New Delhi, April 16

Strongly pitching for India’s inclusion in the Nuclear Suppliers Group (NSG), Germany on Monday said the global export control system will benefit a lot from New Delhi’s participation in all its four regimes.

Out of the four export control regimes that work to keep proliferation of Weapons of Mass Destruction (WMD) in check, India is a member of the Missile Technology Control Regime (MTCR), the Wassenaar Arrangement and the Australia Group.

India’s membership to the 48-member NSG is being primarily opposed by China on the pretext that it is not a signatory to the Non-Proliferation Treaty (NPT).

“Germany has strongly supported India in its efforts to become a member of the export control regimes just as we continue to strongly support India’s membership in the Nuclear Suppliers Group,” Jasper Wieck, the Deputy Head of the German mission here, said.

“We are convinced that the global export control system will benefit a lot from India’s participation in all four regimes,” he said while speaking at the inaugural session of India-Wiessbaden Conference 2018, organised jointly by the Ministry of External Affairs in cooperation with Germany and the United Nations Office for Disarmament Affairs.

Representatives from the government and industry of 39 countries, as well as experts from the UNSC 1540 Committee and UN Office for Disarmament Affairs in New York, are participating at the two-day conference titled  ‘Securing Global Supply Chains through Government-Industry Partnerships towards Effective Implementation of UNSC Resolution 1540’              .

The UN Security Council Resolution 1540 (2004) establishes legally binding obligations on all states to adopt and enforce appropriate and effective measures to prevent the proliferation of nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons and their delivery systems to non-state actors.

It requires, therefore, that countries implement appropriate and effective measures to prevent non-state actors such as terrorists, from obtaining access to WMDs.

“We consider this initiative (the conference) as yet another example of India’s engagement with regards to international cooperation in the areas of export controls,” Wieck said. PTI

Guru Gobind Singh chose Anandpur Sahib to be the venue of a transformative movement in Punjab. Today, we see teaming masses march up to Takht Sri Keshgarh Sahib on the Baisakhi day

