The future battlefield is defined by hypersonic missiles, swarm drones, electronic warfare and artificial intelligence.

Lt Gen (retd) Harwant Singh

INDIA’S security environment has never been more demanding. To the west, Pakistan, now armed with fifth-generation Chinese aircraft, cyber support and satellite intelligence, continues its policy of a thousand cuts. During Operation Sindoor, China provided Pakistan with real-time ground intelligence. Pakistan has also concluded a defence pact with Saudi Arabia and maintains strong ties with both the US

To the north, Indian and Chinese troops remain deployed along the Line of Actual Control (LAC). China occupies parts of Indian territory in Ladakh and covets the Karakoram Pass for a direct link with the Shaksgam valley above the Siachen Glacier. Opposite Arunachal Pradesh — which China continues to claim and is also giving Chinese names to Indian villages and towns — Beijing has constructed a large number of villages along the LAC.

Meanwhile, Nepal is increasingly coming under Chinese influence. China is building a railway line to Kathmandu as part of the Belt and Road Initiative and has pressured Nepal to claim Kalapani and parts of Uttarakhand in order to control the Lipulekh Pass — which overlooks the Chinese road in Tibet — despite the long-recognised border running along the Kali Ganga.

The neighbourhood picture is equally troubling. The Agnipath scheme has led to Nepalese Gorkhas no longer joining the Indian Army; they may soon be absorbed into the Chinese military. Bhutan is leaning towards China. So too are Bangladesh and Myanmar, both of which have long received Chinese military equipment. In Sri Lanka and the Maldives, China has established a firm foothold.

China has built a significant presence in the Indian Ocean through what is widely described as a ‘String of Pearls’ — a network of commercial and military ports designed to secure energy routes and expand Beijing’s geopolitical influence. These include Kyaukphyu in Myanmar, Hambantota in Sri Lanka, Gwadar in Pakistan and Djibouti at the Horn of Africa. China now commands the largest navy in the world.

A country’s strategic environment has a direct bearing on its security requirements; India is today surrounded by hostile or compromised neighbours.

India’s defence allocation for FY2025-26 stands at approximately Rs 7.85 lakh crore. While capital expenditure has grown and 75% of acquisition funds are now reserved for domestic procurement, the structural weight of pensions — at nearly 22% of the total — continues to constrain modernisation. It is worth noting that age and physical fitness eligibility thresholds for serving personnel have also risen; a corresponding increase in the retirement age for soldiers to 42/45, and for junior commissioned officers and officers by two years, would reduce the pension burden while retaining experienced manpower.

The Agnipath scheme, conceived as a solution to the rising pension burden, has instead damaged unit cohesion and regimental spirit. As many as 50% of the Agniveers who feel they cannot make it to the 25% to be retained lose all interest, while in the remaining 50%, there is cut-throat competition to be retained.

India’s efforts at indigenisation under the ‘Make-in-India’ initiative have made limited progress. The country still imports close to 75% of its defence equipment. The engine for its 4.5-generation fighter aircraft is imported. Even small arms continue to be sourced from Russia. This is particularly alarming given that China is already developing sixth-generation fighter aircraft.

Make-in-India cannot succeed unless significantly better talent is inducted into research and development and substantially greater funds are allocated to it. Several private companies have taken up government defence contracts without any genuine R&D capability — some are merely importing equipment from abroad and assembling it in India. This is not indigenisation; it is relabelling.

The lessons of recent conflicts demand urgent attention. Operation Sindoor, the Russia-Ukraine war and the evolving Israel-Iran confrontation share a common lesson: warfare has been transformed. The future battlefield is defined by hypersonic missiles, swarm drones, electronic warfare and artificial intelligence.

Instead of preparing for this kind of future, India risks equipping itself for the last war — seeking amphibious light tanks rather than elite precision-guided drones and hypersonic missiles.

Fighter aircraft and main battle tanks face existential threats from missiles and drones; their primacy on the modern battlefield is being fundamentally challenged.

India’s defence budget, while growing in absolute terms, remains structurally inadequate. The country’s strategic environment has never been more complex, nor the cost of complacency more consequential.

