The Chinese military today said it was paying “close attention” to the incident in which an Indian Air Force fighter jet with two pilots on board went missing along the Sino-India border two days ago.Paying “close attention” to it, Chinese defence spokesman Col Ren Guochang said when asked at a briefing about whether the Chinese military would help trace the missing Sukhoi fighter jet. However, he refused to give any details.In Assam, search operations continued for the third day today for the missing Sukhoi-30 fighter jet that went missing on May 23 after taking off from Salonibari airbase here on a routine training sortie, sources said.Ren’s remarks appeared positive compared to the curt comments of Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Lu Kang who had said that he has no information on the missing plane and warned India that it should avoid disrupting peace and stability in Arunachal. — PTI
Move aims to clip wings of OSDs who owe allegiance to ‘rival’ factions within his core team that decides access to MLAs, officers, media
Hectic lobbying is on for cabinet berths and posts of chief parliamentary secretaries. Many party leaders are also lobbying for their business interests. It will soon be business as usual in the Congress. A SENIOR MLA
CHANDIGARH: Return to power after 10 years of political exile has its own exigencies, no matter how urgent the need for austerity. So Punjab chief minister Captain Amarinder Singh made a slew of appointments to adjust his key aides as advisers and political secretaries.
The younger lot have been appointed as officers on special duty (OSD) with charge of different districts. Among the five young OSDs appointed so far, the youngest is a 24-year-old law student, Ankit Bansal. The other four are Gurpreet Singh alias Sonu Dhesi, Jagdeep Singh Sidhu, Sandeep Singh Brar and Damanjeet Singh Mohi.
However, all these OSDs were doing for now was hangout at the CM’s camp office at his private residence in Sector 10 of Chandigarh — he has yet to move to his official residence — and be seen around him.
According to sources in the government, in a stern diktat from the CM, the OSDs have been given a list of dos and don’ts. The first is “not to enter the CM residence, until asked”. Second, “not to accompany the CM, until asked”. And the third, “not to seek appointments” with the CM for people. They have been asked to meet people of districts they have been entrusted with and get their problems and applications to the notice of the CM and his officers.
Behind the appointment of OSDs is also a power struggle within “rival” camps in the CM’s core team of advisers and secretaries.
“The OSDs owe their allegiance to one or the other camp close to Amarinder. Each camp tries to control access of CM to people they perceive to be from the rival camp, be it MLAs, officers or the media. Right now, hectic lobbying is on within the camps for cabinet berths and posts of chief parliamentary secretaries for MLAs close to them. Many party leaders are also lobbying for their business interests. It will soon be business as usual in the Congress,” a senior MLA said requesting anonymity.
The letters have gone to the young team of OSDs barring two of Amarinder’s trusted aides –MP Singh, who is CM’s OSDcum-secretary and Sandeep Sandhu, an Amritsar-based businessman who has been made in-charge of camp office at Amritsar.
J&K : Mix of Old and New Makes A Workable Strategy BY Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, SM, VSM (Retd)
We need a healthy mix of old and new options to formulate a workable strategy to resolve the current imbroglio
Author:
Lt Gen Syed Ata Hasnain, PVSM, UYSM, AVSM, SM, VSM (Retd)
Wednesday, May 24, 2017
Burhan Wani, new militancy, the scourge of the stone thrower, terrorist funerals, emboldened school children resisting the CRPF, manipulated video and the like are all associated with the new Kashmir situation. For veterans of the past who saw a different dimension of the militancy it is not easy to appreciate the new threats and the dangers they spell. However, there are some basics which apply in every situation and not for nothing do accomplished practitioners of operational art advise their subordinates to go back to the drawing board or ‘back to basics’ to address most problems.
In the world of soldiering the nature of conflict may rapidly change but most essentials just remain the same. Basic instinct tells a soldier what is the next thing to do. A prudent mix of the old and new makes a workable strategy. Here is how.
