Current Events :
Sanjeev Singh Bariana
Tribune News Service
Chandigarh, April 24
The office of the Chief Minister will not tolerate indiscipline in the police force, Chief Minister Capt Amarinder Singh made it clear while interacting with the media here on Tuesday. “Discipline in the uniformed forces, be it the Army, the paramilitary or the police, has to be maintained at all costs,” he stressed.The remark is significant. It comes in the backdrop of Anupam Gupta, amicus curiae (friend of the court) in the drug probe case, telling the Punjab and Haryana High Court on Monday that the CM was in contempt of court for threatening officers with dismissal for having approached the court, calling it as “indiscipline.” Sidharth Chattopadhyay, SIT chief, had last month created ripples when he told the court that the probe against an SSP in a drug case was leading him to top cops Suresh Arora and Dinkar Gupta and, therefore, there was an attempt to falsely implicate him in a case. With the split in the police top brass wide open, the CM had subsequently called a meeting to warn he would not tolerate indiscipline.The CM said he had not interfered in the matter before the court, but only given directions to police officers in the interest of the state. “A boss, on the top of the hierarchy, has to be heard. Anybody who questions him is breaking discipline,” he maintained.On reasons for STF head Harpreet Sidhu, who was given independent charge, now reporting to DGP Arora instead of the CMO, Capt Amarinder replied: “Sidhu was on central deputation and could not have been brought back to head the STF during his deputation tenure. He was made to join the CMO. His period of deputation over, he is now under the DGP’s command.” On MLAs being unhappy over not being taken in the Cabinet, the CM said they would be “accommodated.”
Jammu: Pakistani troops on Monday targeted forward posts and villages along the Line of Control in Poonch district with mortar shells and gunfire in violation of the ceasefire, an official said. “The Pakistan army initiated unprovoked firing of small arms, automatics and mortars from 5.30 pm in the Krishnaghati sector along the LoC”, he said. PTI
As Gen. Qamar Bajwa slowly but surely consolidates his power and legitimises his angst in the popular imagination
Pakistan’s former Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif has had an ominous relationship with all six Chiefs of Army Staff that he has tenured with, including the four that he “handpicked” by superseding senior officers. In 1993, his choice of Gen. Waheed Kakar was instrumental in pressuring Mr Sharif to resign as Prime Minister. The next chief in Nawaz’s tenure was the choice of the previous government, Gen. Jehangir Karamat, who was forced into premature resignation by Mr Sharif. The third was the “safe” mohajir, Gen. Pervez Musharraf, who packed off Nawaz Sharif to Saudi Arabia in a bloodless coup. Later, Nawaz Sharif, in his third innings as Prime Minister, had to deal with the outgoing dictator Pervez Musharraf’s choice, the highly unpredictable Gen. Pervez Kayani, who unilaterally extended his stay at the Army House. During his third stint as Prime Minister, Nawaz Sharif had punted on Gen. Raheel Sharif, who ultimately turned out to be his own man and gave Nawaz Sharif sleepless nights with the rumours of a “takeover”, only to pick yet another supposedly “pro-democracy” and low key officer as his successor, Gen. Qamar Bajwa, who silently allowed Mr Sharif to get disqualified and has more recently upped the ante against Nawaz Sharif’s Pakistan Muslim League (N) government.
From a Pervez Musharraf to a Raheel Sharif, it has typically taken just over a year for the incumbent Chief of Army Staff to run into an uncomfortable equation and power tussle with Nawaz Sharif. Given that Gen. Qamar Javed Bajwa assumed office on November 29, 2016, his restiveness with the political establishment and the accompanying portents of the power struggle were overdue as per previous trends and traditions. The buildup to the fractious relationship normally assumes the pattern of the military establishment expressing concerns on matters that are beyond the domain of security — such as the economy, federalism, intra-party feuds, etc. The contours of expression were established by Gen. Ayub Khan in 1958, then Chief of the Pakistani Army, who noted: “I am receiving very depressing reports of economic distress and maladministration through political interference, frustration and complete lack of faith by the people in political leaders… The general belief is that none of these men have the honesty of purpose, integrity and patriotism to root out the evils of the country, which will require drastic action.” Much later, in 1999, Gen. Musharraf echoed the same line with: “There is despondency and hopelessness surrounding us with no light visible anywhere around… we have reached a stage where our economy has crumbled, our credibility is lost, state institutions lie demolished.”
