Deepkamal Kaur

Tribune News Service

Jalandhar, June 14

Union Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar said today that decks had been cleared to open the Adampur air force base for commercial flights as the two requisite NoCs required from the defence authorities had been granted.He said that a meeting would be held next month with the officials of Airport Authority of India and Air India. Parrikar said this during his visit to Hoshiarpur where he opened a war memorial. Alighting at the Adampur air force station, he first paid his respects to the 567 martyrs of the district and laid a wreath at the memorial.He was received by Union Minister and Hoshiarpur MP Vijay Sampla and BJP national vice- president Avinash Rai Khanna. Parrikar held a meeting with the intellectuals on the two years of the Modi government followed by a media interaction.Justifying the shoot-at-sight orders by the Indian Air Force against anyone found scaling the boundary walls of an installation, he said it was a normal practice to issue such orders in high-alert areas. He said an NIAteam was leaving for Pakistan for a probe into the Pathankot attack but the green signal from Pakistan was still awaited.On the crash of MiG 27 and a move to ground the aircraft by 2018, he said air accidents were currently rated as 0.23 per cent for 10,000 flying hours and had reduced considerably. “We will phase them out,” he replied.On the NCC cadets not getting their uniform, he said they would start getting these soon.

“India now has the capability of protecting its strategic interests. The massive operation which came as the year was closing, demonstrated that the three services, the Army, the Air Force and the Navy, had acted in perfect coordination. The Maldives Operation has been a show piece in military strategy.” —Janes Magazine, Dec 1988.

In the early hours of 03 November 1988, 55,000 residents of Male (the capital of Maldives) awoke to the reality of an armed coup, hearing gunshots all round for the first time in their lives. Till then, the Maldivian’s had hardly ever witnessed crime leave aside violence. The last murder in this island nation was reported in 1976 and that too of a German murdering his girlfriend and the one before that was way back in 1793. Now, a rich businessman, Abdullah Luthufi, had taken over the island nation, capturing the radio and TV stations and the presidential palace with the help of mercenaries from the People’s Liberation Organisation of Tamil Eelam (PLOTE). The 1500 strong National Security Service (NSS) whose headquarter is located adjacent to the presidential palace was besieged by the mercenaries, who fortunately failed to enter and take over the armoury. Complicity of a few NSS cadres was never ruled out.

Mr Maumoon Abdul Gayoom, the president since 1978, had been returned to power with a 98.5 per cent majority for the third time. He was scheduled to visit India prior to his oath taking ceremony on 11 November. On learning of the coup, the president went into hiding, taking shelter in a safe house in the capital island of Male. From the safe house he requested assistance, first from the U.S. followed by the Soviets and thereafter Pakistan to rescue him. The U.S. base at Diego Garcia was the nearest, located 1,175 kms away, but it was election year with the U.S. Presidential elections scheduled for the 8th of November. Not having received a positive response from the three nations, President Gayoom requested India for assistance. It would be remembered that India was at that time assisting Sri Lanka with the IPKF deployed in the Northern and Eastern parts of Sri Lanka, fighting the LTTE.

3500 kms away from Male, where this violent drama for power of a small though important island nation was unfolding, another seemingly normal day dawned for the paratroopers of 50 (I) Parachute Brigade located at Agra. This was soon to change to an exciting, challenging and historical day. I was then serving as the Brigade Major (BM) of 50 (I) Parachute Brigade and at around 1000h, I received the first indication of an impending operation when I received a call from Brig. V.P. Malik (later General and COAS) the Deputy Director General of Military Operations (DDG MO). Brig. Malik issued crisp instructions and the urgency in the voice conveyed the gravity of an emerging though uncertain situation. I was informed that the Para Brigade was to move to an Island for operations. One company group and one battalion group was to be kept at standby to move at 6 hours notice and at 12 hours notice respectively. The Brigade Commander with one staff officer was required to move to the MO Directorate at Delhi by the evening, but the time was not specified.

At this time, Brig. F.F.C. Bulsara, Commander 50 (I) Parachute Brigade was on a visit to the Army Airborne Training Area at Kheria. He was requested to fall back immediately to the headquarters. Not being privy to any further information, we thought that this was one more of the numerous moves of the Para Brigade’s Reconnaissance and Order group to Sri Lanka for another of those contingency plans for Op Pawan, the codename given to\ operations being conducted by the IPKF.

At about 1040h, I received another call from the Army Headquarters, this time from the VCOAS, Lt Gen. (later COAS) S.F. Rodrigues. As the Commander was moving back from Kheria to the brigade headquarters and was not in communication, the Vice Chief spoke to me and gave the following orders/ instructions:
• Brigade to move to Maldives.
• One Battalion group to emplane by 1230 hours (ie less than 2 hours)
• Brigade less battalion group to move to Maldives on night 03/04 November.
• Prepare for an airborne assault on an island, para drop planned on a beach.
• Enemy is equipped with small arms, rocket launchers, mortars and general purpose machine guns (GPMGs). There is no air defence, though the enemy may possess some surface to air missiles.
• Air effort allotted is three IL-76 and ten AN 32 aircraft.
• First and second line ammunition to be carried.

