Ajay Banerjee
Tribune News Service

New Delhi, October 5

Ignoring threat of US sanctions, India on Friday went ahead with the deal to procure the S-400 “Triumf” air-defence missile system from Russia. The move comes a month after India and the US signed an agreement on exchange of military information — Communications, Compatibility and Security Agreement (COMCASA).

An Indo-Russian joint statement after the Narendra Modi-Vladimir Putin meeting in New Delhi read: “Both sides welcomed the conclusion of the contract for the supply of the S-400 long-range surface-to-air missile system to India.”

The move is a clear indication of the balance India has maintained between Russia and the US. The Tribune was the first to report in its September 7 edition that despite inking COMCASA, “India will run the course its military relations with Russia”.

India has a strategic partnership with the US  but has made it clear to Washington that India-Russia military relations  stand separate from India-US ties and that these are not inter-connected.

The US, in June, passed the Countering America’s Adversaries Through Sanctions Act (CAATSA) that requires imposing curbs on nations that have “significant” defence relations with Russia.

There is a provision for a waiver and New Delhi has argued out its case to the US. The US has reacted to the S-400 deal saying “the intent of CAATSA is to impose costs on Russia and is not intended to impose damage to the military capabilities of our allies (India)… The waiver authority is not a blanket waiver. Waivers are considered on transaction basis. We cannot prejudge any sanctions decisions”.

Alexander Mikheev, who heads Rosoboronexport, the Russian state-controlled intermediary for export of arms said “contract for S-400 is the biggest (ever) between Russia and India and the largest in the history of Rosoboronexport. Today we begin to execute it”.

Among the 39 entities listed by the US on the ban list is the Rosoboronexport.

India is buying five systems costing some $5.4 billion. These will provide an “umbrella coverage” against any air-borne threats, including nuclear missiles, stealth aircraft, fighter jets, missiles, UAVs etc. The radars on ground can track around 300 targets and then guide missiles to shoot down around three dozen targets simultaneously over a range of 400 km.

For example, an S-400 system deployed near Jalandhar in Punjab can track aircraft flying well over Islamabad and Peshawar in Pakistan. Moscow is the single largest supplier of weapons and military equipment to India. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), on March 12 this year, released its annual report “trends in international arms transfers”. Making an assessment for a five-year block (2013-2017) it said Russia accounted for 62 per cent of India’s arms imports.

India, Russia ink S-400 deal; no sanctions on ally, says US

The fortnight-long 14^th Indo-US joint Army exercise in ‘Yudh Abhyas’ series, at Chaubattia in Uttarakhand’s Almora district saw one infantry battalion—350 soldiers—each carrying out field training drills under a joint brigade headquarters, an Indian Army spokesperson said.

The exercise that concluded on Saturday saw participation of US Army’s 1^st Battalion of the 23^rd Infantry regiment. It was the fourth such exercise at Chaubattia, the spokesperson added.

The Yudh Abhyas series started in 2004 under US Army Pacific Partnership Programme.

“Over the years, the two countries have decided to progressively increase the scope and content of the combined exercise,” said an Indian Army officer.

The commanders and staff officers of both sides worked in close coordination to receive and collate intelligence to issue suitable operational orders. The combined field training components executed these orders in simulated realistic situation, the spokesperson said.

The exercise curriculum, the spokesperson said, was planned progressively where the participants were initially made to get familiar with each other’s organizational structure, weapons, equipment and tactical drills.

The training culminated in a 48-hour consolidation and validation exercise in which troops carried out a daring rescue and destroy mission in the general area of Pilkholi near Chaubattia.

The final exercise was reviewed by senior officers from both sides, the spokesman added. — IANS

NEW DELHI: A game of musical chairs is being played with the top brass of the Army with an officer who was relegated to a training command being shifted to the operationally sensitive East to give him a shot at the top post of Army chief next year.

Lt Gen Mukund Naravane, who was posted as the head of the Army’s Training Command in December last year, would be the senior most officer of the Indian Army when General Bipin Rawat retires next year. While in the past the seniority principle ..

London, September 23

A group of Indian artists, in the UK to mark the centenary of World War I, has claimed they have uncovered documents that reveal bias against the Indian sub-continent soldiers fighting alongside the British Army in the 20th century war.