The last six months have seen the relatively reclusive Gen. Qamar Bajwa asserting his institutional presence, defying governmental preferences and openly holding court with his holistic vision for Pakistan that has grandiosely been described as the “Bajwa Doctrine”. From stamping his own martial signature with his Operation Radd-ud-Fasaad (his predecessor had undertaken Operation Zarb-e-Azb), to ignoring government orders to disperse protesters and instead undermining the civilian government by mediating with Islamist protesters, to delivering his views on wholly civilian matters like the 18th Amendment of the Pakistan Constitution that devolves powers to the states, to becoming the first high-ranking foreign dignitary to visit the Maldives, has all the makings and optics of the Pakistani Army’s restless institutional overreach and thunderous grand-standing. Another crucial aspect attributed to the “Bajwa Doctrine” is the blunt counter to US President Donald Trump’s accusation that Pakistan’s track record on terror had, “given the United States nothing but lies and deceit” — the “Bajwa Doctrine” seeks to bluntly refute the US President’s perception, and instead posits an alternative assertion that suggests that the US needs to do more, and for Pakistan to not get intimidated by the US pressure. As part of its logical extension, it seeks to invest in a new set of replacement allies that host inherently anti-US governments — such as China, Russia, Iran and Turkey. The sovereign humiliation accompanying the US military aid cuts to Pakistan is essentially getting repackaged and replayed back as a sign of national pride and dignity, as Pakistani military spokesman Maj. Gen. Asif Ghafoor insists: “Pakistan never fought for money but for peace.”
Whether the “Bajwa Doctrine” is a hardbound set of fleshed-out policies and actions, or is a just a creative interpretation of the Pakistani military’s fidgetiness is still unclear — however, there are lurking signs of “military control” as the largest television channel, Geo TV, gets forced off the cable networks owing to its reportage of the Pakistani military machinations. Gen. Qamar Bajwa has also not shied away from sharing his opinion on civilian ministerial colleagues by commenting on former finance minister Ishaq Dar: “It is a shame that out of 210 million people, only 1.2 million pay taxes… He (Ishaq Dar) was a total disaster for this country.” In the cloak and dagger style of Pakistan’s intra-institutional intrigues, the Pakistani military has tactically joined hands with the judiciary to retain the pressure on the beleaguered and cornered civilian government by suggesting that “destabilising the judiciary or ridiculing its verdicts could land us in political disarray. Anyone who is indignant with the Supreme Court decisions (should) not be allowed to humiliate the judiciary or raise question marks on the integrity of the honourable judges”.
As Gen. Qamar Bajwa slowly but surely consolidates his power and legitimises his angst in the popular imagination, he continues paying lip service to the principle of civilian democracy — “salvation lies in protecting and preserving the integrity of all state institutions (Parliament, judiciary and military) as much as in upholding the rule of law on the way to free and fair elections”. With Pakistan’s general election due to be held in July this year, the emergence of the ghost of the “Bajwa Doctrine” has made the run-up and the possible outcomes more unpredictable. Sensing the direction of the wind, Opposition leader Imran Khan has unabashedly confessed: “I have more praise for Gen. Bajwa than Gen. Raheel Sharif”, signalling the importance of the Baloch Regiment officer who is expectedly stepping out of the shadows of the Rawalpindi barracks.
Sikh pilgrims at Gurdwara Punja Sahib in Hasan Abdal, some 50 km from Islamabad. AP/ PTI
Smita Sharma
Tribune News Service
New Delhi, April 15
India on Sunday lodged a strong protest with Pakistan over blocking of access of visiting Sikh pilgrims to Indian diplomats in that country and even “compelling” the Indian envoy to turn back while he was on his way to a prominent gurdwara there.
A group of around 2,100 Sikh pilgrims are on a visit to Pakistan from April 12 under a bilateral agreement on facilitating visits to religious shrines.