The brigade was located in Agra, but most troops were committed on training and administrative activities. Of the three battalions of the brigade, 7 Para was out on collective training, 3 Para had two companies deployed at Lucknow and 6 Para had two companies providing security at COD Agra. However, 6 Para and 3 Para were both mobilised and 7 Para was instructed to move back to Agra forthwith. In the meantime, 10 Guards (Mechanised) was also mobilised from Gwalior by MO Directorate to move to Agra and marry up with the Para Brigade at the earliest. Those were not the days of the internet and mobile communications, and we had very little or no information on Maldives. All that we knew was that Male was the capital of the Island nation and the airfield was at Hulhule. It was only after Brig. V.P. Malik landed at Agra at around 1515h, with the Indian High Commissioner to Maldives, Mr Ashok Banerjee, that the clarity and enormity of the task dawned on us. By this time, the Commander had also returned.

Brig. Malik gave out the task and plan as formulated at MO Directorate. The task was categorical “To rescue the President of Maldives and escort him safely to India”. The plan in essence included two airborne assaults – one on a beach at Male and the other in Hulhule airfield. Thereafter, the rest of the combat echelons were to be landed at the Hulhule airfield, once it was secured. However, if the airfield at Hulhule island was under the control of troops loyal to the President, then the two IL-76 aircraft would land troops at Hulhule. However, the airborne assault at Male would still go ahead as there was no wherewithal to move the assault echelons to Male island which was separated by about one kilometre of ocean. If the airfield was in the hands of loyal troops, codeword ‘HADIYA’ was to be sent by radio and the runway lights were to be switched on and off. To facilitate landing, the airfield lights were to be switched on just prior to landing and switched off once the landing was successfully accomplished.

With scant inputs of not only the prevailing situation but also of the topography, the situation remained uncertain and confused. The only maps available were photocopies of tourist sketches of Male and Hulhule islands. But now Brig F.F.C. Bulsara, took charge. A decisive military leader and soldier, he comprehended the seriousness of the situation which was compounded by the prevailing confusion, and issued clear and concise instructions not only to the units of the Para Brigade but also to the Air Force and the Military Operations Directorate. He had trained the brigade very effectively so as to achieve all military tasks,especially airborne tasks under the most challenging of circumstances. After getting as much information as he could from Mr Ashok Banerjee’s detailed knowledge of Male, Brig. Bulsara decided to launch the operation with Col (later Brig.) S.C. Joshi, CO, 6 Para spearheading the operation. Two plans were made for the operation:

Plan ‘A’ was to launch an airborne assault with sixty paratroopers from one IL 76 at Hulhule airfield, to capture and secure the airfield. The remaining paratroopers in that IL-76 aircraft were then to be landed, followed by troops from the follow up IL-76 aircraft. Thereafter, the troops were to move to Male to rescue the President by capturing and commandeering local boats. The limit of sixty paratroopers was dictated by the availability of packed parachutes with the Air Force on that particular day and time. Plan ‘B’ involved a landing at the Hulhule airfield. The decision as to which plan was to be implemented was to be taken by Brig. Bulsara, once the the aircraft were over Hulhule airfield or when nearing Maldives. Flying the two aircraft were Group Captain (later Air Marshal) AK Goel and Group Captain A.G. Bewoor, the Commanding Officer of 44 Squadron.

The assault echelons of 6 Para, 3 Para and 17 Para Field Regiment, along with sappers, signallers and medical detachments, emplaned in the two IL 76 aircraft and took off from Agra at around 1730 hours. I, along with the GSO3, accompanied the Commander in the lead aircraft as part of the tactical headquarter. The four and half hour flying time from Agra to Male was well spent in carrying out detailed briefings of all contingencies, including showing the photograph of the president to all ranks.

On approaching Hulhule one could only see the vast ocean. Group Captain Bewoor then confirmed receipt of codeword ‘HADIYA’ on radio from the ATC. The light signal had also been give. It was decision time now for the Commander.

Was the code given under duress or by deceit? Even during the landing, it was easy for the rebels to simply position a vehicle on the runway, thus jeopardising not only the mission but also the lives of 180 troops on board. The other alternative seemed equally dangerous as Male is about two square kilometres only and the assaulting paratroopers would have mostly landed in the sea, with no chance of survival. The drop zone where the airborne assault was planned was no more than 200 m by 50 m. Weighing up the odds, Brig. Bulsara decided to land. That decision proved vital and was to be discussed in military circles for many years, with many self proclaimed military experts criticising the decision. Given the task and the situation it was a bold and pragmatic decision, the less risky of the two alternatives and with a better probability of success, exemplifying in full measure the motto of the Paratroopers “Who Dares,Wins”.

