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n a significant security breach, the System for Pension Administration Raksha (SPARSH) portal, India’s central web-based system for automating pension processes for defense personnel, including Army, Navy, Air Force, and civilian defense staff, has suffered a massive data leak.
Thousands of defense personnel’s sensitive information has been exposed in the SPARSH portal data leak, raising serious concerns about the privacy and security of those who have served in the nation’s defense forces.
The SPARSH portal, instrumental in managing pension-related procedures for Indian defense personnel, was developed by Tata Consultancy Services (TCS). TCS, known for its significant market capitalization, is recognized as one of India’s top IT companies and a globally esteemed IT service brand.
The SPARSH Portal data leak includes sensitive particulars such as usernames, passwords, URLs, and Pension Numbers, posing a grave threat to the privacy and financial security of the affected pensioners.
Notably, credentials granting access to this sensitive information have surfaced on Telegram, creating the potential for misuse and manipulation of crucial pension-related processes.
The information belonging to the SPARSH data leak is also reportedly being sold on a Russian marketplace, raising apprehensions about the possible involvement of Russian hacker groups. The leaked data, sized at 0.41Mb and priced at $9.00, is attributed to the malware ‘lumma’.
The exposed confidential details from the portal are primarily of personnel in Kerala. This adds an international dimension to the data breach, intensifying worries about the broader implications and potential misuse of the exposed data.
Following the SPARSH portal data leak, The Cyber Express team managed to access the exposed data and was able to log into the portal using the compromised credentials and gain unrestricted access to personal information.
The SPARSH portal, an essential component of the Centralized Pension Disbursement System (CPDS), provides a range of features for defense pensioners. The SPARSH portal data leak poses severe implications for these key functionalities:
Pensioner Profile Management: The leaked data exposes the profiles of thousands of pensioners, including personal details and information about their dependents.
Pensioner Data Verification (PDV): The compromised data could undermine the accuracy of pensioner data, giving unauthorized individuals control over information sent to the Pension Sanction Authority.
Application Tracking: Pensioners’ ability to track their pension applications and receive real-time status updates is jeopardized, impacting the transparency of the pension disbursement process.
Pension Disbursement: The compromised data puts the direct transfer of pensions to the linked bank accounts of pensioners at risk, potentially affecting the financial stability of retirees.
Life Certificate Submission: Pensioners’ ability to submit life certificates through the portal for authentication, a crucial step for initiating pension requests, may be compromised.
The SPARSH portal, intended to simplify pension-related activities for defense pensioners, now faces scrutiny over its security measures. The Cyber Express has sought official statements and clarification from the Ministry of Defence and Tata Consultancy Services regarding the SPARSH portal security lapse.
This incident highlights critical vulnerabilities in the system responsible for handling the pensions of India’s defense community.
This incident is part of a concerning trend involving cyber threats targeting Indian government portals. In 2023, an unidentified individual operating under the ominous pseudonym ‘dawnofdevil’ claimed responsibility for compromising the security of the Income Tax Department of India.
However, as of now, the claims of a data breach at the Income Tax Department by the threat actor are yet to be officially confirmed.
In a separate incident, the Phoenix hacker group, affiliated with the pro-Russia hacker group Killnet, asserted that they had conducted multiple cyberattacks on the Ministry of Health in India. The group also claimed to possess access to sensitive data concerning hospitals, staff, and chief physicians.
As per a post shared on their Telegram channel, the hacker collective asserted having gained unauthorized access to the systems of India’s Ministry of Health. Additionally, Indian taxpayers are facing risks, as reports of a data leak from an organization providing tax assistance have surfaced in the media.
According to threat intelligence received by The Cyber Express, a hacker forum user known by the username ‘Hacking’ publicly released Indian taxpayer data on September 27, 2023.
In light of these incidents, all SPARSH portal users are advised to promptly change their passwords as a precautionary measure and remain vigilant for any suspicious activities related to their pension accounts.
Furthermore, authorities must conduct a thorough investigation, enhance the portal’s security measures, and take swift action against those responsible for the SPARSH portal data leak.
Media Disclaimer: This report is based on internal and external research obtained through various means. The information provided is for reference purposes only, and users bear full responsibility for their reliance on it. The Cyber Express assumes no liability for the accuracy or consequences of using this information.