A credible, enduring military strategy demands three simultaneous commitments: first, a sustained increase in defence allocation to at least 3% of the GDP; second, a genuine investment in indigenous R&D — not assembly lines but design capability, with the DRDO funding doubled and deep linkages built between research institutions, private innovators and the armed forces; and third, a strategic diplomacy that arrests the drift of Nepal, Bangladesh, Bhutan and the Maldives into China’s orbit before it hardens into permanent encirclement.

Incremental allocations, short-tenure soldiers and imported weapons assembled under an Indian label are not a defence policy — they are a deferred catastrophe.

The authorities stated that the change had been made keeping in view the changing weather conditions and daylight hours

The timing of the iconic retreat ceremony at the Attari-Wagah joint check post at the Indo-Pakistan border in Amritsar has been revised.

The daily ceremony, which draws thousands of spectators from across the country and abroad, will now be held from 5:30 pm to 6:00 pm.

Earlier, the ceremony used to begin at 5:00 pm and conclude by 5:30 pm. The authorities stated that the change had been made keeping in view the changing weather conditions and daylight hours.

The new timing has come into effect from April 1.

The retreat ceremony, jointly conducted by Indian Border Security Force and Pakistan Rangers, remains a major attraction for both tourists and locals, showcasing discipline, coordination and patriotic fervour.

The treatment of SSC officers post-release raises uncomfortable questions of policy, equity and national foresight.

Lt Col Gurprakash Singh Virk retd

INDIA’S armed forces are one of the most respected institutions in the nation, built on discipline, sacrifice and honour. Yet, within this proud structure exists a silent contradiction — one that affects thousands who once wore the uniform under the Short Service Commission (SSC). Their contribution is unquestionable, but their treatment post-release raises uncomfortable questions of policy, equity and national foresight.

If the country is to optimise both its military strength and socio-economic potential, Short Service must be reimagined — not as a temporary arrangement, but as a strategic national asset. The issue is neither new nor unknown. Since the promulgation of Army Instruction AI 11/S/64, which ambiguously stated that “pension under consideration orders will be issued separately”, a policy vacuum has persisted. For over six decades, this assurance has remained largely unfulfilled, leaving SSC personnel in a state of uncertainty.

This gap has not gone unnoticed. Courts, including the Supreme Court and various high courts, have increasingly been called upon to intervene. Recent judicial pronouncements — particularly those granting relief by notionally treating certain categories as deemed to have completed 20 years of service — have exposed the deeper malaise. These judgments reflect prolonged executive inaction.

The core issue is not limited to gender or specific cases. It is a systemic neglect of the SSC cadre itself.

Short Service entrants volunteer in the prime of their youth. They undergo the same rigorous training, carry the same responsibilities and face the same operational risks as their permanent commission counterparts. For five, 10, or 14 years, they serve with unwavering commitment.

Yet, upon release, they step into an uncertain civilian landscape — often without pension, without full healthcare benefits and without a structured resettlement pathway. The absence of these basic assurances creates financial insecurity as well as a sense of institutional indifference.

One of the starkest manifestations of this disparity is in the access to the Ex-Servicemen Contributory Health Scheme (ECHS). While regular retirees enjoy comprehensive healthcare coverage, SSC veterans often face restrictions or exclusion. This has led to ongoing litigation, including writ petitions in high courts.

Healthcare cannot be selectively granted. It is an extension of the nation’s obligation to those who have served. Any deviation from this principle undermines both constitutional values and institutional credibility.

A common argument against extending pensionary benefits to SSC personnel is fiscal burden. However, a closer examination reveals the opposite. Regular commission personnel typically serve 20 years or more and draw pension for life. In contrast, SSC personnel serve for shorter durations and then transition into civilian careers, where they continue to contribute economically through taxes, enterprise and professional engagement.

Granting pro-rata one rank one pension (OROP) to SSC personnel would involve a lower per capita pension outgo while generating long-term economic gains. It creates a dual-benefit model — reduced pension liability and increased national productivity. In essence, the SSC becomes not a cost centre, but a force multiplier.

Perhaps the greatest strength of the SSC model lies in its potential to produce disciplined, skilled and motivated individuals at a relatively young age. Released in their 30s or early 40s, they are ideally positioned to contribute meaningfully in civilian sectors. From corporate leadership to public administration, from entrepreneurship to internal security, their training and experience are invaluable. Yet, in the absence of structured support, much of this potential remains underutilised.