I ascribe the above understanding to the adoption of the Cordon and Search Operations (CASO),now under execution in South Kashmir. Lots of veterans would recall how populations loathe these when they are conducted as per the book. They are also great occasions to fraternize and even attempt to change the minds of the public. Earlier CASOs were invariably accompanied by a civic action team comprising a Regimental Medical Officer (RMO), his staff and administrative elements. Off late, at least since the beginning of the millennium we have been carrying out only intelligence based search operations. The scope of generic CASO was reduced to just a few houses on basis of suspicion. With the kind of situation which has recently developed in the area bounded by Kulgam, Shupian, Pulwama and Bijbehara and the daily run of bank robberies, the writ of the state has virtually come under question with governance nearly paralyzed. A series of CASOs of the old-world style, a sweep through, selective searches and broad domination, appear to have been followed displaying flexibility in thinking. When in trouble going back to the drawing board and to the basics, appears to have been followed as a notion.
When there were attempts at intimidation of the columns through stone throwing coercion was given a bye. However, if these operations have to continue for effect and there is more intimidation, limited coercion will have to follow. This cannot be one off and needs to repeat often irrespective of material results; domination and prevention of freedom of movement being the essential focus.
Surprisingly there were expectations of definitive results from these operations, even by some people in uniform. It should be well known that CASOs rarely produce results but are outstanding means of measured ‘intimidation’, domination and psychological pressure on terror groups and their supporters. These active day and night operations will keep terrorists on the run. The crossings on the Jhelum River need to be controlled, in fact dominated, even if Marcos from Bandipura have to be redeployed. Obviously more troops are required and these should be brought in very early, possibly a division worth along with a HQ. We cannot have HQ Victor Force alone responsible for the Amarnath Yatra, Central and South Kashmir. Troops had been redeployed from South Kashmir to the LoC for the counter infiltration grid when things had become quieter here. Prudence demands that there need be no hesitation on part of senior commanders to turn the clock. If tactics of old are to be followed so must force levels of the past be restored.
A notion which needs analysis is the idea that Kashmir is back to the Nineties and that India is losing it. Somehow Pakistan also perceives as if it is winning the proxy conflict and its perception is prevailing upon the Indian public in no small way. I can recall the number of times this question has been put to me through the last fifteen years or so. Each time the security situation slips self-doubts rise. It is to the credit of the Indian Army that despite the ups and downs due to the inability of taking the situation beyond security stabilization, we have still managed to keep it well short of the Tipping Point towards which Pakistan wishes to push it. Yes, the situation today is bad and alienation is very high but in 1990 when it all came to a head we were responding with virtually shoe string resources and experience only of Sri Lanka or Nagaland. Today we have 63 battalions of Rashtriya Rifles (RR) in J&K and we need to be thankful these did not redeploy to the Red Corridor as was being contemplated in 2010. There are close to 60 CRPF units in the Valley alone and the JK Police has its own numbers. More than anything else we have the experience and the benefit of success and failure. That, however, is a subjective asset contingent upon the amount of intellect we wish to apply and quantum of failure we wish to admit. Converting near failure to success is an art of leadership and I would always look upon the current situation as a grand opportunity to apply the lessons of failure and reinforce the lessons of success. The only thing we definitely did not have in 1990 is 24×7 media penetrating our homes and minds. How this can be converted into an asset is another aspect which has been insufficiently examined.
A public order situation as the one in Kashmir,seen to be crossing a threshold, needs to be tackled the robust way in a calibrated manner. We did it in 1990 and some years thereafter. Formal adoption of Sadbhavana as a hearts and minds exercise only commenced in 1997 after we had crossed a threshold of control through the employment of legitimate hard power. The Security Forces (SF) therefore have to demonstrate firmness with correctness. They need to ensure that they are not baited into overreaction. Qualification of what is legitimate hard power must be clearly understood by commanders down the chain and an extra effort must be made to embed the altered rules of engagement into all ranks.
There are other domains which need to be simultaneously addressed. As a policy the Government does not wish to engage with separatist leaders or anti-India elements that for long appear to have been legitimized as the potential future political leadership of J&K. The events of 2016 were like a watershed when the reluctance of these very elements to engage with India became almost final. The Government then decided not to engage but rather delegitimize them; it has actually led to their disempowerment in the eyes of the separatist cadres too. However, it has also led to the creation of a dispersed under cover leadership which may not fully have been discovered even by intelligence agencies. This identification is a necessity and must form one of the elements of focus of the intelligence campaign.
