Given the enhancing security threats from varied sources and the fact that it is the duty of the Union to protect the states against internal disturbances, a National Security Policy is needed, as also the machinery to implement it.

NN Vohra.

NN Vohra

J&K Governor

IT would be relevant to note that the states have the constitutional responsibility for the maintenance of police and public prder and are vested with powers to make all required laws and to take all necessary executive decisions for ensuring internal security within their jurisdictions. Insofar as the Union is concerned, it has the much larger responsibility of protecting the states against war and external aggression and internal disturbances. While our Constitution makes reference to security and not to national security, it would be incorrect to arrive at the conclusion that the Union and the states have distinct and separate duties for safeguarding the country and providing safety and security to the people of India. 

Understanding national security

It would be useful to have a broad understanding of the term national security. In simple words, national security comprises all facets of external security, which relates to protecting the country’s territories against war and external aggression, and internal security which includes all matters relating to the maintenance of peace and public order across the length and breadth of the country. It needs being recognised that our security concerns relate to innumerable targets and activities within our country and it would no longer do to merely focus on defending our frontiers. I would go to the extent of saying that, today, there is no important institution or activity which is not insecure. It has, thus, become extremely essential to safeguard almost every arena and to particularly secure arrangements relating to food, water, energy, nuclear power, science and technology, environment, ecology, finance, business, commerce, banking, cyber space and other important quarters.

Union-state understandings required

We have neither secured the required Union-state understandings nor developed a pan-India approach which would meet the requirements of a National Security Policy. Insofar as the role of the states is concerned, the Union has not so far been able to convince them to fully accept their constitutional duty to maintain internal security within their jurisdictions. In this context, it needs being stated that, in the years past, a majority of the states have been unable to establish efficient intelligence agencies and maintain well-trained police forces in adequate strength to effectively put down any arising disturbance. Consequently, the states have been perennially relying on the Union for the deployment of Central Armed Police Forces, and even the Army, for the restoration of normalcy in the disturbed areas. Thus, in the past decades, particularly in the North-East region and Punjab, the Union’s Armed Forces have had to be deployed on an extensive scale and for prolonged periods. Among the consequences of such deployments, there have been recurring agitations against the alleged violations of human rights of the affected populations and vociferous demands for the repeal of the Armed Forces Special Powers Act. It is not easy to explain the Government of India’s approach, particularly in the context of the constitutional prescription that it shall be the Union’s duty to protect the states against internal disturbances. Considering the developments which led to the demolition of Babri Masjid, questions have been repeatedly raised about what exactly is the Union’s constitutional responsibility, particularly when it is duly warned and is well aware of an arising conflagration, as was the case before the demolition of Babri Masjid. Furthermore, after the 8/11 terror attack in Mumbai, grave concerns have also been voiced about the Union’s actual capability for dealing with such challenges. There must not be any further delay in promulgating a well-considered National Security Policy which is founded in unambiguous Union-states understandings to work together for collectively safeguarding the country’s unity and territorial integrity. It is a matter for serious concern that the states have not been able to provide adequate budgetary resources for maintaining their police forces in sufficient strength. The states are also reprehensible for interfering with the day-to-day working of the police organisations and politicising their functioning, which has resulted in eroding the discipline, integrity, morale and professionalism of the constabularies. It is regrettable that, to explain their varied failures, the states have been advancing the specious argument that they suffer from paucity of resources and, in any case, it is the responsibility of the Union to provide them adequate funds for the expansion and modernisation of their police forces as under the Constitution, it is the duty of the Union to protect the states against internal disturbances. Over the years, whatever may have been the complexion of the political parties in power, it has been the Union’s general tendency to avoid any confrontation with the states, far less question them about the factors and influences which have been leading to recurring internal disturbances. Consequently, whenever approached by a state in distress, the Union has been, without fail, providing assistance by deploying Central Armed Police Forces, and even the Army, to restore normalcy in the disturbed area. Thus, the Union has concerned itself essentially with dousing fires and has rarely ever questioned the states about the root causes of the disturbances in their areas. The Union has also been hesitant in exercising its authority under Article 256 of the Constitution to issue appropriate directives to the affected states for taking the required actions to timely quell arising disturbances. On the contrary, the practice actually followed in the past decades has been for the Union Ministry of Home Affairs to merely issue “advisories” to the states concerned in regard to the management of emerging situations. Thanks to the Home Ministry’s amiable approach of only issuing cautionary notes to the states concerned, it has not been possible to pre-empt any arising disorder. 