A well-designed resettlement framework can transform this transition into a national advantage.

India lacks a comprehensive legal structure to address the resettlement and welfare of Short Service personnel. Existing schemes are fragmented and lack enforceability. An armed forces resettlement and welfare Act is needed — one that provides statutory backing to key provisions, such as:

•  Pro-rata OROP for all SSC personnel
•  Universal and non-discriminatory access to ECHS
• Structured resettlement programmes aligned with national employment policies
• Lateral entry into government and public sector roles
• Recognition of military rank and experience in civilian hierarchies

Such a framework would ensure fairness and enhance institutional efficiency.

Beyond policy and economics lies a more fundamental issue — the moral contract between the nation and those who serve it. When a young individual joins the armed forces, there is an implicit assurance of dignity, fairness and respect — not just during service, but also beyond it. Any perception of neglect erodes this trust and, by extension, affects morale and motivation.

The growing discontent among SSC veterans calls for introspection and corrective action. The transformation of Short Service into a national asset requires a shift in perspective. It demands that policymakers move beyond incremental adjustments and adopt a holistic approach.

Key steps in this direction include:

• Addressing the long-pending ambiguities of AI 11/S/64
•  Extending pro-rata pensionary benefits
• Ensuring parity in healthcare and welfare schemes
• Institutionalising resettlement through legislation
•  Recognising SSC personnel as equal stakeholders in national defence

These measures are not radical — they are rational. The need for a youthful, agile military force is matched by the need for skilled human capital in the civilian domain. The SSC model, if properly structured, can serve both objectives. It can provide the armed forces with flexibility and vitality while simultaneously enriching the civilian workforce.

Military rank and honour earned during Short Service should be a lifelong asset, not a post-service liability. Those who have worn the uniform, even for a limited tenure, carry with them values that the nation cannot afford to overlook. It is time to move from ad hoc measures to institutional reform and from ambiguity to assurance.

Making Short Service a national asset is not just in the interest of those who serve; it is in the interest of India itself.

Comments by my former GOC, very apt.

Lack of terrain knowledge has been the cause of defeat of many militaries.

US, never known for its knowledge of history and geography, is making a huge mistake.

Jokingly said “US makes war to learn world geography”.

Hormuz is sacred to Persia, named after the Zoroastrian deity of wisdom and light, Ahura Mazda ( modified to Hormoz or Hormuzd in Middle Persian).

Iranian men & women will fight to the death to protect their nation.

On the other side, the Boab el-Mandeb (Arabic for “Gate of Tears” or “Gate of Lamentation”) is a critical 16-mile-wide shipping strait between Yemen & Djibouti. Again a death trap.

Yanks are fingering two Wasp hives.

Hope they have bought extra land at Arlington Cemetery to recieve the certain & large no of body bags.

Preamble: The Battle for Dignity

Comrades, quality, cashless treatment is a right earned through service; it is not a request. Empanelled hospitals are partners in delivering this right, not gatekeepers trying to block it. This guide ensures that no veteran or their family is ever intimidated by hospital administration.

For many veteran families, the hardest battle isn’t fought on the border; it’s fought at the registration desk of an empanelled hospital. The gut-punch of being told, “We aren’t taking ECHS today,” or “No beds available for ECHS,” while in pain or distress, is unacceptable.

Thanks for reading Ravjeet’s Substack! Subscribe for free to receive new posts and support my work.Subscribe

This installment of Fire Plan ‘Jeevan Raksha’ is not just an advisory; it is a field manual. It is designed to ensure that every ECHS beneficiary—from a retired flag officer to a sepoy’s family in a remote village—knows exactly how to breach the wall of hospital refusal and secure their rightful cashless treatment.

An empanelled hospital is not doing the veteran a favor. They are under a legally binding contract (Memorandum of Agreement, or MoA) with the Government of India to provide care.

The Standing Order: According to the MoA, an empanelled hospital cannot deny cashless treatment to an eligible ECHS beneficiary. A refusal is a breach of contract. This guide provides the tactical maneuvering space for every beneficiary to defend their dignity and their health.

To help visualize this entire tactical process, below is a summarizing diagram that consolidates the key stages of managing a hospital refusal, from on-site soft engagement to escalating up the chain of command.