Fortunately the landing was unopposed and the first IL -76 with 6 Para and the brigade tactical headquarter landed at 2148 hours and secured the airfield in quicktime. The second IL 76 landing after a gap of ten minutes, brought in the company of 3 Para under Maj. (later Lt Gen.) N.K.S Ghei, elements of sappers and medical and the artillery component under Col K.K.K. Singh. Hulhule was totally abandoned, but intermittent firing could be heard at Male. 6 Para with a company under Maj. R.J.S. Dhillon, after commandeering the boats had moved for the main assault to secure a beachhead South West of Male with the 3 Para company heading straight for the Male jetty as a diversionary. Around this time, the troops observed a ship sailing between the two islands. The ATC also gave information that the rebels had taken control of a merchant vessel and were fleeing with hostages including a minister and his wife. The ship was effectively engaged with all available firepower including recoilless guns and machine guns.

In the meantime the Commander got in touch with the President from the ATC. The President informed him that the situation was desperate as he was surrounded from all sides by the rebels and could not hold out any longer. It is to the credit of the Commander’s plan and the flawless execution by the troops that by around 0220 hours, Col SC Joshi and Maj RJS Dhillon secured the President from his safe house. In the meantime troops had lifted the siege on the NSS headquarters, TV and radio stations and the presidential palace and commenced securing and sanitising the areas. President Gayoom, now safe and secure wanted to stay on at Male, whereas the orders were to evacuate him to India. This was also the time that the follow up waves started landing at Hulhule and by early morning more than 1600 troops had built up with all support echelons.

By around 0430 hours the NSS headquarters had been fully secured and the president moved, to enable him to speak on a secure link to the Prime Minister of India. The primary task achieved with surgical precision, the brigade was tasked to now help restore the situation and neutralise all rebels. Early morning the IAF fighter air crafts made a couple of passes over Male reassuring all that normalcy had been restored by the Indian Armed Forces. At 0800 hours an Indian Navy IL 38 reconnaissance aircraft landed at Hulhule and after an update on the ship (MV Progress Light) having escaped with the rebels and hostages on board confirmed that while enroute they had sighted a ship listing portside, South West of Male. The navy thereafter kept a surveillance over MV Progress Light and with INS Godavari and Betwa having moved in on 06 November, rescued the hostages, took the rebels including their leader into custody and destroyed the ship.

The coup leaders and rebels were brought to Male and handed over to the Maldivian authorities. The Indian Army was requested to keep the rebels in their custody till the legal proceedings could be completed, and accordingly they were taken to a prison Island Gamadoo under the escort of Indian troops. 50 (I) Para Brigade less 6 Para with two companies de-inducted by 17 November. Thereafter, the Indian Army, on the request of the Maldivian government took on the task of capacity building and helping NSS reform to meet their future security challenges.

The precision timed “Operation Cactus” in which Indian armed forces acted within hours to thwart a coup attempt to dislodge a lawfully elected government on the Indian Ocean Island of Maldives made military watchers sit up worldwide.

On 03 April 1989, Time magazine ran a cover story “Super Power Rising” stating “India asserts its place on the world stage”, consequent to the Indian Armed Forces unprecedented success in executing an intervention operations albeit at the request of a friendly government. Op Cactus launched to rescue President M.A. Gayoom, demonstrated Indian power and capability to be a ‘net security provider’ in the region. The operations launched from a cold start and executed with surgical precision was successfully accomplished within 16 hours of the first indication of an impending operation, 3000 km from base. The cover story of Timemagazine by Ross H. Munro flags India’s growing military power, quote “At an air force base five miles from the Taj Mahal at Agra, hundreds of India’s finest combat troops (50(1) Parachute Brigade) filed into the cavernous holds of Soviet built IL-76 transporters, whose jet engines were whining impatiently. Soon the transporters were headed into the night, winging southwards across the subcontinent and then out over the Indian Ocean. When they landed four hours later at one of the 1200 coral islands, that make up the republic of Maldives, the paratroopers charged out of the planes, rifles at the ready.”

Operation Maldives launched conjointly by the Army, Navy and the Air Force was successfully accomplished without a single casualty. The operation exemplifies the excellent jointness achieved. The success of this operation at home mostly went unnoticed as did a few important lessons learnt. Had it failed, maybe India too would have created structures and organisations to exploit the full potential of a Special Operations Command to safeguard national interest and assets, much like the United States which established the US Special Operations Command (USSOC) comprising the SOF of the three services and marines, in the aftermath of the failure of Operation EAGLE CLAW to rescue American diplomats held hostage at the US Embassy at Tehran in April 1980.

Operation Cactus is undoubtedly one of the most professionally executed military operation in the world, right on top with the likes of Operation Thunderbolt (Israeli raid on Entebbe), Otto Skorzeny’s rescue of Mussolini, the long range desert patrols of David Sterling (Phantom major) and Op Geronimo, the Abbottabad raid by US seals to neutralise Osama Bin Laden among a few others.