National Security Policy needed

If we recognise the gravity of the progressively enhancing security threats which are emerging from varied sources, from our neighbourhood and beyond, and also remember that it is the duty of the Union to protect every state against internal disturbances, then no more time can be lost in the Union taking immediate initiatives for finalising a holistic National Security Policy and, thereafter, proceeding to establish the required nationwide machinery for implementing it. For securing the required Union-state understandings in the arena of national security management, it would be enormously beneficial if the draft National Security Policy and all major issues relating to its implementation are discussed and settled in meetings with the Chief Ministers under the aegis of the Inter State Council (ISC), which is chaired by the Prime Minister. Once the states have clearly accepted their responsibility to maintain internal security, there would be no reason why they should not become progressively capable of effectively dealing on their own with any arising internal disturbance. And when the States become self-reliant, the Union shall be able to progressively reduce the large-scale deployment of its Armed Forces for dealing with disturbances in the states. In the foregoing context, it needs being noted that except in Jammu and Kashmir, where we are fighting Pakistan’s proxy war, the recurring deployments of the Army elsewhere in the country, for dealing with local insurgencies and internal disturbances in the states, has the rather worrying potential of blunting the Army’s edge and, besides, generating internal problems regarding the operational efficiencies of its officers and men who are recruited, trained and equipped to fight and destroy the enemy at first sight and not to be involved in situations in which the rules of engagement demand considerable restraint. Once the Union has been able to promulgate a bipartisan National Security Policy, the next important step would be to undertake a thorough state- and Union Territory-wise critical review to identify deficiencies in the existing security administration systems. Side by side, it shall be useful to carry out a close critical assessment of the Union’s own wherewithal for discharging its constitutional responsibility to safeguard the nation.  The Union would need to review its obligations on various fronts and, inter alia, enhance allocations to enable the central intelligence agencies to significantly enlarge their capacities for providing timely intelligence to various quarters, at the Centre and in the states. And among their many responsibilities, the intelligence agencies shall need to urgently equip themselves for particularly protecting the defence and governmental establishments, the financial sector and large public and private organisations against cyber crimes.  

Strengthen NIA

Needless to stress, when Union-atates understandings are arrived at in regard to the management of national security, a very important agreement shall have to especially provide for the enactment of an anti-terror law, enforceable in the entire country, which enables the Union agency concerned to take immediate cognisance and launch investigations without having to obtain sanctions and clearances from varied state or Central authorities. As of now, we have only the NIA which was enacted in a rush after the 8/11 terror attack. This statute requires considerable strengthening to ensure immediate cognisance of offences committed anywhere in the country to be followed by prompt investigations. Also, the list of offences covered by this law need to be dynamically reviewed and enlarged and, side by side, attention given to upgrade and enhance the powers and modalities for special investigations. Further, the obtaining procedures for the establishment of Special Courts and the completion of trials within given time frames also need to be urgently reviewed and rationalised. If the NIA is to function as the nodal agency to counter terrorism, cyber crimes and other major threats, it shall need to be provided very strong and prompt support by the Central and state intelligence agencies and by the law enforcement machinery all over the country. Many years have elapsed since it was proposed to establish the National Counter Terrorism Centre (NCTC). If I recall correctly, this proposal was opposed by the states which had demanded that the law to establish NCTC should be passed by the Parliament and, further, that this organisation should be administered by the Union Home Ministry and not by the Intelligence Bureau. These arguments reflect the distrust of the states in the functioning of the security organisations managed by the Union and yet again point to the urgent need for arriving at the required Union-states understandings to lay the bedrock of an effective National Security Policy.  