Phase 1: On-Site ‘Soft Power’ Engagement

The veteran’s first tactic must be calm, firm, and informed engagement. Do not lose tempo; gain ground through accountability.

1. Verification of Force:

The veteran must always carry their valid ECHS smart card, the referral letter from the Polyclinic (if applicable), and Aadhaar card. Proper documentation is the first line of defense.

2. Demand the Breach Report:

If the desk staff refuses admission, the veteran must steadily ask “Why?” They must not accept a vague answer.

3. Identify the Enemy of Protocol:

The veteran must note the name and designation of the individual issuing the refusal. They should ask, “Who has given you the authority to deny treatment to an ECHS beneficiary?”

4. Cite the MoA:

Mentioning the contract often changes the hospital’s posture. The veteran should state, “I am aware of the MoA between this hospital and ECHS for cashless treatment. Are you officially stating that this hospital is violating that legal agreement?”

OIC’s Tactic: If the hospital claims “no beds are available,” the veteran must ask them to verify this status. If the refusal persists, the veteran must demand the refusal and the specific reason (e.g., “No ECHS beds”) in writing. Hospitals are often reluctant to document their violations.

Phase 2: Immediate On-Site Escalation

If Phase 1 fails, the veteran must escalate the situation immediately, without leaving the hospital premises. Leaving the site breaks the tactical advantage.

1. Activating the Nodal Officer:

Every empanelled hospital is required to have a dedicated ECHS Nodal Officer or a designated Help Desk. The veteran must demand to speak to them instantly. Their mandate is to resolve conflicts between the hospital and ECHS beneficiaries.

2. Engaging Hospital Management:

If the Nodal Officer is unavailable or unhelpful, the veteran must escalate to the Medical Superintendent (MS) or the hospital’s Chief Operating Officer (COO). The veteran must clearly state: “I am an eligible ECHS beneficiary with a valid referral. This hospital is under contract to provide cashless treatment. Your staff is denying service, which is a direct violation of the MoA.”

Phase 3: Activating the ECHS Chain of Command

If hospital management refuses to self-correct, the veteran must deploy the authority of the ECHS administration.

3A: The OIC Polyclinic Call (Priority 1)

This is the most critical action. The veteran must contact their parent Polyclinic OIC immediately.

• The veteran must save the OIC Polyclinic’s official number in their contacts.
• Upon connection, the veteran must state their Rank, Name, and current location: “Sir/Madam, I am at [Hospital Name] and they are refusing ECHS admission/treatment.” They must provide the name of the staff member who refused them and the reason given.

The OIC’s Mandate: The OIC Polyclinic will immediately engage the hospital’s top management or Nodal Officer. This call carries the full weight of the ECHS organization. In an overwhelming majority of cases, intervention by the OIC resolves the denial within minutes, securing admission for the veteran.

3B: The ECHS Toll-Free Helpline (1800-114-115)

If the OIC is unreachable, the veteran must activate the central helpline.

• Call 1800-114-115.
• The veteran must instruct the operator that they need to lodge a formal complaint of “Denial of Service by an Empanelled Hospital.”
• Critical: The veteran must obtain the complaint number. This is vital evidence of the incident.

Phase 4: Tactical Scenarios & Special Operations

The Rules of Engagement change based on the medical scenario. The hospital’s liability is absolute in specific cases.

Scenario Alpha: Medical Emergency (No Excuses)

In a medical emergency, the hospital’s obligation is immediate and unconditional.

The Emergency Standing Order: If an ECHS beneficiary arrives at an empanelled hospital in an emergency state, the hospital MUST admit and stabilize them immediately. They are legally and contractually prohibited from demanding a referral, an ECHS card, or any form of payment before providing stabilizing treatment.

A hospital refusing emergency care violates not only the MoA but also Supreme Court rulings regarding the ‘Right to Life.’

Emergency Tactics:

1. Immediate Insertion: Get the patient to the Casualty/Emergency Room (ER) immediately.
2. Declare ECHS Status: State clearly, “This is an ECHS patient. This is a medical emergency.”
3. Admit First, Document Later: Stabilization is paramount. The 48-hour window to inform ECHS applies only after the patient is out of immediate danger. The veteran must not let administrative hurdles delay medical attention.