“India has lodged a strong protest with Pakistan over a block of access for visiting pilgrims to Indian diplomats and consular teams,” MEA official release said, calling it an “inexplicable diplomatic discourtesy”.
The MEA said it was in violation of an established practice under which the Indian High Commission’s consular/protocol team is attached with visiting pilgrims. This helps facilitate consular and protocol duties, like helping out in medical or family emergencies.
Protesting against reported denial of access to the consular team at Wagah railway station and Panja Sahib Gurudwara, the MEA said: “On April 14, the Indian High Commissioner to Pakistan, who was to visit Gurdwara Panja Sahib at the invitation of the Chairman of the Evacuee Trust Property Board (ETPB), was suddenly asked to return while en route to the shrine, for unspecified ‘security’ reasons. The High Commissioner, who was to greet Indian pilgrims on the occasion of Baisakhi, was thus compelled to return without meeting Indian citizens”.
While an official reaction is expected from Islamabad, sources at the Pakistan High Commission in Delhi have claimed that the Indian High Commission was consulted on the issue and envoy Ajay Bisaria was advised to stay away from the event. An official Pakistani source said this was done in view of riled up emotions of Sikhs agitated over the film Nanak Shah Fakir, which was in Haryana and Punjab.
Over 20,000 Sikh pilgrims from across the world are attending Baisakhi celebrations in Pakistan from April 12-21.
A generic essay on the essentials of Pakistan’s strategic security policy and how this needs to be countered by India
There is an interesting anecdote about the partition of India and the creation of Pakistan. It is said that when the first Chief Justice of Pakistan was appointed he decided he would rather function from New Delhi than any future capital of Pakistan. The assumption obviously was that there was nothing serious about the creation of Pakistan and the situation would probably retract in a few years, if not a few months. The lesson – even those at the apex level, involved in Pakistan’s foundation, remained unconvinced about the new state. That unfortunately has remained the situation with Pakistan; never has it been able to come to terms or picked itself up to seriously set goals and achieve tenable aims to create peace for its people and give them an honorable national identity. Much less populous than India and far less diverse in terms of demographics it continues to remain beset with ethnic, sectarian and ideological issues which have threatened to tear it apart. True democracy eludes it, although regular elections have been held for the last two decades or so. Its Army has never detached itself from political power which it exercises on the back of its direction of the nation’s foreign and security policy. Lessons from the Indo Pak Conflict of 1971 and the loss of its former eastern half never seem to have dawned on it. Instead of launching into a campaign of nation building it has preferred to remain mired in a self-defeating game with intent of seeking retribution against India who it blames for its loss of face, dignity as a nation and half its territory and population.
Retribution drives Pakistan’s India policy; more correctly retribution drives the Pakistan Army’s approach towards India. While civil society in Pakistan does harbor traditional animosity it is willing to move on for the sake of the nation and future generations; the Pakistan Army is not. From the memory of 1971 is drawn the energy for retribution which helps keep the Army center stage in the complex social and political labyrinth of Pakistan. That contributes to power and at the end it’s only a power game which drives Pakistan’s relations with India. Joining the Army in its policy of using India as prop for its power are willing politicians and the judiciary besides retired generals, diplomats, bureaucrats and two of Pakistan’s most powerful entities – the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) and the Inter -Services Public Relations (ISPR). This conglomeration often referred as the deep state also has a clutch of radicals and terrorists all designated as friendly to Pakistan’s interests. Some of the strangest perceptions of national security prevail in the Pakistani nation and the core center of the perceived threat remains India. It is around this threat that Pakistan has built its entire security policy.
