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Reversing slaughter ban Hindutva succumbs to common sense

Reversing slaughter ban

WORLD opinion and economic necessity do matter. And that is why the Modi government finds itself constrained to explore a rolling back of the ban on the sale of cattle for slaughter in animal markets. The notification was a natural progression of the Modi government’s strategy to use the cow as a tool for consolidating the Hindu vote bank. It appeared to look the other way when Hindutva vigilantes resorted to extortion and lynching; the state governments too failed to prosecute them; the lumpens demanded a comprehensive anti-cattle slaughter law. Largely from urban areas, these Hindutva cheerleaders were uninformed about the role of cattle slaughter (not cows alone) in our daily lives and its integrality of rural livelihoods.But it is unpardonable for the Modi government now to pretend to be surprised at the consequences. That is what policy making is all about. Didn’t it know the ban will hit more than the meat industry? Or that the cattle let loose were extracting environmental costs and destroying the livelihoods of Hindus, Jains and Muslims alike? The fact is only 30 per cent of the carcass is used for meat. The rest goes into the making of at least 50 items of daily use. As far as cows go, the Modi government needn’t have burnt the midnight oil to frame laws or its leaders to go around stumping for the cause and leave unbridgeable social tensions in their wake. All that the government had to do, if the cow cause was actually close to its heart, was to implement in spirit a Supreme Court order upholding anti-cow slaughter laws in about 20 states.However, utopian visions come crashing down in the actual world. And that is what happened with the ban. New Delhi’s obsession had begun to disrupt rural lives. Prices of many downstream products from shoes to buttons were bound to shoot up. A study showed it would cost over Rs 5,000 crore annually to feed all the bulls in Maharashtra alone. For outsiders, India began to look like Pakistan Lite without the bomb blasts. The political reward from the ban began diminishing when benchmarked against the costs of rural distress and foreign opprobrium. Irresponsible politics invariably produces bad politics.


100 YEARS OF MASSACRE BY GENERAL DYER Malik demands development package for Jallianwala Bagh

Malik demands development package for Jallianwala Bagh
The Jallianwala Bagh massacre will mark its 100th year in 2019. Tribune Photo

Tribune News Service

Amritsar, November 13

Rajya Sabha MP Shwait Malik has demanded a special package from Union Cultural Minister Dr Mahesh Sharma for the development of Jallianwala Bagh on the completion of 100 years of the massacre.After meeting Dr Sharma in New Delhi recently, Malik said the minister had assured him of all help while asserting that Jallianwala Bagh is a national monument and the Centre is committed to its development.Malik told the minister that in April 2019, the Jallianwala Bagh massacre would mark its 100th year and to pay a befitting homage to the martyrs, the Union Government should grant a special package for the development of the historical monument so that visitors should know how the people of the country had fought and laid down their lives during the Independence struggle.Malik said he had sanctioned Rs 10 lakh from his discretionary grant for the monument’s development. He added that the work of painting Jallianwala Bagh was in progress.The MP said new sanitary fittings and renovation work of washrooms, a water cooler with an RO system, installation of ceiling fans in the visitor gallery, repairs of fountains and lighting were going on.He added that the main emphasis was to restart the documentary on the massacre.


Saudi Arabia In Ferment: Complexities Of A Royal Coup by Lt Gen Syed Ata Husnain

Mohammad bin Salman

SNAPSHOT

The attempted transition of Saudi Arabia is not going to be an easy affair. The strategic environment of the Middle East isn’t exactly conducive for that and the internal structure of the Saudi ruling family is a mixture of politics, deceit and subterfuge.

If you haven’t been following the events in Saudi Arabia you should start by knowing something about the ‘Sudairi Seven’. It is not a sports team or a fancy club but a lineage of royalty; to know more you need to go back to 1953. King Abdulaziz ibn Saud set up the current House of Saud in 1932 and named the desert territory he captured and consolidated, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. He lived till 1953 and thereafter three successors followed, all his sons – kings Saud, Feisal and Khaled.