Scenario Bravo: Strategic Escalate to SEMO and RC

If the situation involves systemic failure or blatant disregard for the chain of command:

• SEMO (Senior Executive Medical Officer): The SEMO (Commanding Officer of the nearest Military Hospital) holds technical authority over medical services. Blatant refusals can be reported to their office for medical-level intervention.
• Director Regional Centre (RC): The Director RC is the administrative commander of all ECHS operations in the region. They possess the authority to penalize, suspend, or ‘de-empanel’ hospitals that repeatedly violate the MoA.

Phase 5: Post-Incident Intelligence (Securing the Paper Trail)

Even if the veteran is successfully admitted after intervention, the initial attempt to refuse service is a grave violation. A formal, written intelligence report must be generated. Without written evidence, ECHS cannot take disciplinary action.

1. Generate the SITREP:

As soon as the patient is stable, the veteran (or their family) must write a clear, factual SITREP (Situation Report) detailing the encounter. This must include:

• Date and precise time of the refusal.
• Names/descriptions of the hospital staff involved.
• The specific reason given for the denial.
• The ECHS card number of the beneficiary.

2. Submit to OIC:

This written complaint must be submitted formally to the OIC Polyclinic. This document is the ammunition the OIC requires to escalate the issue to the Regional Centre.

3. Utilize Grievance Portals:

The veteran should also file a formal grievance on the CPGRAMS portal or via the official ECHS website. Every registered complaint strengthens the case against non-compliant hospitals.

Veteran’s Battle Card: A Summary

Veterans’ Tactical Handbook: 10 Critical ECHS FAQs

Comrades, in the chaos of a hospital refusal, clarity is your strongest weapon. Use this handbook to cut through the confusion and enforce your rights.

Q1: The hospital receptionist says, “ECHS is closed for the day,” or “No ECHS beds available.” Do I just leave?

Answer: NEGATIVE. This is a soft denial. A bed is a bed. An empanelled hospital cannot legally set a ‘quota’ or separate ‘ECHS ward’ unless specifically authorized in their MoA (which is rare). You must calmly ask, “Are you officially stating that this entire hospital has zero beds available, and if so, will you put that in writing?” Proceed immediately to Phase 2 (Nodal Officer).

Q2: Does “cashless” treatment mean I don’t have to pay for anything at all?

Answer: AFFIRMATIVE, in 99% of cases. The MoA dictates that cashless means zero payment for all treatment, procedures, diagnostics, and medicines included in your authorized package or emergency care. You only pay for non-medical items (e.g., telephone calls, deluxe room upgrades, or food not provided by the hospital diet).

Q3: The hospital is demanding a “deposit” for admission, claiming ECHS payment is delayed. Is this legal?

Answer: NEGATIVE. This is a direct violation of the MoA. An empanelled hospital cannot demand any advance payment or deposit from an ECHS beneficiary for authorized treatment. ECHS bill delays are an administrative issue between ECHS and the hospital; they cannot be passed on to the veteran. If they insist, call your OIC Polyclinic immediately.

Q4: What if I have a valid ECHS card and Aadhaar, but no referral, and it’s a non-emergency?

Answer: You must get a referral. For non-emergency (planned) treatment, an official referral from your parent Polyclinic is your tactical ‘Movement Order’. An empanelled hospital cannot admit you without it for planned procedures. If you go without one, they will correctly treat you as a private patient.

Q5: In an emergency, I went to a non-empanelled (private) hospital. Will ECHS cover it?

Answer: YES, but it’s a different protocol. The rule of ‘Life over Protocol’ applies. You must get the patient stabilized first. ECHS will cover emergency treatment at non-empanelled hospitals, but you must:

1. Formally inform your OIC Polyclinic within 48 hours of admission.
2. File an Emergency Reimbursement Claim (not cashless).

Q6: I am from Bhopal but am visiting family in Delhi. Can I use ECHS there if I get sick?

Answer: AFFIRMATIVE. ECHS is a pan-India system. Your 64Kb smart card grants you access to any ECHS Polyclinic and any empanelled hospital across India, regardless of your parent Polyclinic.

Q7: Can a hospital force me to buy medicines from outside, claiming their pharmacy is out of ECHS stock?