The Delhi-based artists from the Raqs Media Collective told the ‘Observer’ that papers from the British Library revealed the British forces systematically neglected to treat psychological problems among Indian soldiers and adopted unequal measures in the care of soldiers traumatised by their experiences from the battleground.

“The condition of shell shock was first diagnosed in 1915 by the English doctor Charles Meyers. But documents we found show Meyers quickly dropped the term because it was feared ordinary soldiers would find it easy to understand and so would ask to be seen by medics,” said Shuddhabrata Sengupta of Raqs.“Insted, Meyers suggested a more opaque diagnosis of NYD, or Not Yet Diagnosed — Nervous, which ordinary soldiers would find harder to use,” he said. Sengupta’s team is working on a new art project at Colchester in Essex, commissioned to commemorate the end of World War I — being marked in the UK since 2014 and set to end in November this year.

The term “trench back”, which features in their new installation ‘Not Yet At Ease’, was often adopted to describe symptoms that were actually psychological. “The idea of ‘trench back’ was derived from the condition of ‘railway back’, which was used for people who were thought to have been upset, or jolted, by the speed of rail travel,” said Sengupta. “It was a way of talking about wounds or damage to the spine, instead of mental health. ‘Trench back’ was supposedly caused by being knocked by falling debris in the trenches.”

Records show 1.3 million soldiers from undivided India served in WW-I as part of the British Indian Army. — PTI

The phrase is misused by predatory States to wield power without responsibility

In calling the bluff on Chinese investments and recusing his country from earlier deals, the Malaysian Prime Minister may have eased India’s own concerns on Chinese presence around Malacca Straits

At 93, Mahathir Mohamad’s political career has spanned over 70 years and the wily nonagenarian has returned as the Malaysian Prime Minister after an itchy retirement lasting 15 years. The statesman, credited with transforming Malaysia from an agrarian to an industrial powerhouse in his first term of 22 years, has ostensibly returned to ‘save’ his country from the wrath of the multi-billion ‘1MDB’ scandal, substantial parts of which were linked to the Chinese involvement. Mahathir’s successful electoral campaign, pitched against the ‘great-grandmother-of-all-scandals’, was seen as a possible roadblock to the growing portents of Sinosphere under the previous Najib Razak regime, who had started courting mammoth Chinese investments into Malaysia.

Meanwhile, the Chinese have been on a relentless prowl to hook cash-strapped countries with its gargantuan Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) to create uninterrupted routes, connectivity and infrastructure along both land and seaways. The Chinese juggernaut towards this proposed solidification of interlinkages has led to infamous belligerence and appropriations in the South China Seas and the ‘String of pearls’ ports that dot along the life-sustaining maritime passages. The approach of the Chinese efforts varies from the simple ‘cheque-book diplomacy’ of funding investments (eg Philippines), coercion (eg Doklam in Bhutan) to surreptitious ‘debt-traps’ (eg Hambantota port in Sri Lanka).

A lethal and irresistible combination of financial, military and diplomatic muscle is leveraged to ensnare and ensure the requisite Chinese footprint. Often, this Chinese footprint initially comes under the guise of civil facilities and infrastructure, which later morphs into the dual-usage (civil and military) platforms, as was done recently at the mouth of the strategically placed Djibouti base of the Chinese Navy. The sophisticated pattern of patiently luring the bait follows the generous doles of ‘unpayable’ Chinese investments, which are, thereafter, settled with certain compromises in the form of invaluable bases, arrangements and irretrievable alignments. Recently, this had led the old warhorse and one-time critic of the West, Mohamad Mahathir, to presciently forewarn of the Chinese tact as a new version of colonialism.

Malaysia and the southern tip of the Indian Islands of Andaman and Nicobar overlook and physically dominate the most sensitive and vulnerable chokepoint of Chinese nightmares in the Malacca Straits. This ultra-narrow straits host the busiest shipping lanes in the world with over 100,000 ships plying nearly 30 per cent of the global trade. From a Chinese perspective, it sustains the ‘Chinese Dream’ fueled by trade and an unending appetite for energy sources. A potential doomsday scenario of a ‘choke’ in the Malacca Straits has led to two strategic actions: First, to attempt creating alternate corridors like the China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) or rail-linkages with the Eurasian nations, all dovetailed under the BRI initiative. Second, to invest disproportionately in the Strategic Petroleum Reserves (SPR) to create adequate energy buffer stocks to withstand any unforeseen disruption in these regime-sustaining seaways. However, given the best economic viability of the seaways as opposed to overland routes, the essential preference remains on ensuring the uninterruptedness of these seaways by way of establishing strong Chinese footprints all along the route.