Thereafter, the throne has invariably been occupied by one of his seven other offspring from his favourite wife; Hassa bin Ahmad al Sudairi, thus called the Sudairi Seven. The current ruler King Salman is possibly the last of these sons although there was one more to follow, Prince Muqrin bin Abdulaziz, now disempowered. The next generation of the Sudairi Seven is currently hankering for power. It all started in 2015 when the current ruler King Salman ascended the throne. His nephew, Prince Mohammed bin Nayef was appointed the Crown Prince but that lasted till 2017 when King Salman’s young, dynamic and ambitious son Mohammad bin Salman (MBS), 32, usurped the appointment after labelling Prince Nayef a drug addict.

It is now MBS all the way; where he plans to take Saudi Arabia is where the nation could apparently go but there could be more palace coups waiting to take place. The attempted transition of Saudi Arabia is not going to be an easy affair. The strategic environment of the Middle East isn’t exactly conducive for that and the internal structure of the Saudi ruling family is a mixture of politics, deceit and subterfuge.

It just needs to be remembered that Saudi Arabia’s stability all these years has been based upon a ‘live and let live’ policy followed by various inter-related members of the royal family. Cocooned in comfortable high profile jobs they get paid obnoxiously high packages. Most have invested money obtained by selling royal largesse. Now the next generation of the Sudairi Seven is positioned to take power after King Salman and there is little time left for niceties.

On 5 November 2017, officials loyal to MBS moved rather quickly, to arrest 11 princes, along with dozens of other officials and businessmen, at his direction and that of his father, King Salman. Nominally, the arrests are part of an anti-corruption drive spearheaded by the prince but what’s really happening is that the Crown Prince and heir to the throne is consolidating power and eliminating potential rivals. The military and the National Guard, a 100,000-man praetorian guard that was the long-standing preserve of late King Abdullah, has remained silent in the wake of this weekend’s arrest of its commander, Prince Mutaib bin Abdullah, a son of Late King Abdullah, and the dismissal of the navy commander. The National Guard is a force that evolved from late King Abdulaziz ibn Saud’s (founder of the House of Saud) original tribal army and later functioned as a sort of loyal protection for the regime from possible coups. Which side its loyalties will tilt will be an important factor, but it is likely that MBS would have catered for that while attempting his turbulent actions.

What are the internal and external dynamics related to Saudi Arabia’s immediate future and how does the arrival of MBS impact these is the key question that analysts are examining.

Internally Saudi Arabia isn’t exactly in the state of pink. Decline in oil prices, dilution of US energy dependence and a shrinking economy have led to lowering of its prestige and a weak economic situation. MBS wants to overcome this by preparing the nation for the post energy era, 2030 and beyond; a noble and pragmatic thought indeed. The carefully emplaced balance of power between the powerful Wahabi clergy and the royal house is under strain. This is because, internationally, the Saudi ideological footprint is being blamed for the rising tide of radical extremism in Islam. Saudi Arabia has been funding the spread of Wahabi ideology across the world through construction of mosques and seminaries. In fact, the Saudi-funded seminaries established in vicinity of Pakistan’s western borders with Afghanistan, post the 1979 Soviet invasion of Afghanistan were responsible for the creation of Taliban and a host of others who spread the radical message across the world.

MBS is attempting to project a new Saudi Arabia, much more moderate towards different segments of society. Permitting women to drive and also attend sports events at stadia is a part of this move. The clergy who has been politically quiet because of the balanced equation thus far may not wish to remain so in the future; that could spell problems for MBS. The last time that the clergy really exercised its power was after the Ikhwan takeover of the Grand Mosque in Mecca in December 1979. Its insistence thereafter on greater ideological responsibility by the royal house led to the worldwide increase in Saudi funding and activity towards its brand of Islam.

Will MBS be able to pull off his mission of creating a more moderate society even if resisted by the clergy? In the light of the fact that the Shia revival is moving forward strongly with the defeat of the ISIS, the Russia-Syria-Iran combine’s domination in the Syrian civil war and the Levant emerging as a virtual Shia territory, will the Saudi clergy loosen its ideological strings to accommodate MBS’ aim and intent? Whether MBS is schooled well in history is not certain but consolidation of power without the clergy’s support may prove to be a handful for the young and ambitious Crown Prince.