The Jammu & Kashmir (J&K) issue helps drive the agenda of antipathy against India. If generational change and civil society’s natural progression and aspirations tend to dilute this antipathy, J&K helps exacerbate it. It needs to be remembered the Pakistan Army adopted the strategy way back in 1977 and thence onwards whereby it accepted its incapability to challenge India in the conventional battlefield. However, it aimed at reducing and virtually negating the asymmetry through adoption of a nuclear weapons program; this it achieved through the Eighties but used various ruses of alternating denial and acceptance, until transparency finally emerged in 1998 when it went overtly nuclear. The central aspect of its policy was and has been to place itself firmly as a core Islamic power and draw the international economic and emotive support from that linkage. To do that it needed to pursue the internal promotion of Islamization. It was supposed to be a calibrated approach to draw maximum strategic advantage that went completely awry. Alongside this it has followed a policy of exploiting India’s various fault lines, the prime being the communal one. The belief remains that India’s minorities must not be allowed to be mainstreamed and their Islamic fervor enhanced such that they perceive isolation and persecution within. The J&K proxy conflict controlled from Islamabad provides the dual adrenaline of attempting to wrest that state and exacerbating divisiveness within India.
Significant Aspects of Pakistan’s Geo-strategic Importance
Pakistan’s occupies a geographical location which gives it an automatic strategic importance. Five different civilizations surround it, each with a mutual set of interests resting within its territory or its people. With Iran in virtual international pariah status it is Pakistan which provides access to Heart of Asia and outlet from the latter to the oceans. No sustained and major operations can be fought in Afghanistan without access from Karachi port to the Afghan heartland; the feasibility of such operations through an airhead in the Central Asian Republics (CARs) is militarily impossible. The long and troubled border between Pakistan and Afghanistan is in itself a battleground of no mean proportion and Pakistan considers Afghanistan its natural ‘strategic depth’, a term which has been differently interpreted by different analysts. The aspect of accessibility to the oceans plays out most significantly in the context of China’s One Belt One Road (OBOR). The China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) is the flagship project of OBOR, with an investment of 62 bn USD, which Pakistan wishes to make the major binder for an even more profound strategic relationship with China.
Pakistan’s current cockiness in foreign policy may appear a brave front to minimize US coercion to pry maximum cooperation in Afghanistan. It is playing out its strong equation with China and the obvious advantages of its geostrategic location to set up its own significance and attempt to gain maximum from the international community, including possible concessions on J&K and its relationship with India.
Among major vulnerabilities is its lower riparian status in the regional drainage of waters from the catchment areas in the north; with the upper riparian being India the status of the Indus Waters Treaty assumes greater significance especially if India is continuously needled in other domains which impinge on its security.
Pakistan’s Strategic Security Priorities
Perceiving an existential threat both on the borders and within, Pakistan’s current priorities for its strategic security are as follows (not in any order) :-
One of the subsets of Pakistan’s strategic security strategy which it has developed and refined is communication strategy, the art of effective propaganda and perception management. It appears to have partially borrowed this from China’s doctrine of ‘war under informationized conditions’. It is learnt that Pakistan is avidly studying India’s successful handling of the Doklam standoff with China. What can be expected in future is greater collusion between Pakistan and China in the approach to India and the disputes that exist with it.
Lastly, J&K still rules the roost as far as immediacy is concerned. Pakistan has been surprised by the speed with which Indian security forces (SF) have regained dominance in the Valley. However, as long as alienation among the populace in the Valley runs high the scope to overturn the situation in favor of Pakistan sponsored anti-national elements always remains. In a situation where Pakistan’s control over turbulence in the Valley is only marginal it is violent exchanges at the Line of Control (LoC) which becomes the symbol for projection of the J&K issue to the international community; keeping it in the focus, so to say.
India’s Counter Strategy
Considering the takeaways from the strategic security priorities of Pakistan India can ill afford not to have an updated view of the threats that are likely to be at play in 2018 and beyond. A counter strategy would already be under evolution as work in progress under the National Security Adviser (NSA). The possible areas on which such a strategy may focus are analyzed in succeeding paragraphs.