Roopinder Singh

What is it that is raising so much dust? Is it an invading force of raiders? No, that’s just a poet blessed with wealth by Guru Gobind Singh going home after attending the darbar.The couplet attributed to one of the court poets of Guru Gobind Singh speaks of the dignity with which they were treated and also the magnificence of his gifts to the gifted. A flourishing cultural milieu came up wherever Sikh gurus set up camp. Guru Gobind Singh inherited many of the poets in his darbar from his father, Guru Tegh Bahadur, and we find compositions in Braj bhasha, Sanskrit, Persian, Arabic and Punjabi from the period in different manuscripts. The village of Makhowal became Chakk Nanki when Guru Tegh Bahadur christened it after his mother. He had bought the village and surrounding areas in 1665 and it became his headquarters. He was to live here for 10 years before undertaking the fateful journey to Delhi and facing martyrdom while defending religious freedom for the adherents of other religions, not just his own.It was this ethos that Guru Gobind Singh evoked in his fight against the repression of the day, personified by the Mughal rule of Emperor Aurangzeb. “I will make sparrows fight the hawks,” said Guru Gobind Singh, after he formed the Khalsa at Anandpur Sahib on Baisakhi in 1699.  Lakhs of Sikhs go to the birthplace of the Khalsa to celebrate Baisakhi, even as it is celebrated on a grand scale at other places too, notably at Talwandi Sabo.The collected hymns of his predecessors and his own compositions were the guiding force for all. The annual gathering at Anandpur Sahib became the focal point of a renaissance that had as much to do with the transformation of religious beliefs, a push towards an egalitarian society and a firm belief in the oneness of the Almighty, as it had with military preparation. The Baisakhi of 1699 threw up a vision of a new and regenerated humanity. Today, all those who visit Anandpur Sahib go to Takht Sri Keshgarh Sahib, and rightly so. Rich in history, the present gurdwara, however, is relatively recent. It was built in the mid-1930s. It houses a collection of relics associated with the Gurus, especially Guru Gobind Singh.These relics draw us to the magnificent heritage of the City of Bliss, as Anandpur literally translates into. It is here that the Gurus and their families lived. A thriving trade was provided for the inhabitants and visitors and the Guru’s darbar attracted the hordes, especially during festivals like Hola Mohalla and Baisakhi. Guru Gobind Singh spent some years of his childhood and later raised his family at Anandpur Sahib. It was here that he created the Khalsa. It was from here that he lost his family and his home, but never relented in his fight against tyranny. It was he who re-named Chakk Nanki as Anandpur. His Sikhs suffixed the honorific Sahib.“Redemption comes through knowledge,” said the Guru and the sheer volume and quality of literature that was created in the city became the stuff of legends. Going by what Bhai Santokh Singh says in Suraj Parkash the manuscripts weighed around 350 kg! All except the small volumes that had been taken out earlier were lost when the Khalsa forces evacuated Anandpur Sahib in December 1705. They had to go through the Sirsa stream that was in spate. The eldest two sons of Guru Gobind Singh were killed in the battle with the Mughal forces at Chamkaur Sahib. His two younger sons and his mother were separated from him, and much of the treasures, including the literature, were lost in the melee.Anandpur would later be taken over by the Raja of Bilaspur and bought by the cousins of Guru Gobind Singh whose families ran the local gurdwaras. The family’s writ ran over various institutions. One of the descendents,  and it was under Sodhi Kishan Singh, a descendant, that the town became a municipal committee in the last decade of the 19th century. The Shiromani Gurdwara Parbandhak Committee (SGPC) took over the gurdwaras in 1923 and has managed these since.Over the years, Hola Mohalla became a festival associated with the city and its people. On this day, Nihangs, resplendent in cobalt blue tunics and turbans, horses and other accruements of warriors — perform death-defying feats.Crowds gathered for Baisakhi, too, but not in such great numbers. Anandpur, the sleepy town at the foothills of the Shivalik Hills, remained out of public eye and missed much of the boom that other cities in Punjab benefited from.Having, in Giani Zail Singh, a Chief Minister who was an MLA from Anandpur Sahib, helped. The Guru Gobind Singh Marg celebration in 1973 brought focus back to the city. This route traced the 47-day journey of Guru Gobind Singh from Anandpur Sahib to Talwandi Sabo, and the joint effort of the SGPC and the Punjab Government resulted in a major up gradation of infrastructure around the area.The Anandpur Sahib Resolution, adopted by the Shiromani Akali Dal that year, lit a political fire that would soon ignite passions far beyond the town.The Singh Sabha Shatabdi Committee, led by Hukam Singh and Giani Gurdit Singh, made a concerted effort to revive the spirit of Baisakhi at Anandpur Sahib. Scholars read out research papers to massive audiences. Some of them were honoured publically for their contribution to history and understanding of religion. Like in much of Punjab, the decade between the mid-1980s and 1990s was largely lost.Celebrations to mark the tercentenary of the Khalsa in 1999 saw the city being painted white. Lakhs of people, hundreds of langars and massive functions marked the occasion on which the establishment of the Virasat-e-Khalsa museum was announced by the then Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal.Giani Tarlochan Singh’s appointment as Jathedar of Keshgarh Sahib in 2003 was another milestone. He had spent much of this life at Anandpur Sahib, and served as a catalyst to growth till his death, in harness, in 2013.The Virasat-e-Khalsa museum, which opened in 2011, is now a major tourist attraction. Today, the celebrations have evolved too. People on horseback could well be polo players, not just Nihangs. The SGPC and the city administration play a major role in directing the festivities, with kirtan darbars and katha sessions dominating the discourse. Relative newcomers like the Anandpur Sahib Foundation and Sikh Chamber of Commerce have planned a half-marathon, a movie festival and knowledge sessions, activities reflecting an evolving spirit of Baisakhi. Baisakhi at Anandpur Sahib reflects the egalitarian ethos of the Gurus, who re-kindled the spirit of the downtrodden and the battered and made them stand up for the rights of others, as well as their own.