Arjun Sharma
Jammu, January 9
Army assistance sought
As a result, 25 years after the Kargil war, many areas will be developed as tourist spots for which Ladakh administration has sought Army’s help. Mushkoh Valley is among the areas which witnessed battles between Indian and Pakistani forces.
Other areas which saw battles including Kaksar, Chulichan, and Gargardo in Kargil are also set to get a facelift to increase tourism potential of these places.
Secretary, Tourism and Culture Department, Ladakh, Kacho Mehboob Ali Khan, recently held a meeting with Army officials and discussed the issues of bolstering tourism and enhancing infrastructure at locations close to LoC with Pakistan and Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China.
The Tourism department has held discussions with the 8 Mountain Division, Kargil, and 14 Corps based in Ladakh for Army’s support in development of the infrastructure in border areas.
“The discussions also focused on the promotion and sustainable development of tourism in these border areas by harnessing the unique attractions the region has to offer. The discussions acknowledged the strategic importance of Mushkoo Valley, Kaksar, Chulichan, and Gargardo and sought ways to leverage them to foster sustainable tourism,” said Secretary Tourism.
THE wait for action in Op Parakram turned out to be unending. There was uncertainty in the air as two nuclear powers came eyeball to eyeball, expecting the other to blink. Keeping the energy and josh intact was a major task. One morning, a helicopter was spotted circling over the camp, apparently intending to land. The unit was on high alert. Following an enquiry, the base replied: ‘Why has the helipad not been activated? The Station Commander and the Air HQ observer are right over your head.’
After an authentication, the helipad party rushed to uncover the ‘H’ marking for the visitors. Alighting, the observer, a senior officer, casually asked: ‘Why was there a delay in helipad activation’? I calmly cited the SOP, with the Station Commander nodding in agreement. The two officers were taken around. Both were impressed by the obvious hard work undertaken — innovative camouflaging, management of solid/liquid waste, underground armoury, op infrastructure well hidden, a motivated unit with a well-laid-out, clean camp, carefully dispersed assets and a treetop observation post.
Expectantly, the next day, instructions were received for field craft orientation and training for other units’ personnel at our unit. The task was undertaken in the coming week. Then, the news came about the impending visit of the Air Officer Commanding-in-chief (AOC-in-C) and the Defence Minister to the unit. Now this was a bit too much for the small unit. Concerns about the transport resources were duly conveyed. Curt but concise instructions followed: “Receive the AOC-in-C in the unit’s Maruti Gypsy at 11.30 am. Familiarise him with the camp set-up. Arrange lunch with unit personnel at 1300 hours. AOC-in-C, accompanied by you, will receive the Defence Minister. AOC-in-C will take the minister around. You be in the rear seat, ensuring all goes well and smooth. No frills, no formality.”
On D-Day, the AOC-in-C landed in time and regaled us with his sharp wit. During the buffet, he asked the head waiter, Kabul Singh, to offer a plate first to the juniormost person. ‘When I could eat heartily, I was last in the row. Now I can’t eat, but I get the plate first,’ he said jokingly.
Modestly dressed in kurta-pyjama and leather chappals, the minister arrived unobtrusively, slipping into the tent with the unit ready to listen to him. He exhorted all to be vigilant. Kabul proudly served juice and onion pakoras, which the minister politely declined. Kabul was not used to giving up easily. He said: ‘Sirji, inne shauk naal banaye han, tussi ta kujh wi nahi lainde (I fondly prepared them, but you are not taking anything).’ The minister finally relented: ‘Tussi pyaar nal keya, kidan mana kariye? (how can your loving offer be refused)’, triggering instant applause and laughter. No wonder the unit’s morale was on cloud nine throughout the deployment.
CHINA’s rubber-stamp parliament, known as the National People’s Congress (NPC), recently decided to remove nine PLA Generals — Zhang Zhenshong, Zhang Yulin, Rao Wenmin, Ju Xinchun, Ding Laihong, Lu Hong, Li Yuchao, Li Chuanguang and Zhou Yaning — from the national legislature on corruption charges. They included five former commanders or vice commanders of the PLA Rocket Force, a former air force chief and a navy commander responsible for the South China Sea region. Wu Yansheng, Chairman of the China Aerospace Science and Technology Corporation, and Liu Shiquan, Chairman of the Norinco Group, a major manufacturer of military equipment, were also shown the door.