Lt Gen. Vinod Bhatia, PVSM, AVSM, SM was the Brigade Major during the above operation. After superannuating from the Indian Army, he is presently the Director, CENJOWS (Centre for Joint Warfare Studies), an inter-service think tank based in New Delhi. Views expressed are personal.

It has been three days since an Indian Air Force An-32 military aircraft went missing.

It was carrying 29 personnel, six of them crew members, and eight of them family members of military personnel. There is now little hope of finding the people alive. As such it ranks amongst the biggest loss of life for our military personnel in recent months.

According to the South Asia Terrorism Portal, this number is almostequal to all of the military personnel who have died in Jammu and Kashmir this year.

And yet, on Twitter, what is trending is Salman Khan. After a day on the front page of newspapers, and only some newspapers at that, this news item has disappeared.

There is little hope that those onboard the IAF’s An-32 aircraft that went missing a few days ago are alive.

Our blowhard TV patriots, those who are so gung-ho that they have managed to turn peaceful areas into protesting areas, have nothing to say. The same news channels, and the same newspapers, had wall-to-wall coverage of the missing Malaysian Airlines MH 370 for days, weeks even.

And do you know how many Indians were aboard that flight? Five. Just five. For some reason their lives were far more important, that tragedy was far more relevant than one that is six times as large.

This is hardly the only time such hypocrisy has been exposed. As Praveen Donthi writes in from the Valley, the same soldier who dies in Kashmir (and is lauded for it), is not even allowed a space in his own village for cremation, because he is a Dalit.

For both our hypernationalists and our human rights-wallahs, it seems our military personnel only matter when they our doing our dirty work.

It becomes convenient for the armchair warriors, those who have not, and will not sacrifice anything (except maybe their Indian passports as they run off to rant and rave in the US like Rajiv Malhotra), to be patriotic about our soldiers, to wail and mourn them. At the same time, civilian leaders like P Chidambaram can conveniently pass on the blame for human rights abuses only to the soldiers.

When Chidambaram calls the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA) “obnoxious” – which it is – he somehow conveniently forgets that the AFSPA was not drafted by the military. It was drafted by civilian political leaders like himself. It was also the civilian political leaders who chose to deploy the military in a civil conflict – whether in the Northeast, or in Jammu and Kashmir.

It is also in the power of civilian political leaders to either withdraw the military from civilian areas, or to amend, or withdraw the AFSPA. Blaming the military for decisions made by politicians is a straightforward lie.

India is a democratic republic where the civilian leadership is in charge of decision-making. Except that when the problems become really difficult, it throws the military into the mix, letting the soldiers and civilians hammer at each other because the politicians are too cowardly to make decisions.

In both Punjab and Tripura, the only domestic insurgencies we can count as “successes” even though they were bloody-handed ones, the police and politicians led.

Similarly, the success in Andhra Pradesh against the Naxals was through the deployment of armed local police units, the “Greyhounds”.

The deployment of the military to quell civil unrest is the passing off of responsibility for political decisions. And, as is obvious from the various conflicts where the military has been deployed in India versus the empowerment of local police and politicians, it does not work.

Despite clear proof of this through the 69 years of our history as a republic, you will still have people lining up either to blindly support the military or blindly oppose it.

This loud yelling in favour or against the military is only designed to hide one thing: the fact that the military is only a tool of policy, and it is the policy that we should be questioning, not the tool deployed to implement it.

A carpenter who uses a hammer instead of a saw will damage both what he is trying to build as well as the hammer.

And everybody will call him an idiot. It is a good description of our political class, too, which cares little or nothing about the military that it says it supports, but in reality is only using as a tool to cover up its own failure and cowardice.

And those 29 personnel onboard the ill-fated An-32 – take a little time to think of them – they were our people too, their lives lost is a tragedy that should affect us all.

For years, he cooked and served food to the army officers in the officers’ messes, but on Saturday tears of joy flowed from the eyes of G S Bisht when his son Rajendra Singh Bisht, donning olive green of army with epaulets of an officer, saluted him.

The happiness of the family belonging to remote Pachisi Kapaddi village in Almora district doubled when the bright GC was conferred with  the prestigious Sword of Honour for being the best all -round cadet among the GCs of passing out course.

A beaming father of the young officer, who at present serves as a civilian staff in Kumaon Regimental Centre at Ranikhet said that he always dreamt that one day his son would don the uniform of an officer and it was a dream come true for him. The entire family of Bisht was present on the occasion. A proud Nandi Devi, the grandmother of the officer, said that Rajendra would be the first officer in the army from the area they hail.

The elder brother of the officer, Kamal Singh Bisht, a mechanical engineer by profession, was also present on the occasion. He said that Rajendra always excelled in studies.

The recipient of the Sword of Honour has done his schooling from Kendriya Vidhyalayas of Bareilly in UP and Ranikhet in Uttarakhand. The boy showed his calibre when he was selected for Sainik School, Ghorakhal. Incidentally, Rajendra was adjudged  the best cadet during his stint at the National Defence Academy (NDA), Kharakwasla.