MBS is obviously hugely encouraged by the apparent support he seems to be getting from US President Donald Trump. Bruce Reidel, the US expert on the Middle East, had this to say – “the Trump administration has tied the United States to the impetuous young Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia and seems to be quite oblivious to the dangers. But they are growing every day.” Trump visited Saudi Arabia early in the first year of his presidency but more for the purpose of consolidating a front against Iran. The finalisation of the Qatar standoff within the Gulf Cooperation Council can be traced to this visit although Trump remains uncertain on Qatar. It is Iran that he is after.

Iran as an entity in the Middle East politics plays a major role. Firstly, it provides the Shia pole in the Shia-Sunni sectarian divide. Ever since the 1979 Iranian Revolution, it is perceived to harbour ambitions of leading the Islamic world in which the Shias are as it is in minority. The ideological and sectarian divide manifests politically in a severe competition for domination. Currently, this is happening in two areas. First is in Yemen where Iran supports the Houthis by proxy. The Houthi movement champions Yemen’s Zaidi Shia Muslim minority.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and eight other mostly Sunni Arab states began an air campaign aimed at restoring the Sunni majority government of Yemen. The war has continued inconclusively, in fact politically quite disastrously for Saudi Arabia. Just as the virtual palace coup was in progress a missile is reported to have been fired over Riyadh by the Houthi rebels and was shot down by the Saudis. The Saudi reluctance to enter into a ground campaign leaves them with no possibility of a victory. This is going to be a mill stone around the neck of the young Crown Prince. Prudence demands that he declares a victory and ceases further conduct of the campaign and politically manages the post seizure of operations scenario as best as he can. It will, however, further weaken him in his conflict of interest with the clergy and also consolidate Iran’s growing clout.

The less than comprehensive defeat of ISIS (it still remains in a networked state much as the Al Qaeda did) and the impending domination of the Levant by the Russia-Syria-Iran combine is having its impact already. Threatened by the Shia march, Lebanon’s Sunni Prime Minister Saad Hariri fled to Saudi Arabia and this week announced that he is stepping down. This creates another defeat for Saudi Arabia’s strategic hold over the Middle East and leaves one more precarious situation for MBS to handle. The Hezbollah’s hold now strengthened means Iran’s virtual control over Lebanon. Whether President Trump can even visualise the changing strategic balance of power in the Middle East is doubtful. A potentially rash action to disrupt the Iran nuclear deal could well follow leaving Iran even less responsible in its actions but fully backed by Russia.

To handle the complexities arising out of the fast changing strategic situation in the Middle East would require consensus within Saudi Arabia and not the divisiveness created by MBS’ actions. If Iran takes the battle inside Saudi Arabia by instigating the Shia minority which exists as majority in crucial locations such as the energy rich eastern segment of Dammam, it could well mean war. It is unlikely that Iran will be in a hurry so soon after scoring victories over ISIS and taking control of Syria and Lebanon.

MBS needs also to remain warned that the ISIS has only been defeated militarily in terms of territory. Where it has dissipated is not fully known. It thrives in a zone where turbulence exists and central authority is weak. Hypothetically the possibility of ISIS reaching out to a confused Saudi National Guard under instigation by the Saudi clergy, cannot be ruled out.

Thus Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman for all his suaveness and youthful leadership is likely to remain embroiled in much more than he can chew. In such circumstances a counter revolution cannot be ruled out with disastrous consequences for the stability of the throne and Saudi Arabia’s very existence.

What is there for India in this emerging thriller? The greater the Saudi turbulence, higher is the likelihood of rise in oil prices. This is something that the Narendra Modi government can ill afford at a time when it is just emerging from the effects of goods and services tax (GST) and demonetisation. Secondly, a 2.3 million Indian diaspora in Saudi Arabia exists. In a state of internal turbulence its security will need to be safeguarded with a potential contingency of evacuation. Thirdly, India’s stakes in the stability of the Gulf region are extremely high. Saudi Arabia in turmoil is hardly likely to remain isolated as the same could spread to other kingdoms; a kind of late and perverse Arab Spring. The Indian diaspora all over the Gulf will remain in a state of flux. Fourthly, the Middle East in turmoil and state of potential conflict spells bad news for economics everywhere, especially for a nation like India, which is struggling to maintain an even keel in growth.