Among all supportive dimensions relevant to the restoration of the situation in Kashmir, two stand out. First is the identification and engagement of the right people whose support will work against the anti-national elements. Second is to follow an effective policy of countering the proactive Pakistani and Separatist propaganda; ideal is to have a proactive policy of information handling to take your own message to the people before the adversary’s message. In other words it is all about messaging the narratives openly, transparently and sufficiently.
Engagement and Outreach
One can start with a definition of the term which has rarely been attempted in the past. It can involve the following:-
A series of actions taken over time to meet and fraternize with different Definition. segments of the public for better understanding of culture, faith, social environment, aspirations and level of alienation.
• Involves determining specific administrative problems of the people, resolving those that can be within means and taking up issues with Government authorities for resolution of the remaining.
• Also assist in explaining Government’s views to the public.
• Countering Pakistan and Islamic propaganda.
Functionaries I meet who know J&K well all recommend engagement and outreach alongside robust no nonsense operations but remain hesitant about how this can be done in the face of ongoing violence and alienation. I find this strange; a lack of application of experience, intellect and an inability to take risk. “It requires creativity and will to explore ideas”, as one experienced journalist puts it. The dearth is of ideas which flow when you keep channels of communication open with diverse entities. If you do not meet people and do not go down to villages to speak to those who matter little, the ideas will seldom come. It is not for me to suggest models of outreach but I would follow a simple dictum of hybrid conflict; ensure what you do carries the stamp of the whole of government.
Start from places least affected by violence; there is never a need to jump into the eye of the storm. It must start small with local administrators and police officials, the security and administration being provided by the Army.
Ensure presence of maximum young people and also women plus a few members of the clergy.
Use the points of the above definition to good effect.
Listen rather than talk and allow legitimate grievances to be aired. Resolve what one can be with assistance of the civil administration.
I am aware that the resentment among the youth is immense and there will be attempts at rabble rousing but that is the risk one takes in such initiatives. The event must never be labeled an Army initiative but a local government one for greater legitimacy. A small medical camp on the sidelines increases the legitimacy; lady doctors and pediatricians are a must.
This is just a model of the past which needs adaptation to the current. It needs to be done at unit level. With a few elders, one or two members of the clergy and some youth; there can be legitimate discussions even at company level. I always admit that better than me were my company commanders; the young majors of 46 RR (Sikh); in dealing with the populace of Baramula. That was our strength and still is, in that very sensitive town. Implicit faith in the capability of the junior officer and his Commanding Officer holds the Indian Army in great stead and that should never dilute. From the peripheral areas when the word spreads replication can begin in the inner core in a gradual spread. The recent move, in Victor Force to conduct engagement in small groups, is already receiving positive feedback.
It is a question of understanding and experience. The kind of engagement described above gives no political legitimacy to anyone; it only gives administrative empowerment to the people and the administrators. The security so necessary for the safe move of administrators is provided by the Army and Police along with intelligence backup. None of this goes against the national discourse of not giving in to violence as a means of coercing the government. In due course it will assist in political outreach too.
There has to be a media imprint for this. National and local media can be sounded. ‘Government Functionaries interact with Local Youth’ at different places in Kashmir should be headlines in local media and the subject of discussion in the evening on national visual media. Repeats of this will multiply interest and create more faith and more hope. That has what has been destroyed in the last one year which needs to be restored.