Given that only India and Malaysia have the maritime real-estate around these vulnerable Malacca Straits (as narrow as 1.5 nautical miles wide at the Philips Channel) both from a sovereign and military perspective, any untoward presence of the Chinese could upset the applecart of power balance. Currently, this area is relatively free from overt militarisation, given that the traditional Chinese naval muscularity is restricted further up in the South China Seas and the Indian Andaman and Nicobar Tri-Services Command has also adopted a defensive posture and build-up. However, the presence of Chinese warships could undo the equations as they are threatening to do so in the Maldives, or in the Hambantota port in Sri Lanka, where the Chinese have acquired port control for a 99 year lease. Till the recent change in the Malaysian regime, amongst various investments that the Chinese were dangling was to invest $7.2 billion in the redevelopment of the Malaysian Malacca Port to a deep sea port (capable of handling aircraft carriers), a promise that could rival Singapore port facilities. This had the signature Chinese debt traps written all over it, which could ultimately lead to Chinese presence in these calm waters.

The sagacious Mahathir had to walk the tight rope of calling the bluff of Chinese investments, as also recognising the importance of maintaining cordial relations with its biggest trading partner. His first port of international call after assuming prime ministership was Beijing, where he was feted and honoured with the disconcerting realisation that Mahathir had personified the anti-Chinese sentiment and had to be charmed for future acquiescence. However, age hadn’t withered the blunt Mahathir who lost none of his chutzpah in declaring on Chinese soil, “We are not against Chinese companies, but we are against borrowing money from outside and having projects which are unnecessary, and which are very costly”, after he had announced the cancellation of three major Chinese contracts for an East Coast Rail Link and two gas pipelines, arguing the cost was inflated and the terms weren’t favourable to Malaysia. The Chinese are not known to take sleights of colonialism very easily but are cognizant of the fact that Mohamad Mahathir at 93 will be resolute on sovereign pride, independence and legacy that could militate against Chinese ambitions and debt-imperialism.

With a spiralling debt of $250 billion, declared concern on Chinese intent and non-issues with the existing infrastructure around Malacca Straits, Mohamad Mahathir may have inadvertently eased India’s own concerns on Chinese presence around the Malacca Straits. Even his remark that “free trade should also be fair trade” had unmistakable pointers of correcting the ‘China-first’ approach that dominated the Malaysian narrative. Mahathir will be welcomed into comity of the Sino-wary nations in the Asean region and will find alternate trading partners in the Japanese, Indian and Australian markets, who have their own long-term concerns and apprehensions with the formula of initial Chinese benevolence and its subsequent aftermath.

(The writer, a military veteran, is a former Lt Governor of Andaman & Nicobar Islands and Puducherry)

Guwahati, August 29

The Assam Government has extended application of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958, for six more months with immediate effect. “The Governor has declared Assam as ‘Disturbed Area’ up to 6 months,” a release said. — PTI

Serving soldiers have approached SC over AFSPA. They must not be made to pay for governments’ failures.

The imposition of AFSPA is not a requirement of the army, but a fig leaf used by successive governments to hide egregious failures of governance. (Illustration: C R Sasikumar)

On India’s 72nd Independence Day, while all and sundry were paying saccharine tributes to the armed forces, a development that will have a deep and long-lasting impact on the morale, cohesion, and integrity of India’s military, went unnoticed. In an unprecedented and hitherto inconceivable step, 356 serving officers and jawans of the Indian army filed a writ petition in the Supreme Court seeking relief for officers and troops serving on counter-insurgency duties from “persecution and prosecution” for performing their “bona fide duties carried out in good faith”. The very notion of proud Indian soldiers, ranging in rank from serving brigadier to rifleman, seeking the protection of the courts in the discharge of their duties represents a national shame. This development has several far-reaching and serious implications, not only for the military and its leadership, but also for the Indian state, which appears to have, yet again, failed in its responsibilities vis-à-vis the military as well as governance.

Focusing first on the armed forces, a collective action of this nature by serving personnel has legal and moral/ethical connotations for the military. By jointly filing a writ petition, this 356 serving personnel could be considered as violating the Constitution, which denies armed force personnel the right to form “associations” and the Army Act, which forbids collective petitions or representations. However, the petitioners face action under the civil criminal law and, astonishingly, received no advice, guidance or legal assistance from the Army HQ or the Ministry of Defence (MoD).