There are some assumptions and truisms we need to keep in mind while considering such a counter strategy:-
Indian Strategic Approach. With the above truisms and assumptions in mind we may outline a broad strategy to tackle security issues thrown up by India’s overall standoff with Pakistan:-
The recent NSA parleys at Bangkok have been met with confused signals even from well informed circles. The truth remains that even at the height of standoff in relationships a window remains open. It may not be a process in place but one off meets to take stock and examine feasibility of changing course. Given the political events in the offing in both India and Pakistan in 2018-19 major initiatives for peace may not be forthcoming even in the absence of any major tensions. However, in the context of the times things can change overnight if bold initiatives are taken by political leaders. Inevitably such initiatives will need to come from India in view of the light political leadership in Pakistan and its guidance under Army control. The spoilers will remain the ‘good guys’ who deliver Pakistan’s perceived interests with regard to India. Pakistan needs to get this clear that its stance on talks and more talks has to be matched by sufficient initiative to ensure future talks if at all, are not sabotaged at the hands of maverick ‘good boys’.
Lastly, the feasibility of Doklam 2 looms large and in that are opportunities for Pakistan which it will not forego. India has to be more than ever mindful that lower intensity two front situations without the full spectrum being unleashed could well be on the cards; a kind of test of collusion for the future. Its strategic partnerships must ensure that India is not isolated in the event of such testing. It will need much support and that support will equally set the stage for future standoffs.
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WE have gathered the Addresses and contact details of all directorates dealing with issues pertaining to Exservicemen and their families. Please do download it and keep it where it can be readily accessed. It could be of help at some time.
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Kendriya Sanik Board
West Block IV, Wing 5,
RK Puram
New Delhi – 110 066
Subjects dealt with: Welfare of Veer Naris /Disabled Soldier, Air/Rail Travel Concession, Reservation of seats in professional institutes, telephone connection etc.
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Ceremonial & Welfare Directorate AG’s Branch
IHQ of MoD (Army) 153A,
Kashmir House,
Rajaji Marg,
DHQPO,
New Delhi – 110 011
Director: 01123794985 , Jt..Dir: 01123794377
Tele Fax :01123794985
e-mail:randwection@sify.com
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Subjects dealt with: Release of one time grant from Army Central Welfare Fund (ACWF). Assist the Veer Naris& Disabled Soldiers for other benefits.
Benefits from Army Welfare Corpuses.
Ceremonial & Welfare Directorate (CW-3)
AG’s Branch,
IHQ of MoD (Army) 206G
South Block DHQ PO,
New Delhi – 110 011
Telephone 011-23012662
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Subjects dealt with : Education Scholarship for Children of Battle Causalities.
Ceremonial & Welfare Directorate (CW-5)
AG’s Branch,
IHQ of MoD (Army) 402,
A Wing, Sena Bhawan,
DHQ PO ,
New Delhi –110 011
Telephone 011-23012662
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Subjects dealt with : Rehabilitation training courses for disabled soldiers (Battle Casualties).
. Welfare Complex
IHQ of Mod (Army) 210,
South Block,
DHQ PO,
New Delhi – 110 011
Telephone 011-23375152
Fax 011-23018183
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Subjects dealt with: For release of one time grant of Rs.6,000/- from Welfare Complex and Queries/Clarification thereof. Penury, Education Scholarship for Children of ESM/Widows.
. Army Welfare Education Society
Building No.202,
FDRC Complex
APS Shankar Vihar
Delhi Cantt – 110 010
Director 011-26152642
Fax 011-26151564
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Subjects dealt with: Admission in Professional Courses for Widows/Wards of Battle Casualties.
. Director Man Power (MP-5)
AG’s Branch,
IHQ of MoD (Army) 85,
Second Floor, Wing VII West Block III,
R K Puram,
New Delhi – 110662
Telephone 011-23375475, 26195662
Fax 011-26106329
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Subjects dealt with: Publication of occurrences and submission of various claims relating to officers.
. Army Group Insurance Fund
AG’s Branch,
IHQ of MoD (Army)
Rao Tula Ram Marg,
Post Box No.14
New Delhi – 110 057
Col Coord: 011-26142369
Director Claim – 011-26145709
Exchange 011-26142749,26151031
Asst Director Claims: 011-26142897
Fax – 011-26148471
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Subjects dealt with : Army Group Insurance Benefits.
. Directorate General Resettlement
West Block IV, Wing 1,
RK Puram,
New Delhi – 110 066
Director Employment : 011-26192352
Fax : 011-26192350
Director Self Employment:
011-26192355, Fax: 011-26192356
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Subjects dealt with: Assistance for self employment and resettlement.