Counter Propaganda and Strategic Communication
There is a physical dimension to outreach as explained above but there also exists a virtual one. It’s old wine to keep regretting how Pakistan realized the significance of the information domain and continues to exploit it to the hilt. The recent uploading of videos, WhatsApp messages, generation of flash mobs and anti-government propaganda have only one source, the Inter Services Public Relations wing (ISPR) of the Pakistan Army. The important thing is to realize that without a campaign to counter the ISPR and build favorable narratives; our efforts to stabilize Kashmir may not fully succeed. It’s not for me to suggest themes, narratives and ideas but suffice to flag that this has to be institutional. It cannot be left to the Army to run although we can build on its efforts which continue with limited resources. There has to be a national effort which has to be civilian oriented with ownership at both Central and State Government levels. It may also be prudent to advise that these campaigns need professionals to run them with deep insight into the situation, cultural and political sensitivities and psyche. Since this is something quite new and the information domain has hardly been our forte ever since its very effective handling in 1971, we need a body to examine this thoroughly on fast track. The mechanism for execution must be established in less than six months.
The Indian public need not be demotivated or disturbed by any notions of having lost Kashmir. It will take much more than just a couple of stone throwing demonstrations for Pakistan to wrest Kashmir from us. In fact that is the underlying theme of the very first campaign which must be crafted.
Bringing a nation of 1.25 billion people with an Army of 1.3 million to its knees by attempting to take away a part of the national territory and its people is surely not something Pakistan is ever capable of achieving.
Russia nod to Kamov JV Copters to be built under ‘make in India’ initiative
In the first major ‘make in India’ move, Russia has formally agreed to have a joint venture with India for production of the Kamov-226T light-utility helicopter.The two long-standing military allies had been discussing the project since December 2015, but Russia had not approved the joint venture (JV). Top sources in the Ministry of Defence today confirmed that Moscow had conveyed its consent, which was accorded by President Vladimir Putin.New Delhi was not satisfied with the price being asked by the Russian side and it was one of the reasons for holding back the formal JV.The MoD would then ask the new company to submit its technical and commercial proposal within six months, meaning some cost negotiation will be carried out in the future.Kamov-HAL are to produce 200 of the Kamov 226T copters at a cost of nearly US$ 1 billion (Rs 6,500 crore) or Rs 32 crore per copter. Sixty of these copters will come in fly-away condition from Russia, another 40 will be assembled in India and the remaining 100 will be fully built in India.An inter government agreement inked in October 2016, during the Narendra Modi-Putin meeting at Goa, had announced the Kamov deal.The twin-engine Kamov 226-T will replace the single-engine Cheetah/Chetak, usually deployed for surveillance, dropping small loads and for rescue, including of troops posted at forbidding heights such as the Siachen Glacier-Saltoro Ridge region.The three services and the Coast Guard currently have 430 Cheetah/Chetaks. These are based on the 1950s’ designed Alouette Aérospatiale 315B Lama of France.
New firm to be floated
India, Russia will now form new company ‘Indo-Russian Helicopters Private Ltd’
Russian govt-owned Rostec Corporation will own 49.5 pc stake in the firm
Ministry of Defence-owned Hindustan Aeronautics Limited will own the rest 50.5 pc
Indian forces need some 800 light utility copters over next decade
How Amarinder Singh’s response to Operation Bluestar made him a political icon in Punjab
The two men who would eventually take charge of Punjab’s destiny in later years –Amarinder Singh and Parkash Singh Badal – were not in the state when Operation Bluestar was being executed. Amarinder Singh was near Shimla, playing a round of golf when the news about the army operation broke. His attention was distracted by the crackling sound of a radio in the vicinity of the golf course, which carried three key words: army, Bhindranwale and Golden Temple.
“I immediately walked up to the house [in which the radio was on] and requested the owner if he would let me in and listen to the bulletin.” The owner acceded to the request.
Amarinder’s worst fears had come true.
He promptly called off his golf game and returned to Shimla to ponder over and execute his next line of action. It had to be strategised carefully because it could have serious personal as well as financial repercussions. He called upon his colleague (Mrs) Rajinder Kaur Bhattal, who was also holidaying in Shimla, to inform her about what had happened at Amritsar.