52 court poets

Bhai Kahan Singh Nabha’s authoritative Mahan Kosh lists the following ‘Bavanja Kavi’ in who received the patronage of Guru Gobind Singh:1 Uday Rai 2 Ani Rai 3 Amrit Rai

4 Allu

5 Asa Singh

6 Alim

7 Ishavar Dass 8 Sukh Dev 9 Sukha Singh

10 Sukhia

11 Sudama

12 Sainapat

13 Shyam

14 Heer

15 Hussain Ali 16 Hans Ram

17 Kallu

18 Kuveresh

19 Khan Chand

20 Gunia

21 Gurdas

22 Gopal

23 Chandan

24 Chanda

25 Jamaal

26 Tehkin

27 Dharam Singh28 Dhanna Singh29 Dhayan Singh

30 Nannoo

31 Nishchal Dass32 Nihal Chand33 Nand Singh34 Nand Lal35 Pindi Dass

36 Ballabh

37 Balloo

38 Bidhi Chand

39 Bulland

40 Brikh

41 Brij Lal

42 Mathura

43 Madan Singh44 Madan Giri

45 Malloo

46 Maan Dass47 Mala Singh

48 Mangal

49 Ram

50 Rawal

51 Roshan Singh52 Lakha

Gurdwaras of Anandpur

Takht Sri Kesgarh Sahib

Gurdwara Qila Anandgarh Sahib    Gurdwara Qila Fatehgarh SahibGurdwara Qila Lohgarh Sahib

Gurdwara Holgarh Sahib

Gurdwara Mata Jito Ji

Gurdwara Manji Sahib

Gurdwara Sis Ganj Sahib

Gurdwara Damdama Sahib

Thara Sahib

Gurdwara Bhora Sahib

Indian democracy is designed on the Westminister model, and it proximates the structural moorings of the same rules and regulations of governance. Beyond the trumpeted statistics as the ‘world’s largest democracy’, the grim reality of the dismal condition of its institutions ~ legislature, judiciary and executive ~ showcases a huge gap between the two ‘mature’ democracies. The principle of counter-balancing institutions to preserve the spirit of the Indian Constitution has been compromised because of inefficiency, overreach and factionalism. This has resulted in a ‘moral crisis’ in addition to the functional ineptitude. The foundational temper and conscience which influenced the freedom struggle and then the profundity of the Constitution envisages a certain behavioural ‘morality’ from its leadership to uphold the Constitution’s principles, directives and duties. Honest ownership of actions and responsibilities, irrespective of their implications is one of the most basic, and sadly waning attributes in the Indian narrative.

In 1956, owning ‘moral’ responsibility, the then Railway Minister Lal Bahadur Shastri had tendered his resignation following the Ariyalur train disaster. His honesty was not recognised as weakness as he later went on to become the Home Minister and then, the Prime Minister. This template of moral probity, rectitude and conscience has since then been too scarce. Not that such decisions rooted in individual ‘conscience’ can absolve the establishment from the serious allegations of neglect, wrongdoing or inaction; but it can surely sensitise, galvanise and improvise the entire value-chain of governance, into immediate course-correction. Today, the concept of ‘head-rolling’ has acquired a very sinister, undemocratic and convenient dimension. In order to assuage the public pressures of immediate action, the axe usually falls on lower-level administrative functionaries who become cannon  fodder to hide the systemic rot. The other escape mechanism is to sidestep the blame with the standard accusations of a ‘political conspiracy’.