Answer: NEGATIVE. This is another MoA violation. The empanelled hospital is responsible for providing all required medicines cashless for the duration of your indoor treatment. They must procure the medicine themselves if their in-house pharmacy is stocked out.

Q8: Does ECHS cover the full cost of cancer (oncology) drugs if I have to buy them privately?

Answer: AFFIRMATIVE, 100% Actual Cost. As per the 2026 tactical updates, cancer care is protected. If you must purchase authorized anti-cancer drugs from an external vendor (due to ALC failure, etc.), you are entitled to 100% reimbursement of the actual cost, provided you have a handwritten/digital NA slip and a GST invoice.

Q9: My ECHS card has expired or I lost it. Am I denied treatment?

Answer: Temporary No. If you are in the process of renewing an expired card or replacing a lost one, you must obtain a temporary ‘ECHS slip’ or ‘authorization letter’ from your OIC Polyclinic. This letter, combined with proper identification (Aadhaar/Service Certificate), is accepted as valid for treatment by empanelled hospitals for a limited period.

Q10: Who signs the NA (Not Available) slip if the OIC Polyclinic is on leave?

Answer: The Designated Medical Officer (MO). ECHS operations are continuous. When the OIC is on leave, there is always a designated MO acting as the Officiating OIC. The command chain—and your supply line—does not stop for administrative absences.

Final Word

Every ECHS beneficiary must know that the entire ECHS chain of command stands ready to support them, but the veteran must be the first responder in defending their dignity and their health.

Jai Hind.

A routine morning walk early on Monday morning in a suburb of Dehradun turned fatal for Brigadier (retd) Mukesh Joshi (70) who was shot by youths in a Scorpio chasing two others in a Fortuner. The bullet hit the army veteran who was later declared dead. Briefing the media, Dehradun senior superinten dent of police Pramendra Singh Dobal said that the incident started at the Zen-Z Club. On the night of March 29, a fight broke out at the club over a bill. After this, one group —Shantanu Tyagi, Aditya Chaudhary and Kavish Tyagi, along with their asso ciates —got into a scuffle with some staff members working at the bar. After the altercation, the group waited outside the club till the next morning to take revenge against those they had fought with inside. When the club closed and the other group came out, they followed and opened fire on the road. They missed the vehicle and shot the army veteran instead while their vehicle later

crashed into a tree. Dobal said that some stu dents of a private university are also involved in the incident. Shantanu Tyagi was holding the pistol during the firing. The police have arrested Rohit Kumar, Mohammed Aklakh, Sandeep Kumar (the bar oper ator), and Aditya Chaudhary in connection with the case while four accused are absconding. Relatives and neighbours of the deceased said that Joshi had a commendable career with work experience associ ated with the Prime Minister’s Office and the intelligence ser vices in addition to his service in the army. With more than half a dozen murders having taken place in Dehradun so far this year, they questioned the failure of the authorities to curb violent crime in the once tranquil city. Meanwhile, the police have taken action against the club in the Rajpur area and have also sealed it. The SSP said that the Zen- Z Club located on Mussoorie Road was sealed in connection with this inci dent. The police have also sent a recommendation to Dehradun district magistrate Savin Bansal to cancel the club’s license

Dear Members,
A Important Message from Station Headquarters Jaipur.
Information Regarding Newly Established Crematorium Facility “Moksh Dham”

All veterans and their dependents are hereby informed that a new crematorium facility, “Moksh Dham,” has been established at Jaipur Military Station under the aegis of Station Headquarters, Jaipur.

This facility has been created to provide dignified and seamless last rites services exclusively for serving pers, veterans and their dependents. Necessary arrangements and amenities have been put in place to ensure that the final rites are conducted in an orderly, respectful, and convenient manner.

All are requested to disseminate this information among fellow veterans.

For further details, please contact Station Headquarters, Jaipur on the u/m numbers
8306986874
9521388919
Location https://maps.app.goo.gl/Ux6PV8zo5yhGiL399?g_st=ic
Regards,

Station Headquarters, Jaipur

The saffron party courted the community on realising that ‘Muslim brotherhood’ was a myth

Radhika Ramaseshan

AMID the gloom and doom enveloping the world as Iran holds out against the US and Israel — and Lebanon as well as the West Bank are being flattened like Gaza — comes a flake of news that should be cheered for the sake of humanity and sanity. Thousands of miles from Iran, the Shias of Kashmir, Ladakh, Lucknow, Hyderabad and Bengaluru have risen in spontaneous solidarity for their community in the Middle East. Iran, like Iraq and Azerbaijan, is a Shia-majority country surrounded by Sunni-dominated nations.