Ajay Banerjee

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, July 26

Pointing at occurrence of mid-air engine failures and defects in the airframe of the naval fighter jet the MiG-29K, the Comptroller and Auditor General (CAG) in its report today questioned the safety and actual availability of the plane.The twin-engined MiG-29K, imported from Russia, is the primary combat platform on the aircraft carrier INS Vikramaditya and is slated to be on board the under-construction carrier INS Vikrant.Forty-five aircraft and associated equipment were ordered at a cost of $2.2 billion (nearly 14,000 crore) in two tranches in 2004 and 2010.The CAG presented its report in both Houses of Parliament today, saying the aircraft was riddled with problems relating to airframe, its engine (RD MK-33) and also the fly-by-wire system. “Aircraft is being technically accepted despite having discrepancies/anomalies,” the report said.Serviceability of MiG29K is low, ranging from 15.93 per cent to 37.63 per cent, and that of MiG-29KUB (the trainer version), ranging from 21.30 per cent to 47.14 per cent. “Serviceability” implies that the aircraft is available and is not undergoing a scheduled repair or overhaul at any level. “It is clear that the serviceability of MiG-29K was unsatisfactory,” the report said.The CAG said the life of the aircraft was 6,000 hours or 25 years (whichever is earlier) and with issues facing the plane, the operational life of the aircraft already delivered would be reduced.As of September 2014, 65 engines (42 with 21 aircraft and 23 spares) had been accepted, it said. “Since induction in February 2010, 40 engines (62 per cent) had been withdrawn from service/rejected due to design-related defects/deficiencies,” the report said.Defects led to 10 cases of single-engine landings, meaning one of the engines failed mid-air and the pilot landed back on one engine.The agency also questioned the pace of construction of INS Vikrant saying it was at least five years behind schedule. The target delivery date of the ship is December 2018, but is expected to be in 2023 on realistic terms.

Main observations

• Since induction in February 2010, 40 engines (62 per cent) of twin-engined MiG-29K have been withdrawn from service/rejected due to design-related defects
• Plane manufacturer RAC MiG forwarded a list of 17 modifications that were scheduled to be completed on all engines held in India by November 2014
• As of September 2015, only four modifications have been implemented on all engines, while the remaining 13 will be implemented when the engines were sent to Russia

Hands full: Modi’s foreign policy is on track.