Those terminated from the rocket force were reportedly linked to dismissed Defence Minister Gen Li Shangfu, who was sacked in October 2023 on corruption charges. Wei Fenghe, a former Defence Minister who used to head the force, was removed in August, again for alleged corruption. Foreign Minister Qin Gang was fired in July for allegedly passing on sensitive information though his mistress to foreign intelligence agencies. Gen Dong Jun, a close confidant of Chinese President Xi Jinping, was appointed the new Defence Minister by the NPC.
Many of these sacked Generals had worked in the defence procurement department. While corruption in the Chinese military is not new, the sacking of so many ‘tainted’ senior officers exposes systemic deficiencies in their selection and the equipment procurement process. Given that many of these officers worked in the Rocket Force, which oversees the delivery of China’s nuclear weapons, it shows that the vetting procedure for top jobs was deficient. Since the selection of the Generals is done by the Central Military Commission (CMC) headed by President Xi, it has also revealed glaring weaknesses in the appointment process. Since some of these Generals were appointed on the basis of their work or acquaintance with Xi himself, he is also partially responsible for the selection of unsuitable persons for top-level jobs.ADVERTISEMENT
After Xi came to power in 2012, he launched a vigorous campaign to target the corrupt elements in the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the military. Some of the arrested persons included his political opponents, who posed a threat to him. As per a report, 120 high-ranking officials, including 58 Generals, had been prosecuted till 2023. At the 20th Party Congress in October 2022, Xi said: “Corruption is the biggest cancer that harms the vitality and combat effectiveness of the party and anti-corruption is the most thorough self-revolution.” The Chinese government has not commented on the purge of senior officials in the military, though in July 2023, Xi called for “deepening reforms in the armed forces and improving the strategic management of the military”.
The Chinese military suffers from a lack of institutional control and oversight as there is no legislative check on the procurement of military equipment. Since there are party members in the judiciary and the media, there is no independent scrutiny of the purchase procedure or system. As Xi has insisted that the military should be fully answerable to the CCP and to him personally, there is no independent party supervision on the military’s functioning which used to exist during the tenure of Xi’s predecessors. Even other members of the Politburo Standing Committee do not have any oversight over military affairs now as Xi is keen on taking full control of the military. He has installed his trusted lieutenants in the CMC to ensure that his instructions on the functioning of the military are duly carried out.
The widespread corruption in the ranks of the Chinese military and the sacking of several Generals have undermined some of the aura being built assiduously by Xi about raising a “world-class military” by pumping billions of dollars into such unprecedented militarisation in peacetime. The vast corruption casts doubts about the fighting prowess of the military and its effectiveness to prevail in any serious conflict with the US over Taiwan. Some analysts have expressed similar doubts about the quality and working of the weapon systems inducted by these Generals.
The sackings could also damage the morale in the lower ranks. Since these Generals are being replaced by commanders from other units, loyalty is being given preference over domain expertise, thus weakening the professional capabilities of the military. The corruption scandals would also heighten domestic scepticism over the credibility of the top leadership, including Xi himself, and could affect his control over the security forces and the people at large. His administrative acumen, knowledge and leadership skills would be challenged more as the Chinese economy is also not performing well — the realty sector (with large-scale investments by the middle class) is ailing, there is a decline in foreign and domestic private investment, domestic consumption is low and there is large-scale unemployment, particularly among the youth.
Xi is aware that he needs to control the military before he can control everything else. His immediate focus is on obtaining the absolute loyalty of the military rather than boosting its combat capabilities or winning wars with foreign countries. Given the considerable disaffection against his policies among former party leaders, certain ranks of the party, military, business, industry and professionals, he cannot afford to loosen his hold on on the military. Given the political nature of the Chinese armed forces, its one-man control and organisational structure, the corruption in its ranks can’t be entirely eliminated. It can at best be reduced. Understanding his vulnerabilities, Xi has diminished his hubris against the US and agreed to a dialogue on various contentious issues to bide this difficult time and tend to his domestic problems.
New Delhi, January 9
Brig AJS Behl, a veteran of the 1962 India-China war who remained in Chinese captivity for about a year after the war, passed way in Chandigarh on Monday at the age of 83 following illness.