How much influence the US can exercise over this potentially negative situation to bring about any semblance of stability and freedom from conflict in the crucial region of the Middle East, is less sure than ever before. Russia’s cooperation will be sorely needed. Yet, for now all eyes should remain on how the internal affairs of Saudi Arabia pan out. The nation has suffered instability in the past too and emerged from it. This time too that may just be so.


War with India not an option: Pak PM

London, November 6

Pakistan Prime Minister Shahid Khaqan Abbasi has said war is not an option with India and that only talks can resolve all outstanding issues, including Kashmir.Addressing a conference on “Future of Pakistan 2017” at the London School of Economics’ South Asia Centre here on Saturday, Abbasi described Kashmir as a “core issue” and said relations with India will remain tense until that is resolved. “Kashmir is the core issue with India. Until that is resolved, Pakistan-India relations will remain tense. We are always open to talks at any level and talks are the way forward. War is not an option,” Abbasi said.Highlighting India’s Cold Start Doctrine among recent developments, Abbasi said Pakistan had a “deterrent” in place. “We have a deterrent to that (Cold Start Doctrine) but I don’t think deterrents where both sides are nuclear powers is a solution to any problem. The only solution is continued talks,” he noted. — PTI


Tell it to the marines

Internal politics in both India and Italy have led to questionable decisions that have vastly complicated an inherently difficult diplomatic case of the Italian marines accused of killing two Indian fishermen.

Tell it to the marines
In choppy waters: Italian marines Massimiliano Latorre (R) and Salvatore Girone in file photo. afp

Vivek Katju
Former Secretary, Ministry of External AffairsItalian Prime Minister Paolo Gentiloni’s trip to India on October 3, the first in a decade at that level, is a significant step of the process to put India-Italy bilateral ties on an even keel after the strain of the marines issue drove them to breaking point. The matter has not been resolved, though neither side publicly raised it nor was it mentioned in the media briefings of External Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj’s meetings with Italian leaders in Rome last year. The Arbitral Council which has been constituted under the Laws of the Seas at Italy’s behest is expected to give its judgment next year on its plea that India does not have jurisdiction to try the case. It is unlikely that domestic politics of either country will not intrude to pressure the government concerned even if it would wish to take it in its stride. The Congress had charged the Modi government with putting up a weak case before the council when it ruled last year that the marine in India be allowed to go to Italy under conditions to be set by the Supreme Court. Allegations were also made that Italy’s cooperation needed in the Augusta Westland case also contributed to the so-called soft way India pleaded the case.Indeed, internal politics in both countries has led to questionable decisions that vastly complicated an inherently difficult diplomatic matter. In Kerala, it raised popular sentiment which fed into government decision-making.