Trained manpower necessary

I now come to another very critical issue which has continued to be neglected. This relates to the fundamental necessity of ensuring that all security management departments and agencies are manned by personnel who are adequately trained and equipped to perform the sensitive tasks which they are required to handle. Traditionally, appointments to posts at various levels in the Home and Defence Ministries and other security management organisations have been from among various generalist cadres. Over the years, varied problems have arisen because the large majority of those deployed in such important agencies may have had no prior experience of working in the security management arena. Serious personnel-related problems have also been surfacing in the functioning of the Central intelligence agencies, particularly in the Research and Analysis Wing. For want of a well-planned approach, deficiencies have been faced in regard to the availability of the required number of adequately trained and experienced functionaries who are required for manning the various organisations which comprise the Union’s security administration apparatus. Problems relating to the shortage of trained human resource would pose an even larger problem once the National Security Policy has been promulgated and a significantly enlarged apparatus is required to be made operational. Establish a National Security Administrative Service There have been significant shifts in the geo-political environment in our neighbourhood and beyond and there are new threats to our country’s interests and security. In this context, I would yet again stress that we can no longer afford to follow ad hoc and disparate approaches in regard to national security management and the Government of India should not lose any more time in taking the full step to establish a National Security Administrative Service whose constituents, selected on the basis of a pan-India competitive examination, should be got especially trained in the various required areas and deployed to man the Government of India’s security administration system. Thereafter, members of this service could also be progressively allocated to the states for managing their security management machinery.Set up a new dedicated ministryMy concluding observation relates to the need to establish a new ministry which is entirely dedicated to the efficient implementation of every component of the National Security Policy and to keep a close and constant watch to see that the states effectively maintain internal security in their domains. It needs being recognised that the Union Ministry of Home Affairs is faced with ever increasing day to day pressures on varied fronts and its senior echelons are required to deal with a horde of subjects, of which one relates to internal security management. With its existing responsibilities it would be impractical to expect this ministry to devote whole time attention only to security management related issues, all of which require zero delays and immediate decisions. In this context, if national security is to be effectively managed, the time has come to establish a dedicated Ministry of National Security Affairs which is led by a senior Cabinet minister and manned by handpicked and especially trained functionaries drawn from the National Security Administrative Service, which I have earlier proposed. Finally, I would yet again stress that if the sovereignty, unity and territorial integrity of our country is to be effectively protected then it is of the foremost importance that the Union and States act in very close concert to ensure the efficient implementation of the National Security Policy. It is equally necessary that all matters relating to National Security are viewed with utmost concern and prompt decisions are taken to ensure that not the slightest chink is left to subvert the national interest.(Excerpts from the 12th RN Kao Memorial Lecture delivered on Jan 22, 2018 in New Delhi)

Suresh Dharur

Tribune News Service

Hyderabad, January 18

In a novel initiative, a mobile app has been launched here to enable the ex-servicemen to book online appointments with doctors at all Ex-servicemen Contributory Health Scheme (ECHS) polyclinics in the two Telugu states of Telangana and Andhra Pradesh.The app allows veterans to book online appointment with doctors/physiotherapists and also enables them to submit their feedback as grievances or suggestions. The initiative is a first of its kind in the organisation with the app being made available on Android phones and can be accessible on www.tasaechs.in, said Colonel Anil Kumar, Director, ECHS.“The project has a vast scope for expansion in future,” Colonel Kumar said.

Our Correspondent

Ferozepur, January 16

Two persons were killed and another injured when the rickshaw they were riding on was allegedly hit by one of the military trucks in a cavalcade that was passing through the railway crossing near Government College at Mohkam Khan Wala village on the Ferozepur-Zira road today.The deceased have been identified as Barkat Singh of Mohkam Khan Wala and his nephew Aakash, while Sohan Singh has been admitted to a hospital with serious injuries.Police officials, including DSP Jaspal Singh and SHO (Ferozepur Cantt) Navin Sharma, reached the spot and took stock of the situation. The Army truck was impounded and a case was registered at the Ferozepur Cantt police station.