Contrast this with the  response of the previous British Prime Minister, David Cameron who on being named (not convicted) in the Panama leaks, admitted, “I know that I should have handled this better, I could have handled this better. I know there are lessons to learn and I will learn them” and went on to accept the blame by saying, “Don’t blame Number 10 Downing Street or nameless advisers, blame me”. Later on the crucial Brexit referendum, the results of which were not legally binding and were only of persuasive import, Mr Cameron accepted ‘moral’ defeat by resigning from the post of Prime Minister. He said: “British people have made a very clear decision to take a different path, and as such I think the country requires fresh leadership to take it in this direction”. His preferred position of ‘stay’ versus ‘exit’ had narrowly lost out ~ 52 to 48. At the age of 49, Mr Cameron who had once stated that “I was the future once”, assumed ‘moral’ responsibility for his action and resigned. Today, he serves as the President of Alzheimer’s Research UK, to campaign for medical research funding!

Unfortunately in India,  there seems to be no accountability or responsibility of leadership for any acts of commission or omission. From the recent PNB scam, CBSE exam leak, Rafale deal, minority-lynching and so on, the promised change by the ‘Party with a difference’ is sadly a continuum of fate for the common man. Spin-doctoring of facts and figures has been elevated to a fine art by glib spokespersons, who blunt each accusation with either a stoic silence or an aggressive counter-recital of ‘facts’ that clinically detail worse statistics and scale of misfortune during previous dispensations. The language in the accompanying social media  is  derisive and carefully couched in semantics that willy-nilly juxtapose every contrarian view into portents that are ultra-nationalistic, religious or exclusivist.

Even executive decisions on matters of economics, trade and commerce such as Demonetisation, were bizarrely contexualised and equated to questioning the ‘Indian Soldier’! The deflective dissonance and empty posturing following any fresh  scam distracts from any substantial acceptance, introspection and ‘head-roll’ on account of any dereliction in accountability and responsibility.

Certain institutions like the  Armed Forces and the Judiciary, which are (were?) relatively spared the intrusion of the politico-bureaucratic obfuscation, rise to the occasion and deliver as they have their own system of meritocracy, discipline and accountability. Often, these institutions have to outstretch beyond their defined-mandate to deliver when the other political and administrative entities betray inability, incapability or fear to do so. The operative expression in the Armed Forces is to deliver even ‘at the cost of paying the ultimate price’. Such undiluted leadership traits of ‘leading from the front’ have ensured that the institution has the highest officer-to-soldier casualty ratio in the world. However, the winds sweeping the guarded barracks or even the precincts of courtrooms are not spared the corrosive impact of the societal decay that could stymie institutional efficacy of these last government bastions of responsibility.

For India’s democracy to grow further, all political dispensations across the centre and the states have to glorify a culture of probity and transparency, instead of ridicule, jingoism and majoritarian. Democratic instincts need to be honed and strengthened like the RTI Act, instead of disempowering moves like the recently retracted order to potentially deny PIB accreditation to journalists. The modern-day terminology is replete with terms like ‘fake news’, jumlaa, presstitudes that ought to be anathema to a ‘moral’ nation which is proud to be liberal, progressive and inclusive. The promised economic revival has yet to metamorphose, the relationship with the neighbouring countries are at an all-time low with traditional allies like Nepal and Maldives alienated,  the minorities are vulnerable, and the agrarian crisis has deepened considerably.

It is true that all of this is not necessarily the creation of the current dispensation, but harping on the past can denude credibility. Neither is questioning the government of the day anti-national. Nor for that matter does it tantamount to siding with the Opposition. It is the duty of all citizens to openly ‘question’ and insist on accountability and responsibility for the good of society and the nation, irrespective of the individual’s political affiliation.

The writer IS Lt Gen PVSM, AVSM (Retd), Former Lt Governor of Andaman & Nicobar Islands & Puducherry

Despite various govts going slow on hi-tech defence acquisitions, it now emerges that India is the largest weapons importer. This is ‘inglorious’ in the face of stridency over ‘desi’ production. And as we struggle, our neighbours find ways to forge ahead with new defence partners, a fact we can ignore to our peril

In 2005 the Indian Armed Forces very zealously adopted the concept of ‘transformation’, a term borrowed from the lexicon of the US Armed Forces. Essentially it meant ‘a very big change’; that change was essential in the sphere of war fighting due to the way various technologies, with information technology (IT) at the core, were rapidly demanding a move well beyond the military capabilities of the Cold War period.