. Quarter Master General’s Branch
IHQ of MoD (Army)
438, B Wing,
Sena Bhawan
DHQ PO,
New Delhi – 110 011
Telephone : 011-23375237
011-23375238
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Subjects dealt with: Provision for retention of Government accommodation.
. Army Officers Benevolent Fund (Accts Sec)
AG’s Branch, IHQ of Mod (Army)
279A, South Block
DHQ PO,
New Delhi – 110 011
Tele Fax – 011-23792382
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Subjects dealt with: AOBF grant for NOKs of deceased officers/Disabled IMB/RMB
. Army Welfare Housing Organisation (AWHO)
AG’s Branch, IHQ of MoD (Army)
Kashmir House, Rajaji Marg,
DHQ PO,
New Delhi – 110 011
Secretary AWHO
Telephone – 011-23074202
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Subjects dealt with: Provision of AWHO Flats
. Army Welfare Placement Organisation (AWPO)
Room No.53, West Block III
RK Puram,
New Delhi – 110 066
Telephone – 011-26186075,26100241
Toll Free – 1800-11-9922
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Subjects dealt with: Placement of Veer Naris/Disabled Soldiers in Private Sector and to provide second career to retiring/retired army personal.
. Ex-Servicemen Contributory Health Scheme
Maude Lies,
New Delhi – 110 010
Telephone -011-25683418, 25684846
Telephone -011-26192362
Website: www.dgrindia.com27
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Subjects dealt with : Medical facilities of Veer Naris/ESM
. Additional Directorate General Personnel and Services
ADG PS (PS-5)
AG’s Branch,
IHQ of MoD (Army) 419,
A Wing, Sena Bhawan,
DHQ PO,
New Delhi – 110 011
Telephone -011-23792557
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Subjects dealt with : All matters pertaining to pension.
. PCDA (Pension)
Draupadi Ghat,
Allahabad (UP) – 211014
Telephone – 0532-2622618
0532-2622698,2622699
Fax: 0532-2621549
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Subjects dealt with : All matters pertaining to pension.
. OIC Defence Pension Liaison Cell (DPLC)
HQ MP, C&A Sub Area,
Allahabad(UP) – 211001
Telephone – 0532-229-6219
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Subjects dealt with: Liaison related to pension matter from PCDA(P),Allahabad
. ADG/Personnel and Services
AG’S Branch
IHQ of MoD (Army) 434
A Wing,
Sena Bhawan
DHQ PO,
New Delhi – 110 011
Telephone – 011-23018699 Mil-33334
ADG CW TELE 011-23018108
Dir AG/CW 5 Tele 011-26195662
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. Army Officer’s Benevolent Fund
Ceremonial & Welfare Directorate
Adjutant General’s Branch
Integrated HQ of MoD (Army)
Room No17-B West Block III
RK Puram,
New Delhi 110066
Tele 011-26196217
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Subjects dealt with: Platinum Grant
. AWWA Head Office
Dir (Welfare)/ President ,
AWWA Secretariat 210,
South Block,
IHQ of MoD (Army)
New Delhi – 110011011-23012897,
www.awwa-india.org27, presidentawwa@awwa-india.or
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. Veterans Cell
DDG Veterans Cell
Room No 278, South Block
IHQ of MoD(Army),
NEW DELHI – 110011
Tele: 23010608, 23016798 , 1800 116644
www.armyveteranscell@gmail.com102
Subjects dealt with: To ensure a time bound response to various issues/grievances concerning “Veterans‟, a single window set up has been established under DG (MP & PS)
United Nations, March 10Responding to Islamabad’s bid to raise the Kashmir issue for a second day on Friday at the UN Human Rights Council meeting in Geneva, India denounced Pakistan as a “failed state” where terrorists thrived and Osama Bin Laden received protection, and demanded that it bring the perpetrators of the Mumbai, Pathankot and Uri attacks to justice.“Even as terrorists thrive in Pakistan and roam its streets with impunity, we have heard it lecture about the protection of human rights in India,” Mini Devi Kumam, a Second Secretary at the India’s UN Mission in Geneva, said.“We await credible action by the Government of Pakistan to bring all those involved in the 2008 Mumbai attack and the 2016 Pathankot and Uri attacks to justice,” she said.