NEARLY 34 years after the 1984 riots, the Supreme Court’s order to reinvestigate 186 cases of violence against Sikhs following the assassination of Indira Gandhi comes with a renewed hope of justice. Over the years, powerful instigators and perpetrators of the riots getting clean chits fed the angst of the victims, who had not only lost their loved ones, but also their businesses and homes. They suffered as many of the accused continued to flourish — notably Congress leaders Jagdish Tytler and HKL Bhagat. The victims have, despite being down and under and hitting the wall time and again, steadfastly braved the rounds of courts and they did not give up their quest. The political parties’ efforts to appease the wounded community by setting up commissions to look into the cases in which over 3,000 Sikhs were slaughtered, purportedly in complicity with the administration of the day, have failed. Too few convictions, and grossly under-proportional sentences, showed such commissions to be mere vote-garnering exercises. The new SIT, entrusted with prising open the old cases, holds promise. It has been set up by the Supreme Court and the judge named for the exercise, Justice SN Dhingra, has a track record of bold judgments and scathing strictures while dealing with such cases. He will be on familiar territory. During the 1990s, as Sessions Judge in the Karkardooma Court in Delhi, he incarcerated senior Congress minister Bhagat in an anti-Sikh riot instance. Then, he castigated the Delhi Police for their chaotic manner of prosecution of hundreds of cases spread all over Delhi. As a result, 100 cases were clubbed together and the trial streamlined. Again, it was Dhingra who convicted and sentenced Kishori Lal, dubbed the “butcher of Trilokpuri”, and the other accused of a grisly massacre of 1984.This SIT has two months to present its status report to the SC. There is hope, but also the ever-present fear of politicians using the reopening of the cases for political shenanigans. Justice has been inordinately delayed; it must be delivered so that the victims’ families get a sense of closure.

“China is a powerful country but we are not a weak nation… Both sides have increased patrol intensity so the contacts (troops coming face to face) are increasing… Whenever an intrusion takes place, we will defend” — General Bipin Rawat, Army Chief

Tribune News Service

New Delhi, January 12

Army Chief General Bipin Rawat today accepted that China was exerting pressure along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) but said India would defend every such intrusion.There is no settled border between the neighbours and the 3,488-km LAC is the de facto boundary. Addressing a press conference ahead of Army Day, he said: “China is a powerful country but we are not a weak nation.”When asked if the media reports indicating increased activity by the Chinese along the LAC were correct, he said: “Both sides have increased patrol intensity so the contacts (troops coming face to face) are increasing. The varying perception of the LAC is causing overlapping claims but we have mechanism to counter the same.”(Follow The Tribune on Facebook; and Twitter @thetribunechd)“Whenever an intrusion takes place, we will defend,” he said, citing the recent incident at Tuting in Arunachal Pradesh where India confiscated Chinese road-building equipment. “There are other areas where we are vulnerable due to lack of infrastructure. We have allocated troops which will take care.” He said a hotline was coming up at the DGMO level between India and China that could sort out the increased number of intrusions.“At the military level, our focus has to shift to the northern borders. For too long we have focused on western border,” Gen Rawat said. “To say that it will be an attrition battle and to think that China will come rolling down the hills, it may not happen,” he added.‘China sits on north Doklam’General Rawat said up to June 2016 it was an innocuous activity, but in June 2017 it became serious, so they intervened. The de-escalation has happened.“They may come back here after winter or somewhere else. Should they come again, we will see what to do. In the west of Torsa nullah called northern Doklam, the People’s Liberation Army of China has occupied the area. At the actual spot the two sides have disengaged. The tanks and guns that had moved in are gone. The tents remain. The observation posts remain. This is a territory disputed between Bhutan and China,” he said.‘Will call Pak’s nuke bluff’Gen Rawat said: “If Pakistan raises a nuclear bogey, we will have to call their bluff. We cannot say that we will not cross the border because they have nuclear weapons. We will have to call their bluff.”On the US admonition to Pakistan, he said it would be premature to say that everything is going to be in our favour and the US will do our job what we are expected to do vis-a-vis Pakistan. We have to do our own job. On being asked about the preparation of a simultaneous two-front war with Pakistan and China, he said: “We are ready for this contingency. We have plans to deal with this.”Capping fee for disabled’s kidsOn the issue of capping tuition fees for children of disabled soldiers and those killed in the line of duty, General Rawat said the Army would set up premier educational institutions to educate them. He said that as some people were misusing the facility, the government decided to impose a cap of Rs10,000 a year for a student. However, as some genuine students were being affected by this, Army proposed a new framework to continue the policy.