Senior Congress leaders from Punjab, such as Gurdarshan Singh (from Nabha), Beant Singh (from village Kotli in Ludhiana), Sukhbans Kaur Bhinder (from Gurdaspur), Rajinder Kaur Bhattal (from Sangrur), Amarjit Kaur (from Patiala) and Amarinder, had decided that in the event of the Centre sending forces into the Golden Temple, they would all strongly lodge their dissent by going to New Delhi and maybe tender their resignation from the party as a sign of protest. In Amarinder’s case, he would have to resign from Parliament as well as from the Congress party.
As it turned out, none of the others resigned and some did not even reach New Delhi, citing one reason or the other. According to Amarinder, Rajinder Kaur Bhattal excused herself as one of her children was suffering from severe diarrhoea. Sukhbans Kaur Bhinder exempted herself because she had other commitments to fulfil. Beant Singh and Amarjit Kaur also managed to avoid going to the national capital with him. The only other person who lived up to his word was Gurdarshan Singh. He accompanied Amarinder to New Delhi, a tough journey under the prevailing circumstances.
From Shimla, Amarinder drove to his house in Chail from where he contacted the army commander for assistance to enter Punjab. Once all arrangements were in place, he drove to Chandimandir (a military station close to Chandigarh) where he met and lunched with the army commander.
Assured of a safe passage through Punjab, Amarinder then informed Gurdarshan Singh and both Congress leaders set off for New Delhi in their luxury cars to air their grievances to the Congress high command, a euphemism for the party president: Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. On reaching New Delhi, Amarinder met Indira Gandhi at her residence and handed her his resignation.
Amarinder’s ensuing conversation with Indira Gandhi was very candid and emotional.
The prime minister, who had evidently not taken Amarinder’s earlier assertions of quitting seriously, demanded his reasons for resigning from Parliament and the party. He reminded her of their previous conversation and emphasised the very strong association of the Patiala family with the Sikh religion and its related history. She then asked him to rethink. “This was reason enough for me to not reconsider my decision,” affirms Amarinder.
Not used to hearing a “no”, Indira Gandhi got up from her chair and stormed out of the room, leaving Amarinder on his own. Torn between his religion, political future and close association with the Gandhi family, Amarinder left his resignation on her table and walked out of the room soon after.
Since the Congress high command was now worried about the growing dissent amongst senior Sikh leaders, it evoked its crisis management “mantra”. Veteran Surjit Singh Majithia from Amritsar, a former deputy defence minister and a close relative of Gurdarshan Singh, had been requisitioned to dissuade the latter from tendering his resignation. Surjit Singh Majithia was successful in his mission.
It was none other than his childhood friend Rajiv Gandhi who attempted to placate Amarinder and convince him to change his mind, as his decision would politically bring down the Congress further in Sikh esteem.
However, Amarinder stood his ground and refused to oblige. He had already stated his position and anxiety to Rajiv Gandhi earlier. To avoid the pressure from his schoolmate and senior party colleagues, Amarinder went into hiding. On 10 June 1984, he finally approached BBC’s India correspondent, Sir Mark Tully, and went public with his resignation. BBC was the first news service to announce Amarinder Singh’s quitting from Parliament and the Congress party.
The same day, Amarinder Singh also released a press note about his move and the reasons behind it. The Tribune (a widely read Chandigarh-based newspaper) reported: “Mr Amarinder Singh of the Congress (I) today resigned from Parliament in protest against what he called ‘“entry of the army into the Akal Takht’”. In a signed statement, Mr Amarinder Singh said he was also resigning from the Congress. [He also declared]: “I shall now endeavour to bring about normalcy in the state and re-establish the cordial relations between the Sikhs and the Hindus.”
A couple of days later, Devinder Singh Garcha, Congress MP from Ludhiana, also resigned from Parliament and the Congress party. Elsewhere in the country, in the aftermath of Operation Bluestar, a large number of Sikhs deserted the armed forces and Khushwant Singh, the eminent writer and journalist, returned the Padma Bhushan, the third highest civilian award of the country, conferred on him in 1974. However, he did not resign from Parliament, which he represented through the Rajya Sabha (1980 to 1986).
Why did most other Punjab Sikh Congress leaders not resign and what made Amarinder stick to his resolve?