PRIME Minister Narendra Modi is on a five-nation trip, making on June 4 a whistle-stop in Afghanistan — to inaugurate the Salma Dam on the Hariud, which will irrigate 640 villages around Herat, besides generating power — en route to a two-day stopover in Qatar. He then swung through Switzerland on June 6, before arriving in the US for his seventh meeting with President Barack Obama in the PM’s two years in office. The joint statement calls it the “third major bilateral summit” between the two leaders. He would return to India via Mexico, having crunched five countries in a week or less. Gone were the diaspora hooplas or extended detours into the hinterland. Modi, the working statesman,  had arrived.  The underlying themes were those  etched during earlier visits — consolidate past work; explore economic advancement and dovetail it into the PM’s vision, like ‘Make in India’; reposition India in a world witnessing the rise of China, radical Islam and economic slowdown; and seek, as the joint statement’s title spells it, ‘enduring global partners’. There were, however, specific reasons for each stopover or longer engagement on the way to the US, on which the trip was focussed.Afghanistan has been for India,  since Independence, an important counter-balance to Pakistan, and since 1996, when the Taliban captured Kabul, and specifically 1998, when a hijacked Indian plane ended up in Kandahar — a region where Pakistan influence via surrogates had to be curtailed. The Salma Dam was part of India’s strategy, denied by the US a security role since its intervention in 2001, to use development projects to consolidate partnership. The dam construction in the face of Taliban attacks, sponsored mostly by Pakistan or allegedly even Iran (which as a lower riparian beneficiary resents the blockage of water), was the victory of resolve over disruption. The PM’s presence and hyperbolic address went down well in a nation seeking pacification and stability. The visit to Qatar was part of Modi’s  outreach to Gulf nations, balancing between the Sunni and Shia powers, the latter led by Iran. Qatar has been a principal supplier of LNG and LPG to India, despite neighbouring Iran having competing large reserves of gas. Qatar has deep pockets and a small population, though as an adherent to the Wahabbi brand of Islam of Saudi Arabian provenance —  albeit more tolerant — it has boxed above its international weight by two means: the ruling family-owned crusading Al Jazeera news channel; and sponsorship of disparate extreme right-wing affiliates in the post-Arab Spring battles in Libya, Syria, etc. Unmentioned during the PM’s visit was the need to consider a sub-sea natural gas pipeline, aligned from Oman to Gujarat, to carry both Iranian and Qatari gas, as the source is a shared gas field. India has invited Qatar to join the second phase of Indian strategic oil reserve storage. Besides the usual homilies about India’s visionary conceptions about smart, clean and connected cities, the  Qatar Investment Authority was approached to open its purse strings and direct investment in India. The success of this and approaches to other five Gulf Cooperation Council nations depends on the follow-up and creation of an enabling environment for them to look at India as more than a supplier of manpower, a civil aviation junior partner and the exporter of select commodities. The Swiss refuelling halt and meeting with the Swiss President was focussed on obtaining support for India’s membership of the NSG, which, with Mexico, are the few remaining nations with reservations; and to seek better cooperation in investigating black money transfers. On the first there was success; on the second there was dissimulation and promise of an early agreement on an automatic exchange of information. Switzerland, some years ago, had already agreed to cooperate if India could establish criminality of account holders. The problem is that India is often on a fishing expedition based on sketchy evidence. The US was the prime reason for the visit. With time running out for the Obama presidency and with over 50 sub-groups devoted to examining different aspects of the bilateral engagement, there was a dire need to consolidate, give a top-down push and recommit to a strategic vision adumbrated in the declarations during Obama’s India visit in  2015. Foreign Secretary S Jaishankar called it sketching the road map for the vision statements of the past. President Obama pushed legacy issues like climate change, fearing that a Trump victory could unravel the Paris Accord, which the US wants made operational before December. India, in turn, has sought financial and technical commitments to move to cleaner non-fossil fuel energy before it ratifies the accord. The additional burden of curtailing hydrofluorocarbons under the amended Montreal Protocol puts India in a further financial and economic conundrum. But it is crucial the two largest polluters — the US (17.89%) and China (20%) — ratify it first. For the Paris Accord’s operationalisation, at least 55 signatory states, out of the 190-odd signing, and whose total emissions exceed 55 per cent of global emissions, must ratify it. The US has a long list of demands concerning trade, intellectual property rights, market and financial reforms, which perhaps the Obama administration realises it no longer has time to pursue. Two issues, however, needed addressing. One was to bring the civil nuclear cooperation — the US having done the heavy lifting to get India the waiver from the NSG — back on track. A significant announcement was, after steady effort to address the issue of suppliers’ liability, that contracts relating to six AP 1000 reactors of Westinghouse would be finalised within a year. The related issue of Indian membership of the NSG was flagged. The US will push China, but ultimately, China would want to extract some promise of a similar deal later for Pakistan. India, too, will have to bilaterally soften China, which would not want to be isolated or push India more stoutly into US arms. The second issue was defence cooperation, including co-production, transfer of technology and inter-operability of forces and logistics. “Strategic independence” has been a cornerstone of Indian foreign policy since Independence. Post-Cold War, India has been evolving towards selective partnerships. The finalisation of the Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement and Modi laying a wreath at the tomb of the Unknown Soldier were signals that India was moving towards a new kind of big power engagement. The raison d’etre has been the rise of China, its unabashed transfer of weapons of mass destruction technology and delivery systems to Pakistan and mutating radical Islamist groups which have degraded the Indian and South Asian security environment. The Modi visit has taken the next logical step in that direction. Ironically, while the joint statement talks of “shared values of freedom, democracy, universal human rights, tolerance and pluralism”, a caucus of the US Congress examines India’s poor record on this count. Highlighting the same paradox has been the fracas over the ham-handed censoring of Udta Punjab, depicting the nexus between politics and drugs. The media attention that the director got, distracting from Modi visit’s coverage, demonstrates that Modi the politician and Modi the statesman cannot function in silos. Hopefully, he would have deduced during his tete-a-tete with his “friend” Obama that what endangers democracies the most are not external threats, but the Trumps within. The writer is a former Secretary, Ministry of External Affairs

The naval aircraft carrier set sail on its last journey from Mumbai to Kochi on Saturday, escorted out of the harbour by Fast Interceptor Craft and helicopters.The warship left for one last time under own power and will be towed back to Mumbai for decommissioning later this year.Majestic journey of india’s oldest aircraft carrier1959: Commissioned into the UK Royal Navy’s fleet as HMS Hermes 1987: Inducted into the Indian Navy after being brought from the UK 2,250: days the arecraft carrier has spent at sea under the Indian flag5.88 lakh: nautical miles or 10,94,215 km the distance covered by the carrier22,034 hours various aircraft have flown from the decks of INS-Viraat

Key Operations

Op Jupiter in 1989 (Indian peacekeeping operations in Sri Lanka), Op Vijay in 1999 (Kargil War), international joint exercises like Malabar (with US Navy), Varuna (with French Navy), Naseem-Al-Bahar (with Oman Navy), has been an integral element of all major naval exercises

