresh developments on construction of infrastructure by China at Doklam, the strategic valley in Bhutan at the tri-junction of three countries.

His statement came in the backdrop of media reports of construction of a ropeway at Torsa Nala near Doklam by the Chinese People’s Liberation Army.

“There has been no fresh development as far as Doklam is concerned with regard to infrastructure development,” General Officer Commanding-in-Chief (GOC-in-C), Eastern Command, Lt General Kalita said.

The Doklam standoff in 2017 occurred when a PLA combat engineering unit started building a road in the high plateau leading to a 73-day standoff between Indian and Chinese forces. The imbroglio was resolved through talks.

“Thereafter there is a protocol which is being followed in Doklam area by both sides in which there is regular interaction between the local commanders so that there is no new construction on both sides,” he said in answer to a question on whether China is actively building infrastructure such as roads and ropeways on its side in Doklam.

Indian security establishment has been always aware of the strategic importance of the Doklam plateau given the fact that the high ground can be used to target the narrow Siliguri corridor which connects mainland India with the Northeast.

India has over the last few decades been upgrading its own border infrastructure keeping in mind the threat perception from the North as also raised a mountain strike formation – XVII corps based in Panagarh in West Bengal.https://c295bfc314d6fe79b00677040b085eb4.safeframe.googlesyndication.com/safeframe/1-0-40/html/container.html

With regard to development of new roads, bridges and tunnels by India in the northeastern states, especially in the border areas, Kalita said improvement in infrastructure primarily helps in enhancing the armed forces’ operational capabilities in terms of force mobilisation in designated areas in the shortest time frame.

He said that apart from roads, infrastructure development means railways, airports, helipads and communication infrastructure as well.

“In the last about 10-15 years, (there has been) a huge focus on infrastructure development, particularly in the border areas which definitely are going to assist and enhance our op (operational) capabilities,” he added.