Case timeline

To recall the facts: On February 15, 2012, two marines, Massimiliano Latorre and Salvatore Girone, on an Italian oil tanker, MV Enrica Lexie, shot at St Antony, an Indian fishing boat, 20.5 nautical miles off the Kerala coast, causing the death of two Indian fishermen, Ajeesh Pinku and Jeslestine. After the incident, Enrica Lexie filed an incident claiming a piracy attempt and carried to sail ahead. St Antony proceeded to the Kochi port. The Indian authorities being apprised of the incident caught up with Enrica Lexie and it came to the port. After investigations, the two marines were arrested and charged with murder.The Italians protested the arrests. They claimed that as the incident had occurred in the contiguous zone and not in Indian territorial waters, the Indian courts had no jurisdiction and the case should be tried in Italian courts. They further implied that St Antony’s sailing pattern just prior to the firing led to an apprehension of a pirate attack. The Italian contention was rejected by the Kerala High Court, which held that the Indian courts had jurisdiction under Indian laws. The high court also did not accept that as the marines were Italian defence personnel they enjoyed immunity. It, however, allowed bail to the marines and allowed special quarters. Such consideration was shown to them later by the Supreme Court, too.The Italians appealed against the Kerala High Court’s views to the Supreme Court. Notwithstanding the unacceptable action of Enrica Lexie in sailing away despite its captain knowing that it was innocent and the hollowness of the claim of immunity, the main issue on which the whole matter turned was: did the Indian courts have jurisdiction to try the marines for murder in the contiguous zone? That the firing was unjustified and Lattore and Girone should be tried for murder is beyond doubt; but where? The compensation given by Italy to the families of the fishermen does not reduce the guilt.It would have been appropriate for the government to urge the Supreme Court which became seized of the matter to give a final decision on this basic issue. While doing so, it would have naturally argued that India did have jurisdiction. However, the court was not pressed to definitively determine the jurisdiction issue. Even after a Supreme Court ruling, the Italians could have approached the Law of Seas dispute resolution mechanism, as they finally did in 2015, but this could have hardly opened the government to charges of going soft on Italy. Clearly, the UPA’s primary objective was to prevent any adverse reflection of the Congress first family and not let diplomacy have full play.

SC ruling

The Supreme Court decision ruled that while Kerala state did not have jurisdiction, the Union did, and the case should be tried by a special trial court set up for the specific purpose. Significantly, the court allowed Italy to agitate the jurisdiction question before the trial court. No action was taken to set up the court and the Italians also adopted delaying tactics.The Home Ministry decided to hand over the case to the NIA and invoke the Suppression of Unlawful Activities Act. This implied that the marines would be tried as terrorists. This was simply untenable and naturally led to great bitterness in Italy. Eventually, the Act was dropped, and the Indian Penal Code provisions were relied upon.If domestic Indian politics muddied diplomatic waters, so did the Italian politics. Having put the marines as guards on commercial Italian vessels without the protection of any international instrument governing the actions of such personnel, the Italian authorities could not be seen to be abandoning them. Indeed, the pressure to get them back soonest and maintain their dignity led Italy to decide that they would not return to India, although the Italian Ambassador had personally assured the Supreme Court that they would. The court had allowed them to go to Italy to cast their votes. The unacceptable Italian action precipitated an unprecedented diplomatic crisis in which the court became involved. Ultimately, the Italians backed down but after the incident, the UPA had to reinforce its rigid approach. Nevertheless, Modi criticised the NDA’s handling of the case during the 2014 election campaign.

Jurisdiction a stumbling block

With the Modi government coming to power, the two countries engaged on ‘private’ and ‘public’ tracks to resolve the issue. Nothing came of these attempts for jurisdiction obviously was a stumbling block. Italy approached the Laws of the Seas International Tribunal (ITLOS) in December 2015, seeking that it denies India jurisdiction. It also sought a provisional order that the marine in India be allowed to return to Italy. The Supreme Court had already allowed one to go back for medical reasons. Both countries are currently filing their submissions and that process will be completed in February 2018 after which a date will be set for the hearing.This case will confront the Arbitral Council with difficulties as it will go into new territory. Some Indian legal experts feel that India has a good case in view of recent evolutions of international law and prevailing circumstances. It is difficult to predict how the issue will go at The Hague next year. Thus India-Italy ties will have to navigate a stretch of choppy waters and politics will again, no doubt, compel diplomacy to take a back seat, which way the decision may go.


Lessons for life On Gurpurab Day :::GURRU NANAK DEV G BIRTHDAY::Sanjha morcha wishes all veteran Happy Gurparb