The support was not confined to protests — there was an initial spurt in Kashmir and Lucknow — but included donations that were sent to the Iranian embassy in New Delhi to be routed to Tehran. The Shias regard the late Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, the first major casualty of the US-Israel assault, as a spiritual mentor on a par with the Pope. Kashmir’s spiritual affinity with Khamenei is even stronger because he had visited the Valley and Karnataka in 1981, long before he became the Supreme Leader. His trip was part of Iran’s religious and ideological outreach to India after the 1979 Islamic Revolution.

It seemed as though the Shias, based in cities where their population is sizeable, needed no prompting to open their hearts — and coffers. Women sold their jewels to raise cash and gave copper vessels, including the cherished traem, the traditional wazwan platter meant for a diners’ quartet. Children chipped in by breaking open their piggy banks; a report said an 18-year-old girl gave away a two-gram gold biscuit gifted on her birthday by her parents.

Lucknow’s Sunnis — remember that Uttar Pradesh’s capital has occasionally been wracked by Shia-Sunni conflicts — offered “quiet support”, according to a Shia cleric. This implied that they didn’t block the pro-Iran gestures. The Iranian embassy acknowledged the outpouring of help.

No political party — not even the BJP — opposed these acts, even though they seem to have disconcerted active proponents of an India-Israel axis. Indeed, in UP, Shias have had a good relationship with the BJP; this might surprise those propagating the theory of a “Muslim brotherhood” at work during an election. The BJP and its earlier avatar, the Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS), assiduously courted the Shias on realising that the “brotherhood” notion was a myth — Sunni voters mattered more to the Congress and the “secular” versions of the Socialists because they vastly outnumbered the Shias. The Shias were bereft of a political leadership.

As per the 2011 Census, Muslims account for about 14.2 per cent of India’s population. Although no separate count of Islamic sects is officially available, a ballpark estimate from academics like Ali Khan Mahmudabad, who heads the political science department at Ashoka University, puts the Shia share at 15-20 per cent of India’s Muslim population. Lucknow has 20 per cent Shia population, which influences election outcomes. In the 1967 Assembly elections, the Lucknow (West) seat, with a large Shia electorate, was won by the BJS candidate, Lalu Sharma, who trounced Congress’ Ali Zahir, a Shia.

Former PM Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who was an MP from Lucknow, and Lalji Tandon, Vajpayee’s constituency minder who was a three-time MLA from an Old Lucknow seat, never missed a soiree hosted by the Shia elite and engaged with the clerics politically. Defence Minister Rajnath Singh, who represents Lucknow, is popular with the Shias despite the community’s misgivings about the BJP.

On the other hand, Shia clerics’ grouse is that CM Yogi Adityanath rarely meets them. Does the Shia-BJP bonhomie, in whatever measure it exists now, mean that the issues that bother Muslims at large are of little concern to the sect?

Part of the reason is that in UP, the Sunni-Shia divide is deep-rooted. It often erupts during Muharram in the form of skirmishes; the joke is that Shias cannot decide who is the bigger adversary: the pro-RSS-BJP Hindus or the Sunnis. There were spells of unity between the sects, visible after the Babri Masjid demolition and the anti-CAA protests, but the camaraderie was short-lived. Those on the periphery or unfamiliar with the heartland’s Muslim politics cannot comprehend that it never works on a simple communal binary.

Paushali Lass, the Germany-based author of Tasting Faith: Jews of India — Unveiling Stories, Sharing Recipes and Preserving their Vibrant Legacy, articulated the fear that Delhi’s deeper engagement with Tel Aviv might be foiled by Muslims here. In a piece in The Times of Israel (March 11), she said the mourning processions in Kashmir and elsewhere depicted Khamenei as a “spiritual guide whose death demands public response”.

“This is not just a symbolic matter. Rather, it is deeply rooted theological loyalty that now finds expression in political activism directed against Israel and the US… Women in chadors vowing martyrdom… anti-Israel chants… signal a form of radicalisation that goes beyond political disagreement to ideological commitment shaped by religious identity and global alliances,” Lass added.