“The world does not need lessons on democracy and human rights from a country whose own situation is charitably described as a failed state,” she added.Kumam was responding to Tahir Andrabi, Pakistan’s UN Deputy Permanent Representative in Geneva, who earlier on Friday invoked Jawaharlal Nehru to make his case for a plebiscite in Kashmir.Andrabi said that at the heart of the Kashmir problem is the right to self-determination which was conceded by “the first Prime Minister of India, one of the founding fathers of India” and by the UN Security Council through a plebiscite.Kumum said, “Pakistan keeps referring to UN Security Council Resolutions on Jammu and Kashmir. However, it very conveniently forgets its own obligation under these resolutions to first vacate the illegal occupation of Pakistan Occupied Kashmir. It has also blatantly disregarded its other commitments, be it under the 1972 Simla Agreement or Lahore Declaration of February 1999.” Instead, “they continue to support cross-border terrorism in India,” she said.In the Simla Agreement signed by Prime Minister Indira Gandhi and then-Pakistan President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the two countries agreed that the Kashmir issue is a bilateral issue that had to be resolved without third-party involvement.The Lahore Declaration by Prime Ministers Atal Bihari Vajpayee and Nawaz Sharif commits the two nations to avoid a nuclear arms race.“It is extraordinary that the state which protected Osama Bin Laden and sheltered Mullah Omar should have the gumption to play the victim,” she said.In “gross violation” of a Council, the UN-designated terrorists like Hafiz Mohammed Saeed are “freely operating with state support, and the UN-designated entities are being politically mainstreamed in Pakistan,” she added.Andrabi also accused India of “crimes against humanity” in Kashmir and of escalating ceasefire violations along the line of control and the border with his country as a diversionary tactic.On Thursday, he said the Office of the Human Rights Commissioner “must not falter in documenting human rights abuses by India and recognise that root of the problem is illegal occupation of Jammu and Kashmir”.But “the real problem in the state of Jammu and Kashmir is terrorism, which has constantly received sustenance from Pakistan and territories under its control,” Kumam said in reply. “We urge the Council to call on Pakistan to end cross-border infiltration; to dismantle special terrorist zones, safe havens and sanctuaries.” “Terrorism is the grossest violation of human rights,” Kumam added.She listed the various human rights violations against the minorities in Pakistan and demanded remedies for them.She said there should be “procedural and institutional safeguards to prevent misuse of blasphemy law; to end forced conversions and marriages of minorities, including Hindu, Sikh and Christian women, to prosecute all such cases; to stop targeting political dissidents and legitimate criticism in Sindh, Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa; to stop torture, enforced disappearances and unlawful killing; including that of journalists and activists by its security agencies and prosecute all perpetrators; to stop sectarian violence, systemic persecution and attacks on Muslim minorities, such as Shias, Ahmadiyas, Ismailia and Hazaras.” IANS
NEWDELHI: Indian Air force (IAF) Stations and other vital installations in Punjab are once again on the radar of Pakistan-based militant groups, according to fresh inputs received by central intelligence agencies that are especially significant in the context of a statement issued by the Jaish-e-Mohammad (JeM) militant outfit vowing to avenge the killings of 13 militants that took place during three counter-insurgency operations in south Kashmir this week. Four civilians and three army men also died.
HT FILE■ Punjab has seen some major fidayeen attacks in recent years, including one at the Pathankot airbase, resulting in a fourday gun battle, and eight people, including one civilian, being killed.According to a document shared with central and state security agencies, three separate inputs have been received in the last three months that indicate Pakistan-based militant outfits have”shown interest in gathering information” about Sri Guru Ravi Dass ji airport in Amritsar and the Raja Sansi Air Force station, also in Amritsar.
A separate and older document , sent to the agencies in January, states that operatives of the Laskhar-e-Taiba and JeM could smuggle “military hardware into India through Punjab’s Gurdaspur district to execute terrorist attacks”. Hindustan Times has seen the documents.