Guru Nanak Dev Ji::vedio

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Manpriya Singh

How difficult is righteous conduct, virtuous living and social responsibility? Unfortunately, very; especially in times of religious animosity, unbridled materialism and moral decline! However, improbable simple living and rightful conduct might sound, Guru Nanak’s teachings all the more become a practical compass for humanity today. A great prophet, a poet and a pious spirit; on Guru Nanak’s birth anniversary, we ask celebs how his teachings are relevant in today’s times and whether they have had any brush with community service.  Duty towards the needy Singer Jassi Gill makes it a point to go to the gurdwara, especially when he happens to be at home. Community service was inculcated at a very young age, courtesy a very religious upbringing. “Whenever we begin anything at home, akhand paath is a ritual and so is the langar. I have always tried to be as hands-on as possible especially with serving langar, if not making it,” shares the singer of Zimindar fame, who believes that Guru Nanak’s emphasis on social responsibility is something the world needs to embrace today. He adds, “I already sponsor a special child’s education till college and plan to increase that number soon.” He did that to a child from his native village; anyone following suit? The power of serviceThe earliest memory that Bollywood playback singer Sukhwinder Singh has of community service is when as a child they would splash water on hot marble floor. “In Golden Temple, especially during summer afternoons, the floor would be piping hot; we would as children love splashing water and cooling it down for the sangat,” he recalls. “Then of course we would move onto doing the dishes and serving langar, irrespective of who was coming to partake that food. It’s the similar devotion towards one’s society that we need to imbibe in today’s times,” he signs off. There’s a parting note. “Guru Nanak was the greatest poet of the universe and I remember Gulzaar sa’ab saying it to me once.” Make it holistic, not ritualistic From washing dishes to serving food to making it, you name it and actor Gugu Gill has done it all. “As children whatever opportunity we got for community service, we did,” he shares. “It wasn’t a ritual that we followed, rather it was a way of living,” adds the singer, who feels we need to imbibe Guru Nanak’s teachings in every day living rather than ritualistic practices. Good intentions, clean thoughts Almost every gurpurab, singer-actor Ammy Virk recalls having been in India. “Hardly during one or two gurpurabs I must have been abroad,” he recalls, while focusing on how important is the festival for him and his family. “As a child I was proactive about the concept of community kitchen started by Guru Nanak,” opines the singer, who feels we need to imbibe clean thoughts and good intentions in almost every breath we take. “I would like to tell all my readers and fans, stay true and right in everything you do; that is a major part of Guru Nanak’s teachings.” Rest, “A very Happy Gurpurab,” he signs off.  

 


KNOW MORE ABOUT THE MOHALI INSTITUTE

KARUN SHARMA/HT■ Besides 78 hostel rooms, the institute provides facilities such as a multi gym and sports fields, et al.2015: 25 students (1,500 had applied). The first batch is called Spearheads 2016: 25 students (1,200 had applied). This batch is called Smashing Seconds 2017: 25 students (1,800 had applied). This batch is called Tenacious Troikas

ROUTINE

5am: The day begins

5.40am: Morning muster begins with master parade followed by a pledge, prayer, debate on news, etc

5.50am: Physical training

8am: Girls leave for college and return by 2.30pm

3pm: Preparatory period, drill class and games followed by break

6pm: Evening classes on communication skills and personality development 8pm to 10.30pm: Dinner and self-study 11 pm: Lights off

MANAGEMENT

Maj Gen IP Singh, VSM (retd), an alumnus of Sainik School, Kapurthala and National Defence Academy, Khadakwasla, is the director of the institute. Maj Gen Singh, Col PS Gill (retd) and Sukhpreet Thind are the triad handling the institute’s functioning. Administration officer Col Gill, an alumnus of Punjab Public School Nabha, who joined the institute in June 2016, also prepares the girls for interviews. “I update the girls about current affairs, and provide them feedback on their presentations,” says Gill.

HIGHLIGHTS

Motto: Shubh karman tey kabhoon naa taroon

The girl cadets are trained in sports, personality development, communication skills, team building, and leadership, besides being prepped for the services selection board (SSB) interview. The girls are allowed to keep mobile phones as the teachers claim they trust them

Young joinees and veterans hold lectures to motivate the students. Cultural activities are organised from time to time.

Girls are also taken for trekking and other fitness exercises.