The answer to this question can perhaps be found in history through this excerpt from The Rajas of the Punjab: “The village Mehraj…in the modern Bathinda district was founded [by Amarinder’s ancestors] on the advice of Guru Hargobind [the sixth Guru], who had built the Akal Takht [early in the seventeenth century].”
Amarinder further clarifies: “Guru Gobind Singh had sent my ancestors a hukumnama [literally meaning a letter of command to preserve the religion]. There was no way that I could turn back from my decision.”
If it was an emotional decision taken to demonstrate his protest against the use of the army in the Sikhs’ holiest shrine, Amarinder Singh’s decision could also be hailed as a very astute political move, though it had its share of repercussions including long- term harm to financial interests.
The Congress upped its ante against Amarinder. There were a series of press releases condemning the erstwhile scion of Patiala’s decision. Several Congress leaders hailed the army action and met Rajiv Gandhi to show their support for Indira Gandhi. About twenty MLAs, including Dr Kewal Krishan, Sajjan Kumar Jakhar, Lal Singh and Jagdev Singh Jassowal, termed Amarinder’s resignation from Parliament as a complete “betrayal” of the faith reposed in him by the people. In a joint statement, they declared that the resignation was a “direct encouragement” to anti-national and communal forces. They also asserted that at a juncture “when the forces of disruption and disintegration were striking against secular forces, this step of Amarinder Singh’s was nothing short of a stab in the back of national interest and unity”.
The resignation, which clearly was an outcome of a combination of many factors, elevated, among a majority of the Sikhs, the position of the Patiala scion, who till then could only win in his home constituency. It catapulted him to a position of “persona grata” in Punjab’s politics.
The resignation can easily be referred to as his first major political manoeuvre in the complicated political chessboard of Punjab.
It was high on emotional connect, strong on religious resonance and shrewd on political wisdom. It was the hallmark of a statesman in the making, whose patriotism was never in doubt.
The decision also helped the Patiala family members in absolving themselves of an enormous ignominy, which could be attributed to the founder Ala Singh. In March 1762, Ala Singh had accepted the title of raja from the Afghan invader Ahmad Shah Abdali. Abdali was responsible for plundering of the Golden Temple twice besides killing thousands of pilgrims and filling the sacred pool with human bodies and carcasses of cattle. The founder of Patiala, Ala Singh, in Sikh history has appeared as a tainted figure, who, to attain and keep his power, had sided with the Afghan ruler Ahmad Shah Abdali during his invasions of India.
Even though Amarinder continues to maintain that his resignation had nothing to do with politics, this step ushered in another key contender in Sikh politics. Amarinder justifies his move: “Our association with the Gurus and the Sikh faith is beyond politics. Politics is nothing. I have no regrets whatsoever,” claims Amarinder.
Excerpted with permission from Captain Amarinder Singh: The People’s Maharaja – An Authorized Biography, Khushwant Singh, Hay House.
The government today approved procurement of a fresh batch of Barak surface-to-air missiles for naval warships from Israel to enhance India’s maritime capability. A meeting of the Defence Acquisition Council (DAC) approved capital acquisition proposals totalling over Rs 860 crore, including for the purchase of Barak missiles.(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)The clearance to procure Barak missiles at around Rs 500 crore comes ahead of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s expected visit to the country. — PTI
Four senior posts in the Army fell vacant yesterday and there have been no appointments to replace them. Among the vacant posts are that of the Director General Military Intelligence (DGMI), and the Adjutant General (AG).
Four Lieutenant General-rank officers retired yesterday, leaving a void. The Ministry of Defence is yet to take a decision on their replacement or take a call on the pending promotions of Major Generals to Lt Generals — the promotion boards are pending approval for the past four months.Among the retirees were Deputy Chief of Army Staff (DCOAS) Lt Gen Subrata Saha, Director General (DG) Rashtriya Rifles Lt Gen GS Chandel, DG Military Training Lt Gen AL Chavan and the Adjutant General Lt Gen RK Sharma.Lt Gen SK Patyal, the DGMI, has been moved as the new Deputy Chief, replacing Lt Gen Saha.