Fresh from its then recent experience of ‘Operation Parakram’, which involved massive mobilisation against Pakistan, the Indian military attempted to explain to the political and bureaucratic authorities how it was looking at the future even as ‘transformation’ was underway in various countries. Its enthusiasm found few takers and support for its ambitious projects was halfhearted. Although the 11th and 12th Plans did cater for incremental manpower needs the wherewithal just could not materialise. ‘Transformation’ died a natural death around 2011, buried under the mountain of neglect, lack of perception and inability to financially support the change which was being sought.

It’s due to the history of this neglect that finally the Army’s Vice Chief, Lt Gen Sarath Chand was recently forced to inform the Parliamentary Committee on Defence Affairs on the lack of preparedness and severe glitches in the Army’s modernisation program, a position equally applicable to the Navy and the Air Force. Most reports on this important issue affecting India’s national security have focused on the details of the failure of financial backing and the inability to remove bureaucratic hurdles. However, a simple summary projected by most of these reports conveys the message without the attached details. In an adequately prepared war machine 30% of weapons and equipment should fall in the state of the art (SOA) category, 40% in current and 30% in vintage category. The existing state of the Indian Army brought to the notice of the Committee is 8% SOA, 24% current and 68% vintage category.

With existing and emerging threats arising out of China’s consistent efforts at domination of the continental and maritime domains, exchanges on the LoC, the possibility of collusion between China and Pakistan and sponsored terrorist actions which could cross the threshold of India’s tolerance, the possibility of armed standoff against both adversaries remains live. While most analysts agree that all out conventional war is still a remote contingency this cannot be used as a dictum for the state of the nation’s military preparedness which should never be sub optimum.

Unfortunately, the idea does not seem to find favour with those who control the purse strings, that being optimally armed, equipped, trained and motivated is half the battle and sends appropriate messages of deterrence or dissuasion, as the case may be. No doubt there are competing domains for the share of national resources but the element of risk that is involved in remaining underprepared in the military domain must overshadow all other considerations. The perceptions that emerge from the military leadership cannot be dismissed lightly and trust in its professional judgment is only prudent.

It needs to be recalled that in 1965 Pakistan’s adventurous plans were based on its perception that any delay in attempting to capture its claimed areas would be risky as the Indian military was reforming and equipping itself but was then not fully prepared for war. Assumptions of military weakness tempt adversaries.

The Army’s current leadership has unnecessarily been under fire for making public utterances from time to time. The Army Chief, Vice Chief and a few Army Commanders have expressed their frank opinion about perceptions of threats and preparedness. In earlier years, the Army leadership was content with transparently placing its observations and concerns to the government through its annual reports and theme papers; these were never made public and rarely acted upon. Providing answers to parliamentary questions still adhered to what the government wished to reveal. It is the annual presentation to the Parliamentary Committee which was always considered an appropriate forum to be realistically transparent. Much depended upon the members of the committees of the past, their level of understanding and perceptions about security affairs.

The present committee’s better grasp has obviously been the trigger for the current expression of concern. It too has realized that 1.49% of the GDP at Rs 2.79 lakh crore which forms the defence budget cannot hope to meet both the revenue and capital needs of the defence services. In strong words the Army Vice Chief stated, “The 2018-19 budget has dashed our hopes; the marginal increase hardly caters for inflation…allocation of Rs 21,338 crore for modernisation is insufficient even to cater for committed payment for 125 on-going schemes, emergency procurements, and 10 days worth of ammunition at intense rates”.

What is also revealing is that gaping holes in perimeter security of major army camps remain unaddressed as the much touted allotments for this are within the existing budget. Coupled with the huge expenditure on meeting the needs for response at Doklam, it is reliably learnt that the Army’s current transportation and some other budgets ran out of funds a couple of weeks ago, well before the end of the financial year.