Such comments on the current developments in the Gulf and Iran overlook a vital factor: India’s civilisational links with Iran go back a long way. The connect, celebrated in lore and validated by history, was jeopardised by the growing proximity of the Modi regime to Israel. However, considering the ramifications, the Union government quickly reset the equation.

Pragmatism was spurred by India’s realisation that unless it reached out significantly to Iran and not merely put out anodyne statements or offered token aid, the country was in for a grave fuel shortage. Neither could the political subtext framed by the unrest among Shias be ignored. UP goes to the polls in 2027. The last thing the BJP would wish for is a polarisation of Muslim votes towards its principal opponent, the Samajwadi Party. These circumstances overrode the temptation to put all the eggs in the US-Israel basket, if only to appease the BJP’s hardcore, Hindutva-wedded voters.

A high point in the Delhi-Tehran relationship was the visit of then Iranian President Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani to Delhi and Lucknow in 1995, the first by an Iranian head of state after the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Then PM PV Narasimha Rao broke protocol to receive the guest at the airport. Rafsanjani later addressed a joint session of Parliament with an ovation which former Foreign Minister and PM IK Gujral described as “unprecedented”.

The Iranian President made it clear that he meant well for India on every score. He endorsed India’s secularism at Lucknow’s Imambara, snubbed a Pakistani journalist who raised questions about the Babri Masjid, and emphasised his virtual neutrality on the Kashmir dispute in a one-on-one with Rao.

Iran’s significance for India cannot be overemphasised. Its interventions at the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation were important. Even if its submissions were not overly pro-India, Tehran stood as a buffer against the Saudi-led cabal which tilted towards Islamabad on Kashmir. After the Islamic Revolution, Shia-majority Iran, which was ringed by Sunni-dominated UAE, needed allies, especially because the US tried hard to isolate the existing regime. Therefore, it extended a hand of friendship to India.

Will the amity stand the test of the global churn?

Accused had changed identity, worked at juice plant while absconding

A sacked Army Captain, who changed his identity and started working in Chhindwara, Madhya Pradesh, has finally landed in the police net after four years and sent to jail by a court here.

The DGP Punjab had constituted a Special Investigation Team comprising two officers of SP rank working in Fazilka district to trace and arrest Tomar.

The accused was continuously changing his locations and absconding after the Punjab and Haryana High Court upheld his arrest in September 2022.

It had directed the DGP to file an affidavit explaining the delay in his arrest by April 6, 2026.

The SIT reportedly succeeded in tracing Tomar from an online payment for an LPG refill.

The ex-Capt used to make online payments for LPG refill from his new bank account using the old PAN identity while working at a juice processing plant in Chhindwara district in MP.

City-1 police arrested Tomar and brought him to Abohar on Sunday. Police said that Tomar, a native of Kanpur, was posted as a Captain in the Abohar Military Station.

His wife, Shweta Singh, had died by hanging in the residential quarters here in 2013. On the statement of the deceased’s father, Ram Naresh, a case of dowry harassment and abetment to suicide was registered against Tomar and his parents. Army had placed Sandeep under suspension.

During the hearing of the case, the court of Additional District Judge at Fazilka on July 23, 2014 held Sandeep Tomar guilty of killing his wife, Shweta Singh, subjecting her to cruelty and voluntary causing grievous hurt.

He spent five years in Ferozepur jail before being granted bail, but after the High Court upheld his sentence and ordered him to surrender, he went absconding.

Under the revised rates, five-seater vehicles will pay Rs 70, and 6–12 seater vehicles will pay Rs 110, as per the previous charges

Sukhvinder Singh Sukhu, Chief Minister of Himachal Pradesh, on Tuesday announced the rollback of the recent increase in entry tax for vehicles in the border areas, following widespread protests.

Under the revised rates, five-seater vehicles will pay Rs 70, and 6–12 seater vehicles will pay Rs 110, as per the previous charges. The proposed hike had increased the tax to Rs 130 for both categories.

The Chief Minister stated that confusion over the issue was being deliberately spread, even though the increase was nominal for most vehicle categories. Additionally, residents living within five kilometers of the toll will be provided special passes.