INS Viraat sets sail for the last time

Aircraft carrier INS Viraat anchored off Visakhapatnam coast. PTI file photo

Mumbai, July 23

India’s majestic aircraft carrier INS Viraat, which is slated to be decommissioned later this year, set sail for the last time from Mumbai for Kochi this afternoon.This is the last sailing under her own propulsion before the iconic naval vessel goes for decommissioning. The ship set sail for Essential Repairs and Dry Docking (ERDD) at the Cochin Shipyard.Vice Admiral Girish Luthra, Flag Officer Commanding-in-Chief Western Naval Command and other senior officers of the command, visited the ship and interacted with the crew prior to her departure.The carrier was escorted out of harbour by Fast Interceptor Craft and helicopters from the Western Naval Command.”It was an emotional moment for the Navy, as INS Viraat leaves Naval Dockyard Mumbai, for one last time under own power. The ship will be towed back to Mumbai on completion of ERDD, for the decommissioning ceremony later this year,” a defence spokesperson said.INS Viraat was commissioned into the Indian Navy on 12 May 1987. The ship operated Sea Harrier (White Tigers – fighter aircraft), Seaking 42B (Harpoons – Anti Submarine helicopters) & Seaking 42C (Commando Carrier helicopters) and Chetak (Angles – SAR helicopter) as her main air elements. The Sea Harrier fleet was also recently decommissioned at Goa in May 2016.Under the Indian Flag, various aircraft have flown more than 22,034 hours from the decks of INS Viraat. She has spent nearly 2,250 days at sea sailing 5,88,288 NM (10,94,215 km).This implies that Viraat has been at sea for over six years covering the entire globe about 27 times. She played a major role in the Operation Jupiter in 1989 (Indian Peace Keeping operations in Sri Lanka) and Operation Vijay in the year 1999 (Kargil War). The ship has also participated in various international joint exercises like Malabar (with US Navy), Varuna (with French Navy), Naseem-Al-Bahar (with Oman Navy) and has been an integral element of all major naval exercises, the spokesperson added.The last operational deployment of the ship was for participation in International Fleet Review (IFR-2016) at Visakhapatnam. Having served the country and the Navy for nearly three decades, INS Viraat handed over the mantle of carrier operations to INS Vikramaditya, which was commissioned in the year 2013.The second aircraft carrier of the country has spent 29 years under the Indian Flag and 27 years with the Royal Navy (United Kingdom). The ship holds the Guinness Record for being the oldest serving warshipINS Viraat is a Centaur-Class Aircraft Carrier and served in the Royal Navy as HMS Hermes, which was the flag ship of Royal Navy during the Falk Lands Campaign of 1982. She is commonly referred to as the ‘Grand Old Lady’ among Indian Naval Officers and Sailors. — PTI

India gets Swiss backing on NSG entry, PM heads to US
PM Narendra Modi shakes hands with Switzerland President Johann Schneider-Ammann in Geneva on Monday. PTI
Simran Sodhi
Tribune News Service
New Delhi, June 6
Prime Minister Narendra Modi today secured the support of Switzerland for India’s entry into the elite 48-member Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG).
For India, this is a significant diplomatic achievement as it is working hard to get into the elite grouping. India formally applied for NSG membership on May 12 and later this month, when the plenary meeting of the NSG takes place in Seoul, India’s membership candidature is likely to be discussed.
After securing Switzerland’s support, Modi will now seek the support of the US and Mexico, which he will visit over the course of the next few days. The membership works by consensus and China has already made noises that India, a non-signatory to the Non Proliferation Treaty (NPT), cannot be admitted into the NSG.
In another sign that things with the US may also not be that smooth, The New York Times in an editorial on Sunday made a case that India does not merit membership into the NSG.
In Geneva today, Swiss President Johan Schneider-Ammann said: “We have promised India support in its efforts to become a member of the NSG.” He made the statement after holding talks with Modi.
In his statement to the media, Modi thanked “the President for Switzerland’s understanding and support for India’s membership of the Nuclear Suppliers Group”. Besides securing Swiss support for India’s candidature, the other big issue that was discussed between the two leaders was that of black money.
The PM also reached out to the business community in Switzerland and invited them to invest in India.
Later in the day, Modi left for Washington DC. The US tour will be watched most closely, with the PM scheduled to address a joint session of the US Congress on June 8.
Modi is also expected to ask US President Barack Obama for his country’s support for India’s entry into the NSG.

Better cooperation on black money

• Switzerland has assured India of stepping up cooperation in unearthing black money stashed by Indians in its banks
• PM Narendra Modi raised the issue of black money and tax evasion by Indians with Swiss President Johann Schneider-Amman
• Switzerland will send a state secretary for international financial matters to India on June 14 to explore enhancing cooperation on the issue

The Army must be allowed to bring militancy under control to a point where those professing it realise that the time has come to talk. Yes, people will die in the ensuing action, then so be it. Kashmir is Indian territory. If those owing allegiance to Pakistan’s ISI continue to create instability, then they must face the music.