Rank-parity back on MoD table, ‘in detail’

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, October 30

In an important development, the matter of the rank-parity is being looked into in ‘great detail’ by the Ministry of Defence (MoD), including the vital letter sent by the Prime Minister’s Office in December 2008. The letter mentioned setting up a high-powered committee to sort out parity issues.Top sources have confirmed that ‘no false equivalence’ will be allowed.  The rank-parity issue was highlighted by The Tribune in a three-part series recently.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)A  three-member committee headed by an Additional Secretary-rank officer had been tasked to study rank-equivalence norms between the armed forces and the civilians employed in the Armed Forces Headquarters, called the AFHQ cadre.The forces had lodged a serious protest, questioning the veracity of claims in the report and the documents relied upon.Sources said the MoD was looking into all angles of the rank-parity issue. Discussions are happening in the ministry and in no situation will the ministry stand to benefit or side with any one of the two sides — the forces and the AFHQ cadre of civilians. “The idea is not to benefit one side at the cost of the other, whichever that is,” sources said.Meanwhile, the MoD, in a bid to promote domestic defence manufacturing, is mulling on formulating a method under which obtaining security clearance from the Home Ministry, if delayed, will be “deemed to be approved”.After a recent meeting between Defence Minister Nirmala Sitharaman and representatives from the industry, the defence ministry is now discussing measures to help private sector industries get a final clearance, in case their request has been pending for a long time.The MoD has also asked the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) to prepare a list of defence technologies it has developed and has not been given to any government or private sector for manufacturing. “Some technologies have already been given to private sector. We will work with DRDO to make a list of items which can be commercialised,” said a source.


Army to help build foot overbridge at Elphinstone station

Army to help build foot overbridge at Elphinstone station
The Elphinstone railway stations foot overbridge where a stampede took place, in Mumbai. PTI

Mumbai, October 31

The Army will hep build a new foot overbridge at the Elphinstone Road station, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis today said as Union ministers Nirmala Sitharaman and Piyush Goyal visited the station, where a deadly stampede took place last month.Fadnavis, who accompanied Defence minister Sitharaman and Railway Minister Goyal, said the Army will also help in building foot overbridges at two other stations here.23 people were killed in a stampede on the Elphinstone Road station foot overbridge (FOB) last month.”We are taking the Army’s help in building a new FOB at the Elphinstone Road station and at two other suburban train stations in Mumbai,” Fadnavis told reporters at the venue.”I have been informed that the work on these bridges will be completed by January 31,” he said.After the stampede on September 29, railway officials posted police personnel to manage the crowd on busy platforms, evicted hawkers from suburban train stations and started speeding up infrastructure projects on suburban network. — PTI


ICRA to get 5 military farms on lease

Nitish Sharma

Tribune News Service

Ambala, October 24

The Defence Minister has decided to give military farms in Ambala, Belguam, Secunderabad, Jammu and Meerut on lease to the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR).The Cabinet Committee on Security gave its approval on July 14 to close down all 39 military farms within three months. Fourteen such farms had already been shut down.Sources say it was decided in a meeting chaired by the Defence Minister recently to give these five military farms on lease to the ICAR.The sources say the Eastern Command has also been asked to identify military farms for leasing out to the ICAR in the Northeast and East.Dr Nandoo Yadav, general secretary, Military Farm Non-gazetted Employees’ Union, says: “Giving out the farms on lease is not a solution as after sometimes, the farms will be closed down.” The farms were to be closed by October 14 and the cattle handed over to the government agencies, veterinary universities and gaushalas, but no one came forward to take cattle. Now, the farms are expected to be closed by March 2018.”Yadav says permanent employees will be shifted to other departments, but there are no directions regarding temporary employees. With the closure of all farms, hundreds of temporary employees working in these farms for the past 20 to 30 years will be sacked. “Those who have been sacked so far have not been given any gratuity or compensation. They have not even been served any notice. Labour laws have been violated and hundreds of employees have been denied their legitimate rights,” he adds.The union has requested the Defence Ministry and the Prime Minister to review the decision. “The ministry has been advised not to close down the farms instantly. A policy should be adopted not to rear calves and sell them to the local population. By this way, 30 per cent strength of the animals will reduce every year and the department will close down automatically within three years,” he adds.The union had approached the SC against the Centre’s decision to close down 39 military farms across the country, but the court had asked it to approach the High Court first. The union approached the Delhi High Court on Monday and the case would come up for hearing this week, he says.