Punjab has seen some major fidayeen attacks in recent years. In 2015, a police station in Gurdaspur was attacked resulting in the killing of four policemen and three civilians. The following year an ever bigger attack was carried out in January at the Pathankot airbase, resulting in a four-day gun battle, and eight people, including one civilian, being killed.
A senior CRPF official said on condition of anonymity that the force is doing its “best to be prepared for any intrusion.”
Director general of Jammu and Kashmir police SP Vaid said he wasn’t aware of intelligence regarding Punjab but confirmed the Jaish statement.
Internal security expert Ajai Sahni believes that unless JeM actually executes or attempts to carry out an attack, the statement should be seen as a “political move”.
“After the encounters in Shopian there have been many statements of condemnation issues by various groups and individuals including the Pakistani Prime Minister. JeM statement too is one among the many,” he said.
Arun Joshi
Afghan President Ashraf Ghani’s talks offer to the Taliban to bring about a negotiated settlement in his trouble-torn country is a typical paradox of pragmatism and compulsion. The problem in Afghanistan is that the government is not in control of more than 56 per cent of its territory, and the Pakistan-backed Taliban cannot take Kabul. It is very difficult to find the middle ground, but optimists are looking for a bright spot in the initiative.The outcome of the talks, if held at all — so far the Taliban has not responded, will depend much on Pakistan. This time around Pakistan has a reason to welcome the talks for three reasons. One, it wants to avert getting blacklisted by Finance Action Task Force, as it already is set to figure in its “grey list” from June. Second, it wants to mend its ties with the Trump administration that doesn’t trust it. Third, it wants to maintain peace and order on its border with Afghanistan to fulfil its obligations to China that has invested $56 billion in the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor.But, Pakistan is unable to shake off its frozen mindset that has invested in terrorism to have strategic depth in Afghanistan. It will never allow its leverage to go unless pushed to the wall but what no one can change is the strategic geographical location that it enjoys. Had it not been the transit route for the American troops and supplies to the landlocked Afghanistan, the international community would have declared it enabler and incubator of terrorism long ago.It is for Pakistan to make the Taliban talk. Its intent would be tested soon. India will have to watch each and every move on this front very carefully, while mounting a high-pitched diplomatic offensive to ensure that Pakistan doesn’t dictate its agenda in Afghan talks through the Taliban. India needs to take care of its interests in Afghanistan for Pakistan has targeted these in Kabul and elsewhere through the Taliban. The international community may think that the dismantling of the Haqqani network and making the Taliban behave form sufficient grounds to look at Pakistan in a positive way. But unless Pakistan dismantles all terror networks, including the Jaish-e-Mohammad and Lashkar-e-Toiba, and stops exporting terrorism to India, particularly in J&K, it should not be let off the hook. Even if peace is restored in Afghanistan, the stability will not dawn in South Asia. For overall peace in the region where Pakistan often threatens to use its nuclear weapons against India, Islamabad must eliminate all sources and promotion of terrorism. Kashmir is bleeding because of the terrorism emanating from Pakistani soil. It has invested a lot in the misinformation campaign through the social media and other communication channels that it will take years to bring J&K back on the path of normalcy. At the moment because of Pakistan’s continuation with its pro-terrorism policy in Kashmir, as it is doing in Kabul, the return of normalcy appears to be a difficult goal to accomplish.India and Pakistan must hold talks and resolve their issues. However, Delhi should not be expected to pay a premium on the Pakistan-sponsored terrorism. This should be made clear to the world community and to the loud-mouthed politicians within the country. Pakistan should be made to take back its terror machines not only from Afghanistan but also from India, particularly J&K. Pakistan continues to provide “safe haven and sanctuaries to terrorists”. That is the real threat to the peace in region. With regard to India, it justifies its terror and murderous campaign by claiming that the “unresolved” Kashmir issue is at the root of the conflict. That is what makes it justify terrorists unleashing atrocities on the innocent.The problem needs to be dealt with in a holistic manner, Afghan-centric measures will not help in obtaining peace and order in South Asia. Kabul initiative is just half a step.