There has been no officer appointed as DGMI, leaving a vacancy. Lt Gen Patyal was Commander of the Leh-based 14 Corps before taking over as the DGMI.Other than the appointment of Lt Gen Patyal, no other replacement has been announced. Apart from the four Lt Generals, 11 Maj General-rank officers have also retired.Sources said the promotions of Maj Generals will ensure movement and appointments. In the armed forces, the top vacancies are few and all ranks of Colonel, Brigadier, Maj General and Lt General are selection posts. Those not selected for the next ranks retire as per the age-level fixed for the rank, hence leaving very little choice.
The BRO was hopeful to clear the Manali-Leh highway till Sarchu by May 25 but the inclement weather has marred the hope of accomplishing the task in a stipulated time. PTI
Tribune News Service
Mandi, May 21
Inclement weather has hampered the snow-clearing work on the Manali-Leh National Highway till Sarchu Pass (14,500 feet), the border of the state and Jammu and Kashmir, where the Border Roads Organisation (BRO) is struggling hard to open the route.The highway is strategically important in the region which is used by the Army to supply goods to its forces in Leh and Ladakh.According to a BRO official, the workforce has reached near Baralacha Pass (16,043 feet) where heaps of snow were observed and it was struggling hard to move ahead towards Sarchu Pass.Earlier, the BRO was hopeful to clear the highway till Sarchu Pass by May 25 but the inclement weather has marred the hope of accomplishing the task in a stipulated time.BRO Commander Mayank Mehta said, “Due to bad weather in last two days, there was snowing in the region, however, our workforce continued in the snow clearance operation.”“We have reached Baralacha Pass where heaps of snow was observed and it will take more than one week to clear the route up to Sarchu,” he added.
Tourists throng Manali
Manali: To beat the scorching heat of the plains, a large number of tourists are visiting Manali every day. Tourist vehicles are allowed up to Marhi, 35 km from here, on the Manali-Rohtang road.Marhi and Beas Nullah, which is known as the snowpoint, has turned into an attraction for tourists.Marhi, about 15 km short of the Rohtang Pass, lies one of the most picturesque places in the region.A large number of tourists were also seen thronging the nearby tourists places like Hidimba Devi temple, Manu temple, Buddhist monasteries and Vashisht hot water springs. — OCHighway strategically important
The Manali-Leh National Highway is strategically important in the region as it is used by the Army to supply goods to its forces in Leh and Ladakh.
Earlier, the BRO was hopeful to clear the highway till the Sarchu Pass by May 25, but the inclement weather has marred the hope of accomplishing the task in a stipulated time.
Why this tunnel will become Jammu and Kashmir’s lifeline
Prime Minister Narendra Modi will dedicate to the nation Asia’s longest bi-directional road tunnel on the Jammu-Srinagar National Highway on Sunday (April 2). The Chenani-Nashri all-weather tunnel has been built at a cost of over Rs 2,500 crore in about five years.
Built at an altitude of 1,200 meters, the 10.89 km tunnel would cut the travel distance between Jammu and Srinagar by about 40 kilometres, and is expected to save passengers over 2 hours in travel time as it will bypass snow- and landslide-prone Kud, Patnitop and Batote on National Highway 44. According to estimates, it also promises fuel savings of over Rs 27 lakh per day and will also provide better connectivity to people in Kishtwar, Doda and Bhaderwah in the Jammu region.
The work on the twin-tube tunnel, which is part of National Highway Authority of India’s (NHAI’s) 286-km-long four-lane project on the highway, started on May 23, 2011, in the lower Himalayan mountain range. The project forms part of the proposed widening of NH-44 (old NH-1A) from Jammu to Srinagar.