Brig Behl was commissioned into the Regiment of Artillery in 1961. He was part of the deployment the Army had made at Namka Chu, northwestern Arunachal Pradesh, during the 1962 war with China. Brig Behl, then with the 17 Para Field Regiment, was deployed in the area when the first wave of attacks happened. He was taken prisoner of war along with 38 men. He was repatriated the next year. Later, he commanded 195 Medium Regiment. Namka Chu was the first to be attacked on October 20, 1962, according to book “History of the Conflict with China — 1962”.
Singh is accompanied by a Ministry of Defence delegation comprised of senior officials from the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), Service Headquarters, Department of Defence, and Department of Defence Production
London: Defence Minister Rajnath Singh arrived in London on Monday for a three-day visit focusing on all aspects of the India-UK Defence Partnership and to hold high-level discussions covering a wide range of defence, security and industrial cooperation issues.
Singh is accompanied by a Ministry of Defence delegation comprised of senior officials from the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO), Service Headquarters, Department of Defence, and Department of Defence Production.
Besides a bilateral meeting with his UK counterpart, Defence Secretary Grant Shapps, he is also expected to meet Prime Minister Rishi Sunak and Foreign Secretary David Cameron.
The UK, in partnership with Italy and Japan, has launched a program to produce the 6th generation fighter jet named it the ‘Tempest’. The partners of the project have shown interest that India should be part it.
The partners of the ‘Tempest’ project have shown interest that India should be part it. The topic is expected to come up when Rajnath Singh holds a bilateral meeting with his UK counterpart Secretary of State for Defence Grant Shapps.
“They are expected to discuss a wide range of defence, security and industrial cooperation issues,” the Ministry of Defence said today.
India is currently producing 4th generation jet the Light Combat Aircraft Tejas and is ready to take a leap and make an indigenous fifth generation Advanced Medium Combat Aircraft (AMCA) planned for induction in 8-10 years from now. The AMCA is being designed in India and will be manufactured here. It is planned to have General Electric engines and the Safran engine for two separate versions. The Tejas uses a GE engine.
The UK, Italy and Japan partnership aims to go a step ahead of fifth-generations capabilities.
The three countries have formed what is called the Global Combat Air Programme (GCAP). The three governments also formed the GCAP International Government Organisation (GIGO).
Ministers from Italy, Japan and the UK have signed a treaty on GIGO, which is an agreement over shared design and development of the ‘Tempest’ that could be roll out by 2035, almost by the time India rolls out the AMCA.
“During his visit, the Raksha Mantri will hold a bilateral meeting with his UK counterpart Secretary of State for Defence, Mr Grant Shapps. They are expected to discuss a wide range of defence, security and industrial cooperation issues,” the Ministry of Defence in New Delhi said in a pre-visit statement over the weekend.
“Shri Rajnath Singh is also expected to call on UK Prime Minister Mr Rishi Sunak and hold a meeting with Secretary of State for Foreign, Commonwealth & Development Affairs Mr David Cameron. He will also interact with the CEOs and industry leaders of the UK Defence Industry and meet with the Indian community there,” the statement added.
A ceremonial Guard of Honour, visits to Mahatma Gandhi and Dr B.R. Ambedkar memorials, a defence industry roundtable and community interactions with the Indian diaspora at Neasden Temple and India House are on the agenda during what is seen as a significant visit, given that the last Indian defence ministerial-level visit to the UK took place 22 years ago.
“In substantive terms, the visit will seek to deepen military cooperation and defence industrial partnerships with the UK by building on the November 2023 Defence Consultative Group (DCG) meeting in Delhi at the level of Secretaries and the inaugural meeting of the 2+2 Foreign and Defence Dialogue at the level of Joint Secretaries in October 2023,” says Rahul Roy-Chaudhury, Senior Fellow for South and Central Asian Defence, Strategy and Diplomacy at the London-based think tank International Institute for Strategic Studies (IISS).
The defence analyst believes that through the ministerial-level dialogue, the British government could seek to provide an “enabling environment” for British companies to pursue these objectives in India.
“Also, with India’s and the UK’s recent focus on the Indo-Pacific, there is a unique opportunity to bolster naval and maritime security cooperation with third countries in the western Indian Ocean region, including with Oman and Kenya, which host UK military and naval presence amidst a greater role and influence in the area by the Indian Navy,” he noted.