Hence their representation before the court that, “a situation of confusion has arisen with respect to their protection from prosecution… while undertaking operations in … proxy war, insurgency, ambushes and covert operations”, is justified. Their petition pertinently asks whether they should continue to engage in counter-insurgency operations (CIO) as per military orders and standard procedures “… or act and operate as per the yardsticks. of the Criminal Procedure Code (CrPC)?”

From the moral/ethical angle, soldiers approaching courts of law used to be an infringement of the “fauji” ethos. Resort to litigation, once rare and considered distasteful has, however, became common amongst military personnel mainly due to judicial activism. Any residual stigma that may have clung to litigation in the military was erased by a former serving chief who went over the head of the MoD to seek remedy from the apex court for a personal grievance. While the feeble and fumbling government of the day looked the other way, the succeeding government seemed to have approved such conduct by rewarding him with a ministerial berth. Against this background, is there any justification — legal or moral — for faulting the 356 officers and soldiers who face the fury of criminal law for seeking succour from the apex court?

But let us address the root of this whole problem, which is the deployment of the army in disturbed areas under the Armed Forces Special Powers Act (AFSPA). Counter-insurgency operations, worldwide, tend to become “dirty” and difficult because they are waged against one’s own citizens. The army happens to be a “blunt instrument”, trained and motivated to destroy the nation’s enemies through extreme violence and, therefore, normally must not be used against one’s own citizenry. However, when the elected government does deploy the army for “aid to the civil power”, the law requires each detachment to be accompanied by a magistrate who authorizes, in writing, when fire may be opened on civilians.

Most insurgencies, rooted in alienation and socio-economic factors, are aggravated by political venality and apathy. After the serial failure of the elected government, civil administration and police, the area is declared as “disturbed” and the military asked to restore order, invoking AFSPA. Even when the army restores relative peace and normalcy, the local police and administration repeatedly fail to resume their normal functioning. The prolonged imposition of AFSPA is, therefore, not a requirement of the army, but a fig leaf used by successive governments to hide egregious failures of governance knowing full well that deployment of the army without AFSPA would be illegal, and any orders issued would constitute “unlawful commands”.

Soldiers, being human, do make mistakes and violations of human rights have occurred from time to time. But the army as a highly disciplined body is acutely conscious that violation of human rights is a crime that sullies the organisation’s good name. Strict and comprehensive codes of conduct have been laid down by the army’s leadership and drastic punishments are meted out under the Army Act where infringements are proved. A fact not generally known is that the strength of the Central Armed Police Forces (CAPF) has been steadily boosted and is now almost on par with our 1.3 million-strong army, and they have been designated the home ministry’s “lead counter-insurgency force”. This provides the government with some obvious choices: One, withdraw AFSPA and the army and hand over CI operations to CAPFs. Two, withdraw AFSPA, deploy the army and ensure that each patrol, ambush and covert operation has an embedded magistrate to authorise opening/returning fire. Three, retain AFSPA and trust your army.

Above all, let us remember that soldiers are equal citizens with equal rights and not sacrificial lambs for those with a confused national perspective. The actions of our soldiers, when acting on behalf of the state, must be dealt with under the Army Act and not the CrPC. The state must also react with urgency to insulate its soldiers from over-zealous NGOs and excessive judicial activism.

Vijay Mohan 

Tribune News Service 

Chandigarh, August 22 
The Army is employing a new psychology-based e-platform developed by the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) to define training requirements and assess human behaviour at individual as well as organisational level.
Referred to as the Organisational Effectiveness and Competence Building Training Management System, a prototype has been recently installed at the Shimla-based Army Training Command, the apex formation that oversees all doctrinal and training aspects of the Army. Over the past years, ARTRAC and its subordinate training establishments have inducted a large number of computer-aided training and assessment tools and simulators.

The web-based real-time training management system, named Sabera, comprises a user and an administrator interface. The individual level can be used for assessing individuals in leadership style, their strength and the areas they may like to include in their personal development programme.
The organisational level is meant for maintaining a human resource inventory, designing customised training programmes and as a personalised automated training aid. The system can also be used for human resource management. Sabera has already undergone rigorous tests at Category-A training establishments.