The Modi Government appears to be escaping some searching questions on its Pakistan policy. For three years now, it has held Pakistan at arm’s length; New Delhi spends significant energy in naming and shaming Pakistan for abetting cross-border terrorism. There have been moments, such as after a particularly fulfilling peroration against Pakistan in the UN, when South Block has patted itself for ensuring its “diplomatic isolation”, as if to justify its strategy of refusing to break bread till Islamabad abandons using terrorism as an instrument of state policy. In particular two self-styled imams, widely considered as proxies of the Pakistan army, are in New Delhi’s cross sights. The naming of Masood Azhar as a UN-designated terrorist has been frontloaded on the Sino-India bilateral agenda, never mind that the other Imam, Hafiz Saeed does not appear to be worse-off despite a US bounty on his head.India’s ire at Pakistan’s cosseting of the two Imams is sound and reasonable: both Masood Azhar and Hafiz Saeed have considerable Indian blood on their hands. There is no harm in sustaining a policy of sullen coldness to make Pakistan mend its ways; India even threw a fit when the Palestine’s Pakistan envoy briefly shared the stage with Hafiz Saeed and forced his recall. However, it now appears that India’s security czar Ajit Doval secretly met his Pakistani counterpart in Bangkok. There must have been exceptionally compelling reasons for the Indian NSA to confabulate with a Pakistani a day after South Block fulminated over Islamabad’s ill-treatment of the wife and mother of imprisoned Indian Kulbhushan Jadhav.An impression appears to be gaining ground that the desh bhakts are playing both sides of the coin: regularly chastising Pakistan for all challenges and tribulations, real or invented, while holding secret consultations on the side. A responsible public figure is yet to explain this double-play when the downside of a muddled approach is evident: over 100 security personnel killed last year in Kashmir because of an unremitting tense situation. The Government owes an explanation for its approach on Pakistan that seems to wax and wane, almost on whim.

VIJAY DIWAS WAS CELEBRATED WITH

GREAT ENTHUSIASM AND FAN FARE

Celebrtions of Vijay Diwas was a treat to watch. In a colourful ceremony, the residents of Noida paid tribute to 38 martyrs who laid down their lives for the glory of the country .The function was carried out with military precision with tri service guard, buglers & band in attendance. The choir of Students of Army Public School gave a scintillating performance, which was applauded by everyone.
The Chief Guest, Lt General Sarath Chand, UYSM,AVSM, VSM, Vice Chief of Army Staff was received by the chairman ,Lt General GL Bakshi, PVSM and Lt General Gorakh Nath, PVSM, AVSM. The chief guest paid homage followed by Rear Admiral Vishwanathan and AVM DK Patnaik, representing Indi Navy and Indian Air Force respectively.

Next of kin of 38 gallant martyrs, Chairman of Sanstha, civil dignitaries, IAS and IPS officers, defence personnel, veterans, Principles and students of schools; heads of Arun Vihar and Jalvayu Vihar institutions; and common citizens laid wreath/ paid floral tributes.