The last visit by an Indian defence minister to the UK was by George Fernandes in the Atal Bihari Vajpayee-led BJP government back in January 2002. A previously planned visit by Rajnath Singh to the UK in June 2022 was called off by the Indian side for “protocol reasons”, making this week’s tour a keenly watched one.
INS Vikrant was commissioned in Sep 2022. It is one of the two aircraft carriers in the Indian Navy
New Delhi: China and India are scrambling to expand their naval capabilities amid their growing rivalry in the Indo-Pacific region, making moves toward each putting a third aircraft carrier into service.
The latest footage of China’s new Fujian aircraft carrier, aired by state broadcaster CCTV on Jan. 2, showed what appeared to be three catapult tracks on its deck.
In a November article by Hong Kong newspaper Ming Pao, an expert said the Fujian had succeeded in launching a wheeled object while docked in Shanghai. Video circulated on social media of a splash in front of the Fujian, suggesting that something had fallen into the water.
Also in November, the South China Morning Post reported that the Fujian had moved around 27 meters from its usual berthing place before returning two days later — a potential sign of an inclining test to gauge its weight, centre of gravity and stability.
Based on expert analyses, the Communist Party-affiliated Global Times reported last week that the Fujian could soon enter trials at sea. Japanese security officials also believe the carrier to be undergoing final preparations for a test sailing.
Taiwan’s defence ministry predicts that the Fujian will be commissioned in 2025. This means that the carrier could play a role should China launch an armed invasion of Taiwan.
Launched in June 2022, the Fujian is China’s largest warship, with a displacement of more than 80,000 tonnes. By comparison, the Japan Maritime Self-Defence Force’s largest vessel — the JS Izumo — has a displacement of 27,000 tonnes.
The Chinese carrier is named after Fujian province, where President Xi Jinping worked for years before rising to the national stage. It can carry 60 to 70 fighter jets and early-warning aircraft — at least 50% more than the Liaoning, a refurbished Ukrainian carrier, and the Shandong, China’s first homegrown carrier.
Its most distinctive feature is its electromagnetic catapults. These catapults “allow aircrafts to take off while carrying more weight in missiles and fuel, which improves their range and combat capabilities and expands tactical options,” said Masafumi Iida, who heads the China division at Japan’s National Institute for Defence Studies.
The Liaoning and Shandong, by contrast, are equipped with ski-jump ramps, which provide some assistance but still require that aircraft take off under their own power. Smaller decks limit the size of the aircraft they can accommodate.
The U.S. currently has the world’s only armed forces with operational electromagnetic catapults. Some see nuclear power as the only way to meet the steep energy requirements of these catapults, though the Fujian is steam-powered.
“Even the U.S. military went through a lot of trial and error for its first vessel with electromagnetic catapults,” Iida said. “It will take time before the Fujian can smoothly launch planes.”
China’s military wants more of its vessels to be equipped with these catapults, stoking speculation that it could turn to nuclear power, starting with its fourth aircraft carrier. The U.S.-based Center for Strategic and Budgetary Assessments predicted in 2022 that the People’s Liberation Army “may have sufficient resources to boast five aircraft carriers” by 2031.
The increased Chinese military presence in the Indo-Pacific is pushing India to build a blue-water navy as well.
India now operates two aircraft carriers: the Russian-made INS Vikramaditya and the INS Vikrant — India’s first homegrown carrier, with a displacement of around 43,000 tonnes, which entered into service in 2022. Indian naval chief Adm. Hari Kumar said in October that there were plans to commission another Vikrant-class carrier.
China has established a presence in ports along the Indian Ocean, including in Pakistan and Sri Lanka, under its so-called String of Pearls strategy. India has responded with a push to bolster its naval capabilities so that it can operate even in faraway waters, near the Maldives and the Seychelles.
India’s basic naval strategy is to station a carrier in the Bay of Bengal to its east and another in the Arabian Sea to its west.
Any Chinese carrier approaching India would likely do so from the east. An Indian carrier in the waters would be able to mount some sort of response in coordination with the tri-service command center in the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
But because India only has two carriers, its defensive capabilities are stretched thin whenever one of them undergoes maintenance. India is focused on commissioning a third carrier to make up for this weakness.
India and the U.S. formed a working group on carrier-related technology in 2015. If necessary, India could advance domestic production of related components with American cooperation.