Hailed as an engineering marvel, this marks significant roadbuilding firsts in India, including an unprecedented stress on user safety. Amongst its host of intelligent road tunnel features are:
Integrated traffic control system
Entrance Detection Control System
Active Firefighting System
Electronic Surveillance System
Evacuative Broadcast System
Tunnel Ventilation System
The present India-Pakistan situation is “untenable”’ and “pre-conditions” to talks don’t work, Abdul Basit, Pakistan’s High Commissioner to India, told The Tribune today.Pointing to the Kulbhushan Jadhav case, he said: “Pakistan as a responsible country, never flip flops on principles to cater for temporary benefits. And like all other states, we do not compromise on issues related to national security.”(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)Reiterating Pakistan was willing for a “meaningful engagement with India,” he emphasised the only way forward was dialogue. On India’s contention that “talks and terror can’t go together”, Basit said sooner or later, Pakistan and India would have to come to the negotiating table, “either now or five years down the lane.The envoy urged India to return to the 2009 Sharam al Sheikh Statement wherein the two countries had decided to keep the issues of terrorism and talks apart. “We need to revert to that statement,” he said, stressing Pakistan was willing to discuss all issues, from Jammu and Kashmir to terrorism.Consistently referring to Jadhav as “Commander Jadhav,” he spoke of the “limited reprieve given to India” by the International Court of Justice (ICJ) while giving a stay on Jadhav’s execution, which the envoy pointed out was of no consequence as “he (Jadhav) was not being executed yesterday.” He was non-committal on whether the ICJ verdict was legally binding on Pakistan “I don’t see how Commander Jadhav can be executed over the next month. There is a process which will take its course.”On consular access/ visas to Jadhav’s family, the envoy said these would have to be decided on merit. “Pakistan is not really worried; we believe that as far as Commander Jadhav is concerned, Pakistan is on terra firma (solid ground). The case is also a testimony to the fact that terrorism in Pakistan is not without external dimensions.”Referring to the lack of progress in the Mumbai and Pathankot trials, Basit stuck to his earlier argument that progress could not be achieved till the two countries talked to each other. “On Pathankot, how can you achieve results without cooperation? We agreed to send our investigators, we extended full cooperation. It is important to retain the spirit of cooperation.”On the speculation that Narendra Modi and Nawaz Sharif might meet on the sidelines of the Shanghai meeting in June, Basit said there was no such proposal yet from either the Indian or the Pakistani side.“Pakistan’s stand has always been that back-channel diplomacy without front-channel diplomacy is irrelevant,” he added.
State Stalwarts
DEFENCES FORCES RANKS
ARMY, NAVY, AIRFORCE RANKS
FORMATION SIGNS
FORMATION SIGNS
ALL HUMANS ARE ONE CREATED BY GOD
HINDUS,MUSLIMS,SIKHS.ISAI SAB HAI BHAI BHAI
CHIEF PATRON ALL INDIA SANJHA MORCHA
LT GEN JASBIR SINGH DHALIWAL, DOGRA
SENIOR PATRON ALL INDIA SANJHA MORCHA
MAJOR GEN HARVIJAY SINGH, SENA MEDAL ,corps of signals
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PATRON ALL INDIA SANJHA MORCHA
MAJ GEN RAMINDER GORAYA , CORPS OF
sanjhamorcha303@gmail.com
PRESIDENT HARAYANA STATE CUM COORDINATOR ESM
BRIG DALJIT THUKRAL ,BENGAL SAPPERS
PRESIDENT TRICITY
COL B S BRAR (BHUPI BRAR)
PRESIDENT CHANDIGARH ZONE
COL SHANJIT SINGH BHULLAR
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PRESIDENT PANCHKULA ZONE AND ZIRAKPUR
COL SWARAN SINGH
PRESIDENT SAS NAGAR (MOHALI)
COL BALBIR SINGH , ARTY
INDIAN DEFENCE FORCES
DEFENCE FORCES INTEGRATED LOGO
FORCES FLAGS
15 Th PRESIDENT OF INDIA SUPREME COMMANDER ARMED FORCES
Droupadi Murmu
DEFENCE MINISTER
Minister Rajnath Singh
CHIEF OF DEFENCE STAFF (2nd)
General Anil Chauhan PVSM UYSM AVSM SM VSM
INDIAN FORCES CHIEFS
CHIEF OF ARMY STAFF(29th)
General Upendra Dwivedi, PVSM, AVSM (30 Jun 2024 to Till Date)