What is going to be the result of this transparency? Will it help in better appreciation of the grave deficiency in defence capability and capacity which is becoming more and more apparent? What the Army needs to do is to continue speaking about this and let the public perception on the deficiency become more realistic. There are ways of being transparent without upsetting any rules. In functional democracies like ours its ultimately public perception which pushes governments to adhere to norms of as basic a requirement as national security.

The writer commanded the 15 Corps in Jammu & Kashmir. The views are personal

Our Correspondent

Una, March 19

Ex-servicemen of the Bangana subsivision have raised their demand for a mobile unit of canteen stores department (CSD) at the subdivision headquarters. The demand was raised at the quarterly meeting of the district Sainik Welfare Board here.According to an official communique, a non-official member of the district-level committee of the Sainik Welfare Board said there were about 5,000 ex-servicemen and their families besides scores of other families of serving defence personnel in Bangana, who had to travel to the Una district headquarters or to Badsar in Hamirpur district for CSD facilities.The ex-servicemen have demanded that the mobile CSD unit visit Bangana at least twice a month so that the ex-servicemen and their families could purchase grocery and other items. Demands for a community building for ex-servicemen at the Una district headquarters and demarcation of land for a proposed Army cantonment in Gagret developmental block were also raised.Additional DC Kritika Kulhari, while presiding over the meeting, directed the officials concerned to take appropriate action with regards to the demands. She informed that the financial assistance for the marriage of daughters of ex-servicemen had been raised from Rs 16,000 to Rs 50,000, adding that during the last quarter, 33 such cases had been forwarded to the Director of Sainik Welfare.Their plea

• There are about 5,000 ex-servicemen and their families in Bangana
• They have to travel to the Una district headquarters or Badsar in Hamirpur district for CSD facilities
• They have demanded that the mobile CSD unit should visit Bangana at least twice a month

C-17 Globemaster at Tuting airfield in Arunachal Pradesh. — ANI

• Sending a message to China, the IAF on Tuesday landed the C17 Globemaster, the biggest transport aircraft in its stable, at the advanced landing ground at Tuting in Upper Siang district of Arunachal Pradesh.
• Describing the mission as historic, an IAF spokesman said the mammoth C17 Globemaster could execute this mission owing to the sublime flying skills of the pilots
• After completion of the trial landing, the C17 also carried out an operational mission airlifting operational load into the austere airfield. TNS

Vijay Mohan

Tribune News Service

Chandigarh, March 7

After inducting ground-based electronic warfare (EW) systems over the past couple of decades, the Army now wants to take this battlefield domain into the skies. It has projected a requirement of aerial systems for reconnaissance, surveillance as well as countering hostile radio and cellular networks and satellite-based systems.According to the Technology Perspective and Capability Roadmap – 2018 document that was issued by the Ministry of Defence a few days ago, the Army has projected a requirement for three aerostat systems, seven heliborne EW systems and 10 EW payloads for remotely piloted aircraft.The document, the first edition of which was issued in 2013, identifies the requirements of the three services in various domains over the next decade and serves as a guide for the industry for planning or initiating technology development, partnerships and production arrangements.The Army’s requirement for the aforementioned aerial systems comes along with an additional requirement for 10 integrated EW systems that can be mounted on tracked or wheeled vehicles. The Air Force and the Navy too have projected requirements for different types of EW platforms to meet their operational needs.The broad parameters for the EW systems include the capability to deny effective use of electronic spectrum by the enemy, detect, monitor, and jam enemy cellular and satellite communication receivers, radars and GPS systems, carry out communication intelligence and electronic countermeasures, besides integrating photo-recce and image correlation for physical identification of targets. The IAF had inducted two aerostats over a decade ago and drawn up plans for further acquisitions, which are still hanging fire. An aerostat is an unpowered balloon tethered at a certain height above the ground and equipped with surveillance and communication equipment. It can remain deployed for a number of days at a stretch, scan a wide swath of area and is particularly effective for detecting low-flying or surface objects.Aerial EW systems that the Army is envisaging can also be used for counterterrorist operations and sub-conventional conflict situations besides conventional deployment.