The situation in J&K is such that the Army is damned if it acts and damned if it does not. It needs the government’s backing. AFP

A few days ago, a picture was posted on Facebook showing a young CRPF jawan lying on the ground being kicked by gloating hooligans who believe they have the right to treat our security forces as such, and are the answer to Kashmir’s problems. That was for me a case of “enough is enough”.These hooligans seem to believe that India will succumb to their macho instincts. By now they should have realised that Kashmir is a part of India, as Maharaja Hari Singh had signed the Instrument of Accession on August 18, 1947, long before they were born. That was then the condition laid down for all Indian princely states, and that signature made Kashmir an integral part of India, notwithstanding the regular hiccups from Pakistan or from their sympathisers in the Valley.Recently, a mobile patrol of 14 RR near Bandipura was attacked. Tomorrow it may be some other military establishment. The headquarters of 5 Corps at Srinagar was attacked in the past. The pattern is consistent, when military activity is curtailed or subdued, militancy rises. History has on so many occasions shown us that unless the writ of the government is firmly established, negotiations are futile.This phenomenon of the Valley turning out for a militant’s funeral will happen and will grow unless the government acts. The past is full of incidents which have strengthened militancy through appeasement. We today have Mehbooba Mufti as the Chief Minister, whose penchant for playing with fire is well established. We had militants being released in the past for her sister Rubaiya Sayeed; the first act of appeasement.  Her father, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, was then the Union Home Minister. We then had the Delhi-Kathmandu flight hijacked to Kandahar in 1999. Three prominent militants in custody were released, including Maulana Masood Azhar of the Jaish-e-Mohammad. This was followed by an attack on our Parliament in December 2001, with Azhar being the mastermind. Appeasement only leads to the strengthening of the militants’ morale, while demoralising that of one’s own forcesIt was after the failure of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto’s Operation Gibraltar in 1965, that the ISI escalated its involvement in Kashmir. When the holy relic of the Prophet was stolen in Srinagar in 1964 and riots broke out, all that was required to quell the riots were four Punjab Armed Police battalions. Look at the force level today? This is not the fault of the Army or the other security forces, but a confused Kashmir policy that has brought the current situation to the fore. The Army can contain a situation to a point, it is then for the Government of India (GoI) to take whatever political initiatives are required. The trouble is that before the Army brings Kashmir to the point necessary for negotiations, dabbling commences and the first casualty is the Army itself.Those who do not have any experience of counter-insurgency operations seem to comment the most and do untold harm to the system. These are not riots, as the PDP MP, Muzaffar Baig, would make us believe by quoting a Supreme Court ruling, but full-fledged insurgency. This procedure is not possible in a full-fledged battle and I believe, has not been the intention in the SC’s judgment.The Army must be allowed to bring militancy under control to a point where those professing it realise that the time has come to talk. Yes, people will die in the ensuing action, then so be it. Kashmir is Indian territory.  If those owing allegiance to Pakistan’s ISI continue to create instability then they must face the music. The Burhan Wanis may be the glamour boys for many, to India they are the perpetrators of violence and separatism. Let them not live with a mistaken belief that they have the upper hand.The Government of India must allow freedom of action to the Army. The directive must be just one: “Bring a situation in the state where the writ of India runs and not that of the ISI”. Yes, in the ensuing clashes collateral damage will take place. No soldier likes such action. He is trained to face the enemy, not protecting his back against treacherous elements. We have had this experience in Nagaland, Manipur etc. The British army considered their Northern Ireland commitment prior to peace with the IRA, in the same light. It was the IRA which finally decided to talk peace when they could not face growing military pressure.In such situations, the government must support any military action taken. Unfortunately, this has not been the situation. For instance, in Budgam when a car broke through a military checkpoint in November 2014, the soldiers manning the post opened fire, as was their duty. One officer and eight jawans were court-martialled and imprisoned. Penalising soldiers for doing what was expected of them is unacceptable. It is for the Chief and his Northern Army Commander to stand by their men in the difficult duty they are performing and not succumb to political pressures. A patrol was mobbed in the Qazigund area and an effort was made by the mob to snatch weapons from the soldiers, the patrol had to open fire to extricate itself, in which one man and two women were killed. The Army says it “deeply regretted” the incident and an inquiry has been ordered. This is ludicrous. Are we becoming an army of girl guides? What would have happened to the patrol leader had they managed to snatch the weapons? It seems the current policy is that you are wrong if you do and you are also wrong if you don’t – an absurd situation.In the late 1950s, my battalion was in Nagaland. The orders were that no Naga would be dressed in khaki and would carry a weapon. One day, in the early morning mist an NCO-led patrol came across a Naga in khaki with what looked like a weapon (it was a staff). When challenged, he panicked and ran and the patrol opened fire killing him. It so happened, his daughter worked in the PMO. In the rumpus that followed, the PM demanded the battalion be disbanded. The Army Chief, General Thimmaya, refused to comply. He stood by his battalion and his NCO. Here we are today still serving the country. This is what the Army expects from our Chief and our Army commanders. It would be appropriate to end with a quote from President Obama’s statement on the recent violence against the police in Baton Rouge, Louisiana: “I want to be clear: there is no justification for violence against law enforcement. None. These attacks are the work of cowards who speak for no one. They right no wrongs. They advance no causes”. This in full applies to Kashmir.

The writer, the Congress MP from Amritsar, is a military historian.