The chairman welcome the Chief guest and expressed his gratitude on the behalf of Sanstha for being the chief guest. In his speech, General appreciated the high standard of the function and congratulated the dedicated tem of Sanstha. He declared tyht it is one of the best homage ceremony he has witnessed. He added that he would attempt to follow the same procedure for other memorials in the country. He patted Sanstha members for maintaining such a high standard. He added that Noida Shaheed Smarak is the first and only Tri-Services Memorial in the country raised by Noida to honour its war dead.‘Glimpses of Events’ docket was be released by the chief guest and gifts were distributed to NOK’s of martyrs. Army band played marshal tunes.

A closer look at the history of events behind the current Rafale defence-deal controversy

The Indian government’s deal to purchase 36 Rafale fighter jets, first announced during a 2015 state visit to France, is now in the headlines thanks to allegations of overpricing and crony capitalism.

The controversy began with the selection of the Rafale fighter jets by the Congress government in 2012 to meet the IAF’s requirement for 123 combat aircraft. As the deal hit a deadlock, the Modi government scrapped the process to purchase 36 Rafale fighters. Now, the Congress has raised questions on the cost of each jet and alleged that industrialist Anil Ambani was unduly favoured in the deal.

ThePrint looks closely at the series of events in the now controversial defence deal:

1996: India’s last fighter jet deal

In one of the costliest defence deals, India signs a deal with Russia for Russian Su-30 MKI fighter jets to be procured in five batches. The deal costs India approximately 1.46 billion USD. The Sukhois are the last fighter jets to be bought by India till date.

2001: India’s jet fails to inspire hope

On 4 January 2001, the indigenous Light Combat Aircraft ‘Tejas’ completes its first flight, but it’s clear that the project is nowhere near completion. (The jet is finally inducted in the air force only in 2016). Meanwhile, the ageing MiG 21 fleet’s shelf life is drawing closer and the IAF begins its search for a new multi-role fighter.

2007: Two jets make the cut

Tenders for 126 Medium Multi Role Combat Aircraft (MMRCA) fighters are issued by India in 2007.  The competition is between the French Rafale, Russia’s MIG-35, the Swedish Saab JAS-39 Gripen, American Lockheed Martin’s F-16, the Boeing F/A-18 Super Hornet and Eurofighter Typhoon.

Only the Rafale and Typhoon make the cut.

2012: A winner emerges

Five years after the tenders were issued, Dassault emerges as lowest bidder. Of the 126 jets required, 18 fighters are to be imported “in a fly-away condition”(i.e. having readied completion). Hindustan Aeronautics Ltd (HAL) will manufacture the remaining 108 jets with technological assistance from Dassault.

However, India and France are unable to decide on a price for the jets.

2014: The deal stalls 

The workshare agreement between HAL and Dassault Aviation is signed on 13 March, 2014. But with the BJP-led NDA government coming to power, clarity on the progress of the deal remains unclear.

New Defence Minister Arun Jaitley says that a ‘considered decision’ will be taken. Dassault’s competitor Eurofighter Typhoon makes a last ditch attempt by offering a 20 per cent cut in price.

2015: A new deal is signed

Narendra Modi visits Paris in April 2015, and India announces its decision to buy 36 Rafale fighters via a government-to-government deal.

Defence Minister Manohar Parrikar says the previous 126 fighter jet deal is dead, and now 36 fighters will be bought after negotiations.

2016: The deal is sealed

French President François Hollande visits India in January, a memorandum of understanding on the purchase of Rafale jets is signed for $7.8 billion.

2017: Congress claims to smells a rat

Alleging a “huge scam is brewing”, the Congress and media reports raise doubts about the deal. The main claims that have since emerged are:

• The PM announcing the purchase of 36 jets without the defence minister’s presence and an inter-governmental agreement, is stated as being against Defence Procurement Procedure

• The UPA government inked its deal worth $10.2 billion with a transfer of technology agreement but critics argue the new Rafale aircraft is now worth $8.7 billion. It is claimed the 126 Rafale jets would have cost $30.45 billion (without transfer of technology) as per the price arrived at by the Modi government.

• Since Dassault is no longer obliged to share technology with HAL, and Reliance Defence Ltd has emerged as a key alliance player, the Congress alleges it is a move to “promote the interests of one industrial group”